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by Copyright Juliet Kathryn Cadenhead 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Juliet Kathryn Cadenhead Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: The Tripartite Self: Gender, Identity, and Power Committee: William Moore, Jr., Supervisor Lisa Cary Norvell Northcutt Margot Perez-Greene John E. Roueche The Tripartite Self: Gender, Identity, and Power by Juliet Kathryn Cadenhead, B.A., M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin May, 2004 Dedication To Jerry; To my Dissertation Committee for their unwavering support and love; To Block 57 who never let me quit; and To Dr. Jerry Sue Thornton who is one of the most amazing women I have ever met. When the student is ready, the teacher will appear. - Unknown Acknowledgements I have been blessed to have had so much loving help and support during my doctoral and dissertation process. My deepest gratitude and appreciation to everyone who helped make this challenge possible: To those who have crossed over , but continue to guide and comfort me, especially my grandmother, Juliet Lorraine Ellis Crockett, thank you for my freedom and your unconditional love. Also to my grandfather, Orville Crockett, who taught me how to tie my shoes and showed me how fidelity and commitment really work. To the wonderfully strong and inspiring women who always told me I could do this and sacrificed many things to make my dream a reality. Their courage in the face of their own personal challenges kept reminding me that this was not such a hard thing to do. To the wonderful women and men who gave their time so willingly to participate in this study. I respect and admire who you are, what you have done, and what you continue to do for women and men in community colleges and beyond. To Dr. William Moore, Jr., my dissertation supervisor, without whose wisdom, patience, and encouragement I would almost certainly be disillusioned. Thank you for being so accessible, knowledgeable, and for believing in me. v To Dr. John E. Roueche, for his willingness to fight for me from the very beginning, his unwavering reassurance, and all of the extra effort he spent on my behalf to ensure I had access to the best people and opportunities possible. To Dr. Norvell Northcutt for his brilliance in developing a methodology that brought qualitative research to life, and his excellent teaching skills that made complex concepts understandable. To Dr. Lisa Cary, for her passionate belief in students and learning. Her dedication to race, class, sexual orientation, gender, and ism s in general provided the much needed sustenance that made my studies complete. She inspired me to continue exploring injustices in the world. You have made such an impact on my life, thank you. To Dr. Margot Perez-Greene for her insightful comments along the journey and for the camaraderie that she showed me during my internship. To the hardworking, under-appreciated, community college women and men who selflessly participated in this study and who trod this path before me and were kind enough to warn me about the potholes and encourage me over the hills and through the valleys. And last, but in no way least, to Gerald Harrison who continues to so freely give me his love and support. Without his companionship this project would not have come to fruition. Thank you for your stalwart presence and the joy you bring to my life. vi The Tripartite Self: Gender, Identity, and Power Publication No._____________ Juliet Kathryn Cadenhead, Ph.D. The University of Texas at Austin, 2004 Supervisor: William Moore, Jr. Historical patterns of gender discrimination have dominated the sphere of access of groups of individuals to higher education. For hundreds of years, white heterosexual men have enjoyed the luxury of continuing education that was frequently the hallmark of how they saw and identified themselves. Similarly, most educational studies of have used white heterosexual males as subjects. It is important for women to be able to identify and evaluate their own personal characteristics and the patriarchal system for whence they evolved. The study was conducted to increase awareness of the stories and perspectives of female leaders in the community college; what constitutes women and men s identity and vii how those definitions affect leadership. Small inroads have started to be carved out for women, particularly in the community college environment. The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the stories and perspectives community college women and men had to tell regarding their definitions of identity, a comparison of how this definition was similar and different between women and men, and finally, how those different meanings relate to leadership. Using a Constructivist/Interpretivist theoretical framework, where all knowledge is socially constructed, the women and men selected participated in focus groups and interviews giving rich narratives as they relate to leadership identity. The findings of this study suggested that community college women and men faced gender variations and that these factors played a large role in how women and men defined their identity. Personal definitions of identity also differed between women and men and the similarities and differences between the two groups were used to examine leadership style. Recommendations to assist and expedite the advancement of women and men recognizing and honoring their unique range of diversity were discussed. viii Table of Contents List of Tables........................................................................................................ xiv List of Figures ....................................................................................................... xv List of Illustrations .............................................................................................xviii Chapter One: Introduction...................................................................................... 1 Statement of the Problem ............................................................................... 4 Purpose of the Study ...................................................................................... 8 Research Questions ........................................................................................ 9 Organization of the Study ............................................................................ 10 Theoretical Perspective ................................................................................ 11 Definition of Terms ...................................................................................... 16 Hypothesis & Assumptions .......................................................................... 19 Research Design........................................................................................... 19 Study Limitations ......................................................................................... 21 Significance of the Study ............................................................................. 23 Chapter Two: Literature Review.......................................................................... 27 Introduction .................................................................................................. 27 Life History .................................................................................................. 34 Feminist Theory ........................................................................................... 38 Hegemony .................................................................................................... 44 Power............................................................................................................ 47 Gender .......................................................................................................... 53 Race ............................................................................................................ 69 Class ...89 Leadership versus Management ................................................................... 97 Identity Brief .............................................................................................. 116 ix Identity Models .......................................................................................... 127 Identity Politics .......................................................................................... 139 Power and Identity ..................................................................................... 145 Summary .................................................................................................... 153 Chapter Three: Methodology ............................................................................. 155 Introduction ................................................................................................ 155 Qualitative Research .................................................................................. 157 Life History ................................................................................................ 165 Context ....................................................................................................... 167 Positionality................................................................................................ 173 Sample Size ................................................................................................ 176 Participants ................................................................................................. 179 Interactive Qualitative Analysis ................................................................. 181 Focus Groups..................................................................................... 187 Affinity Re-naming and Re-vision.................................................... 192 Identifying Relationships Among Factors......................................... 192 Constructing the Group Interrelationship Diagram (IRD) ................ 193 Interrelationship Diagram (IRD) ....................................................... 194 Constructing an Interview Protocol................................................... 196 Use the Affinities as the Topical Skeleton of the Interview .... 196 Describe the Two Sections of an IQA Interview ..................... 197 Axial Deductive Coding ... 197 Theoretical Inductive Coding ... 198 Interviews .......................................................................................... 199 Typical Interview Setting ......................................................... 199 Typical Interview Procedure .................................................... 199 Data Analysis ........................................................................... 201 Interview Analysis ... 201 Axial Coding 202 Theoretical Coding .. 202 Summarizing and Tabulating Theoretical Codes .203 x Constructing a SID from the Interview Data for a Single Interview.......................................................................... 204 Constructing a SID from the Composite Interview Data ......... 205 Composite Affinity Descriptions . 206 Pareto Protocol .207 Summary .................................................................................................... 207 Chapter Four: Findings....................................................................................... 209 Introduction ................................................................................................ 209 Demographics............................................................................................. 210 Axial Coding Summary.............................................................................. 212 Men s Affinity Descriptions....................................................................... 212 Character/Personal Qualities ............................................................. 212 Planning............................................................................................. 220 Formal Power .................................................................................... 229 Money................................................................................................ 238 Respect .............................................................................................. 244 Relationships ..................................................................................... 252 Sources of Power............................................................................... 262 Prestige .............................................................................................. 272 Use of Power ..................................................................................... 280 Influence............................................................................................ 290 Women s Affinity Descriptions ................................................................. 296 Character/Personal Qualities ............................................................. 296 Frame of Reference ........................................................................... 310 Double Standard................................................................................ 321 Goal Oriented .................................................................................... 332 Skills.................................................................................................. 338 Vision ................................................................................................ 351 Perseverance...................................................................................... 360 Personal Comfort & Health............................................................... 372 xi Appearance........................................................................................ 381 Collaboration..................................................................................... 393 Summary .................................................................................................... 401 Chapter Five: Implications ................................................................................. 402 Introduction ................................................................................................ 402 Affinity Relationship Table........................................................................ 404 Summary of Research Results.................................................................... 404 Pareto Protocol Frequency Charts.............................................................. 405 Men s Interrelationship Diagram ............................................................... 414 Men s Relationship Descriptions ............................................................... 417 Men s System Influence Diagram.............................................................. 436 Cluttered SID..................................................................................... 436 Uncluttered SID................................................................................. 438 Tour of the System For Male Community College Leaders ............. 439 Men s Feedback Loops and Zooming............................................... 441 Male Community College Leaders System Summary..................... 442 Women s Interrelationship Diagram.......................................................... 442 Women s Interrelationship Diagram.......................................................... 443 Women s Relationship Descriptions.......................................................... 445 Women s System Influence Diagram ........................................................ 463 Cluttered SID..................................................................................... 463 Tour of the System For Female Community College Leaders.......... 465 Feedback Loops and Zooming .......................................................... 468 Female Community College Leaders System Summary .......................... 468 Analytical Sidebar: The Nature of Spinning .............................................. 470 System Comparisons .................................................................................. 473 MEN . ..476 WOMEN ........................................................................................... 489 What Does It All Mean?............................................................................. 505 xii GENDER........................................................................................... 510 IDENTITY ........................................................................................ 514 POWER ............................................................................................. 516 Conclusion.................................................................................................. 524 Bibliography........................................................................................................ 528 Vita. ..591 xiii List of Tables Table 3.01: Example of a Focus Group Interrelationship Diagram (IRD).......... 194 Table 3.02: Example of an Axial Code Table ..................................................... 202 Table 3.03: Example of a Theoretical Code Table.............................................. 203 Table 3.04: Sample Pareto Protocol ................................................................... 207 Table 5.01 Male Leaders Pareto Protocol Frequency Chart ............................. 405 Table 5.02 Women Leaders Pareto Protocol Frequency Chart.......................... 408 Table 5.03: Men s Composite Interview Affinity Relationship Table................ 412 Table 5.04: Women s Composite Interview Affinity Relationship Table .......... 413 Table 5.05: Men s Composite Interview Tabular IRD ....................................... 415 Table 5.06: Men s Composite Interview Sorted IRD ......................................... 416 Table 5.07: Women s Composite Interview Tabular IRD .................................. 443 Table 5.08: Women s Composite Interview Sorted IRD .................................... 444 xiv List of Figures Figure 5.01: Male Community College Leaders Cluttered SID ........................ 437 Figure 5.02: Male Community College Leaders Uncluttered SID .................... 438 Figure 5.03: Male Community College Leaders Theoretical Summary SID...... 439 Figure 5.04: Female Community College Leaders Cluttered SID..................... 464 Figure 5.05: Female Community College Leaders Uncluttered SID................. 465 Figure 5.06: Female Community College Leaders Theoretical Summary SID .. 466 xv List of Illustrations Illustration 3.01 ................................................................................................... 183 Illustration 3.02: Example of an Uncluttered System Influence Diagram (SID) 205 Illustration 5.01 Men s Character/Personal Qualities ......................................... 418 Illustration 5.02: Men s Planning........................................................................ 421 Illustration 5.03: Respect..................................................................................... 424 Illustration 5.04: Relationships ........................................................................... 426 Illustration 5.05: Sources of Power ..................................................................... 428 Illustration 5.06: Formal Power .......................................................................... 430 Illustration 5.07: Use of Power ........................................................................... 432 Illustration 5.08: Money...................................................................................... 434 Illustration 5.09: Influence .................................................................................. 436 Illustration 5.10: Women s Character/Personal Qualities................................... 446 Illustration 5.11: Frame of Reference ................................................................. 448 Illustration 5.12: Vision....................................................................................... 450 Illustration 5.13: Goal Oriented .......................................................................... 452 Illustration 5.14: Personal Comfort and Health .................................................. 454 Illustration 5.15: Double Standard ...................................................................... 455 Illustration 5.16: Perseverance ............................................................................ 457 Illustration 5.17: Skills ........................................................................................ 459 Illustration 5.18: Appearance .............................................................................. 460 Illustration 5.19: Collaboration ........................................................................... 462 Illustration 5.20: Men s Final SID ...................................................................... 506 Illustration 5.21: Women s Final SID ................................................................. 507 Illustration 5.22: Three-Way Feedback Loop ..................................................... 508 Illustration 5.23: Three-Way Feedback Loop with Men s and Women s SIDs.. 509 xvi Chapter One: Introduction Do not wish to be anything but what you are and try to be that perfectly. - St. Francis de Sales This study was based on three feminist conceptual frameworks with five research questions: (1) To investigate the meaning of identity systems for women and men community college employees, (2) How these systems compare based on the social construction of gender? (3) What were the power systems for women and men community college employees? (4) How did these systems compare? and (5) What connections existed between identity and power systems and how did these connections compare for women and men community college employees? This study addressed a gap in the literature about gendered differences and how they interacted with power and identity to influence leadership. The purpose of this study was to draw upon feminist conceptual frameworks to highlight how socially constructed notions of masculinity and femininity affected power and identity within the American community college. Analysis of how women s, minorities, and class-based structures related to history explained the nature of female subordination, the causes for women s cooperation in the process of their subjugation, conditions for opposition to it, and how gendered differences affected power and identity for community college employees (Lerner, 1986; Marshall, 1994; Smith, 1975). 1 While the report was limited to education, the author of this paper hoped that what was learned about women and men community college leaders would inform and enlarge our understanding of power and identity. The personal recollections and stories of the women and men interviewed provided significant illustrations of gendered differences around power and identity that were collective and diverse in nature (Cadenhead, 2001a). While power and identity were examined on a multitude of levels and ranks, it was the practice, attitudes, beliefs, values, and paths taken that the author of this paper was interested in. The passion, vision, and personal commitment that each community college employee exemplified were evident as they contributed to the formulation of a unique perspective on power and identity (Cadenhead, 2001a). They reminded the author of this paper that identity systems such as life history, identity politics, perspectives, and the like shaped by power dynamics involved a diversity of effective strategies and risks (Cadenhead, 2001a; Wharton, 1997). This study raised particular questions about power and identity as they were manifested in community college employees. For example, why was the examination of community college leaders and their gendered differences in terms of power and identity important? How did telling their individual stories and perspectives illustrate that women and men s life histories were unique and could be identified? Many people perceived power as formal leadership but not all displays of power necessarily led to such preconceived or conventional notions. 2 Not all people who worked in the community college wanted to be leaders. For many, the idea of power had too many unpleasant connotations of imposed power, arrogance, political wrangling, and domination for it to be a role employees might wish to wholeheartedly embrace (Wisker, 1996). The author proposed that, despite the general preponderance of community college leaders who were male existed, that women had increasingly positive alternatives for assuming leadership roles as old patriarchal systems so ingrained within higher education cultures became loosened (Brown, 2000; AAUP, 2001; ACE, 1988; ACE, 1993; ACE, 1994; ACE, 2001a; ACE, 2001b; ACE, 2002). Furthermore, female community college leaders had as unique and distinct a story to tell as that of their male counterparts. Both genders expressed their definition of identity and how that definition affected their sphere of power. Equally as important was the need for a multicultural perspective within leadership curriculum that needed to reflect an awareness and acknowledgement of race, class, ethnicity, and gender (Brown, Martinez, & Daniel, 2002). Programs needed to reflect new scholarship about women and minorities and how patriarchal systems of White, largely male dominated systems of power still define graduate leadership programs (Brown et al. 2002). Clarification and the widening of leadership definitions and roles, compared to unique yet thematic explanations of identity, not only increased the appreciation of what constituted power, but provided an increased understanding of future implications for 3 community college leadership (Cadenhead, 2001a; Manzo, 1996b; Townsend & Bassoppo-Moyo, 1997). Yet, community colleges contained a particular climate and that atmosphere made for a context that had its own meaning making system (Vaughan, 1980). Employees received and delivered information in that environment that supported and reinforced not only a culture of the social construction of knowledge under a hierarchical framework, but identity formation as well (Whisnant, 1990). For example, Van Maanen (1998) remarked, Meanings are not permanently embedded by an author in the text at the moment of creation. They are woven from the symbolic capacity of a piece of writing and the social context of its reception (p. 25). Hence, the author of this paper recognized that the results of this study could not be the same for other community colleges or their employees at different points in time and space. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM It has been said that community colleges were facing a leadership crisis (Duncan, 1988; Kirkland & Ratcliff, 1994; Roueche, Baker, & Rose, 1988; Young & McLeod, 2001). The author of this paper has concluded there was indeed a crisis and that it could have been at least partially based on the unexamined life. Another way to state this idea was to say that most Americans had either not scrutinized their own psychosocial and distinguishing character or personality, which was their identity, or they found themselves having a vague 4 awareness of their fundamental self but could not articulate what that meant to someone else. Schopflin (2001) commented that identities were anchored around a set of moral propositions that regulated values such as right from wrong and the desirable from the undesirable. Human beings have taken refuge in their personal and collective identities when asked to face and resolve fears and obstacles (Schopflin, 2001). Which begged the question: how can a leader be effective without the self-knowledge that was the foundation of his or her identity? According to Cejda, McKenney, & Fuller (2001), Fisher (1984), Kelly (2002), Kerr (1984), and Wright (1997a) massive numbers of higher education employees will be retiring over the next ten years. This actuality would result in a potential shortage of leadership candidates who had a firm grasp of their personal identities and who could embrace and own the collective identity of their institution (Witherspoon, 1997). According to Amey, VanDerLinden, & Brown (2002) developing a new generation of community college leaders would be imperative if colleges were going to be successful in an increasingly complex environment (p. 574). For example, dwindling resources; falling enrollments; aging faculty and senior administrators; lower student skills, greater education and training demands from business and industry, more competition and demands for accountability were some of the most influential issues facing community college leaders as they continued to prepare to enter the twenty-first century (Anderson, 1997; Campbell & Peek, 2002; Cejda et al. 2001; Kuhles, 2002). The 5 result could be the continued existence of seemingly overwhelming problems combined with a whole new host of opportunities and threats. War, disease, famine, and natural catastrophes have perhaps been the deepest threat to human existence (Schopflin, 2001; Toffler, 1990). Yet a lack of moral propositions that regulated values and behaviors where identity construction involved ideas about what was good and bad and acceptable versus inappropriate had also threatened the future leadership of community colleges (Schopflin, 2001; Travis, 1995). For example, not only have community colleges confronted a lack of strong presidential candidates but changing demographics, severe budget cut-backs, under-prepared and first generation students, lack of access and more, pale in comparison to the search for competent leadership. The conclusion that the failure to find capable and effective leadership was more important than the other challenges that community colleges faced was based on the idea that without competent leadership issues such as escalating financial worries could not be successfully addressed. Restated this has not meant that issues of paramount consideration for the success of community colleges have not been important nor that competent leadership has not existed but more that the exploration for and discovery of qualified, dedicated, loyal, and committed people who can lead the community college into the next century have been few. Moreover, one must have an idea of what the sphere of their power and identity was before one could effectively lead. 6 There have not been definitive leadership traits or characteristics identified that have determined the preclusion of one from being a leader or that ensured particular behaviors or moral beliefs would guarantee leadership success. Yet, certainly without some specific and agreed upon criteria one could not be called an effective leader or could explain what constituted the realm of their power and identity (Duncan, 1988; Woods & Cortada, 2000). In Consilience: The Unity of Knowledge, Wilson (1998) stated that consilience was based on a metaphysical worldview shared only by a few that cannot be proved with logic from first principles or grounded in any definitive set of empirical tests, at least not by any conceived yet (p. 9). Defining power and identity has been much like defining the term consilience. For example, Wilson (1998) wrote, [consilience] is best tested by its effectiveness [in the world and by] the value of understanding the human condition with a higher degree of certainty (p. 9). The unity of knowledge has been based on the natural sciences merging with the social sciences combined with the creative arts. It has been essentially a coming together of knowledge across disciplines where domains fuse in a radically altered form (Cain, 1999). Similarly, power and identity joined together in an interdisciplinary study of behaviors, traits, characteristics, self-conceptions, esteem, and a myriad of other conditions which existed to compel people to follow the guidance and goals promoted by another (Hammons & Keller, 1990). Schopflin (2001) stated, 7 Identities are threatened by the expansion of our interests into the non-material sphere and as people have struggled to deal with the unknown for the very continued existence of humanity so too must they forge ahead in search of who they are so that they may lead more effectively and compassionately (p. 1). The challenge of integrating a plethora of interdisciplinary subjects into practical and efficient forms of identity determination and power demonstrations could not be underestimated. The author emphasized that power could not be stable, effective, competent, and informed without a firm grasp of personal identity. Effective leadership has always been based on a clear understanding of what was often an inexplicable set of circumstances, opportunities, knowledge, culture, experience, people skills, integration, and communication unlike the design of most educational institutions, which compartmentalized and segregated one department and discipline from another. PURPOSE OF THE STUDY The purpose of this study was to draw upon feminist conceptual frameworks to understand socially constructed notions of masculinity and femininity and how those affected power and identity within the American community college. Therefore, the research objectives were to: (1) Investigate the meaning of identity systems for women and men community college leaders, (2) How did these systems compare based on the social construction of gender? 8 (3) What were the power systems for women and men community college leaders? (4) How did these systems compare? and (5) What connections existed between identity and power systems and how did these connections compare for women and men community college leaders? The author of this paper attempted to answer the above questions based on feminist theory, life history, discourse on power, the role of hegemony, and the theoretical examination of race, gender, and class. The target population included faculty development professionals, campus administrators, faculty, students, and consumers of education. Next, were the study s specific research questions. RESEARCH QUESTIONS Arising from the statement of the problem and to address the study s purpose, the following questions were examined in this gender-based study: 1. What were the identity systems for women and men community college leaders? 2. How did these systems compare based on the social construction of knowledge? 3. What were the power systems for women and men community college leaders? 4. How did these systems compare? 5. What connections existed between identity and power systems, and how did these connections compare for women and men community college leaders? 9 The purpose of this study was to draw upon feminist conceptual frameworks to understand how socially constructed notions of masculinity and femininity affected power and identity within the American community college. ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY This study was designed to collect knowledge about how community college women and men defined identity systems, how those systems compared, how community college women and men thought of power systems, how those systems compared, what connections existed between identity and power systems, and how those connections compared for women and men community college employees. The intent of this research was to produce a gendered study that provided specific data on the theories behind identity and power systems and how those compared for women and men community college leaders. It was assumed by the researcher that women and men were the best identifiers of their characteristics and personalities that were contextually specific and could not be generalized to others in similar situations, at certain points in time, or at specific institutions of higher education. As an involved participant in the research process, the author of this paper made her subjectivity clear to the reader in an attempt to caution interested parties that objectivity was impossible (Crotty, 1998). Hence, this study was organized to unveil each participant s socially constructed knowledge about identity and power and place the researcher within the frame of reference for the analysis (Beck, 2003; Lather, 1986). 10 Chapter One introduced the following sections: statement of the problem and the purpose, the research questions, the organization of the study, the theoretical perspective, definition of the terms, hypothesis, research design, study limitations, and significance of the study. Chapter Two presented the literature through a feminist lens regarding women s and men s definitions of systems of identity and power, comparisons between the two systems, what constituted life history, the role of hegemony, feminist theory, and race and class issues. Chapter Three described the research methodology and how focus groups and interviews were analyzed using Interactive Qualitative Analysis (IQA) to produce diagrams of the relationships produced by the data. Findings concerning how community college women and men defined their identity and power were presented in Chapter Four. Chapter Five presented a discussion of the data analysis, it s relevance to the literature, and to current criteria levels of the effective uses of power and identity for community college women and men. In addition, Chapter V suggested gaps in the theoretical literature of community college research about power and identity systems and how those compared for community college women and men from socially constructed notions of masculinity and femininity through a Constructivist/Interpretivist positionality. THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE The author of this paper used a Constructivist/Interpretivist (C/I) theoretical perspective where all knowledge was socially constructed (Crotty, 11 1998). The intent was to integrate a qualitative investigation with theoretical analysis. The author of this paper chose this positionality because interpretivism emerged in contradistinction to positivism in an attempt to understand and explain human social reality (Crotty, 1998). Mertens (1998) stated, constructivist researchers go one step further by rejecting the notion that there is an objective reality (p. 11). In fact, not only did many feminist theorists acknowledge the important role of intuition in research but most C/I researchers did as well (Janesick, 1998). According to Janesick (1998) if the researcher had the ability to use all of his or her senses, such as sight, touch, hearing, smell, and taste, then they must all be used in the interpretation and collection of data. Total immersion and commitment to one s study demanded that one s whole being be invested in the research. Guba & Lincoln (1985a; 1985b) commented that within the C/I paradigm there were multiple constructed realities. According to Blumer (1969) and Crotty (1998) the interpretative approach looked for culturally derived and historically situated interpretations of the social life-world. Merriam (1998) noted, Qualitative researchers are interested in understanding the meaning people have constructed, that is, how they make sense of their world and the experiences they have in the world (p. 6). Symbolic interactionism deals directly with issues such as language, communication, interrelationships and community (Crotty, 1998, p. 8). 12 In addition, Crotty (1998) remarked that when operating from the C/I paradigm researchers entered the world of perceptions, beliefs, values, and attitudes of the community they were engaged with they, [became] persons in the process (p. 8). Mertens (1998) took Crotty s (1998) statement a step further when he stated, Values permeate every paradigm that has been proposed or might be proposed, for paradigms are human constructions [values determine] the choice of interpretations to be made and conclusions to be drawn (p. 22). Cresswell (1998) and Merriam (1998) were in concurrence when he commented that the researcher was the main tool for the collection of data, interpretation, and analysis. Constructivism s ontology represented multiple realities where the perception of reality changed over the course of the study (Crotty, 1998). According to Cary (2002) these realities were available in apprehendable, intangible mental constructions. Epistemologically, the C/I worldview was transactional and subjectivist where there was an interactive process between the researcher and the participant(s) (Crotty, 1998). Meaning was constructed and created through this interaction (Crotty, 1998). The interactionist research that the author of this paper chose was based on negotiated-order theory where societal arrangements and procedures were considered to be constantly reworked by those who lived and worked within them (Crotty, 1998). Social reality 13 coalesced around consensus with agreed upon ways of being and knowing (Cary, 2002). The author of this paper looked at some of the assumptions behind traditional academic knowledge making (Belenky, Clinchy, Goldberger, & Tarule, 1986). The theoretical analysis that this raised was the connection between community colleges and class interests, patriarchy, and race (Lindemann, no date available). It attempted to locate individual and collective struggle and action in relation to larger economic and social forces (Townsend & LaPaglia, 2000). Within the walls of academia there were gendered ways of knowing, they included: an objective, detached, and neutral academic way of understanding (characteristically posed as masculine attributes) and a detailed, subjective and emotional way of knowing (characteristically posed as feminine attributes) (Malina & Maslin-Prothero, 1998; Roman, 1993). Some female academics tried to work towards an integration of the two ways of knowing while simultaneously retaining a sense of personal identity (Davies, Lubelska, and Quinn, 1994; Edwards, 1998, p. viii). The author of this paper revealed that the interviews conducted showed the contradictions that were managed and the frustrations, joys, and pleasures of women s fragmented lives. Invariably, as a researcher who had insider and outsider status, there were numerous ethical challenges the author of this paper addressed. Criteria for the 14 C/I paradigm faced such moral dilemmas as establishing trust, credibility, ownership of data, and making assumptions about groups, transferability, and confirmability. As an insider, the author of this paper dealt with such issues as confidentiality, reflexivity, culture, gender, race, class, studying up versus studying down, the tendency toward deficit thinking, and the responsibility of raising the consciousness of particular groups and the implications for those participants the researcher left behind. For the C/I researcher, ethics was important to the inquiry in that it was considered intrinsic to the process and the author of this paper revealed her intent to uncover and improve existing constructions. The author of this paper s C/I paradigm assumed an ontological position that conflicted with other social realities and changed with more informed constructors (Cary, 2002). Finally, the C/I paradigm provided an outlet for the study of history as it pertained to gender relations and how they evolved from familial development and the creation of private property. The issues stemmed from the relationships between subjects and an oppressive social structure. Both emphasized the strain between production and reproduction as theoretical approaches and that social structures and knowledge were socially constructed and thus open to contestation and change (Weiler, 1988, p. 4). It became less important to name specific individuals and more significant to examine what was known about gender, leadership, and identity. The researcher placed them in time and place and 15 investigated the possible impact each of these issues had on community college employees lives and work (Lipkin, 1999). It is really not possible to analyze [gender, identity, and leadership] without reference to the economic, political, and cultural matrix within which it is embedded. It would be more accurate to say, perhaps, that in modern society we have an idea of [gender, identity, and leadership] as specific concepts, but we cannot in actual fact understand it without contextualizing it What people want, and what they do, in any society, is to a large extent what they are made to want, and allowed to do (Caplan, 1987, p. 24). Because traditional educational theory has taken the current arrangement of society as given, not changeable in any serious way, and desirable, this study had two overriding goals (Weiler, 1988). One was to document the lives of community college women and men in terms of power and identity; the other was theoretical and contributed to the ongoing debate about gendered differences in education under such systems as patriarchy, racism, and capitalism (Weiler, 1988). Next, a definition of terms was provided. DEFINITION OF TERMS Universities with Graduate Programs any public or private institution of higher education, which offered masters and/or degrees. Academy a high school or college in which special subjects or skills were taught; higher education<the functions of modern society>; a society of learned persons organized to advance art, science, or literature; a body of 16 established opinion in a particular field widely accepted as authoritative (Webster s Dictionary, 1979). Academe a place of instruction: school; the academic life, community, or the world. Administrators - Persons employed in senior level positions within the American community college (also known as directors, assistant deans, division heads, managers, deans, and officers) who had the power and competence to plan, organize, control, and evaluate the actions of subordinates within an educational setting. For the purposes of this study, senior administrators were differentiated from chief executive officers. Agency as in a person s capacity to act or the condition or state of one s acting or exerting power. Constructivist/Interpretivist a research paradigm that considers all knowledge to be socially constructed. Meaning is not an inherent part of an object but instead gain meaning when consciousness reveals itself with them. Cosmology A branch of metaphysics that deals with the universe as an orderly system. Epistemology answers the question how do we know, what we know? ; the study of knowledge embedded in the theoretical perspective and thereby in the methodology (Crotty, 1998, p. 3). Hegemony dominance or influence over another (Apple, 1990). 17 Identity - The psychosocial and distinguishing character or personality of an employee in the American community college system. Leader Any person who influences another whether in education or the private sector. The essential feature in defining what made a leader was to, for example, note that faculty influence other faculty and students; chairs affect their departments, deans their colleges, graduate students their colleagues, and the like. For the purposes of this paper, a leader not only demonstrated the competency to direct and motivate employees toward specific goals, but also possessed the skill to translate intention into reality. Leadership a process by which group members were empowered to work together synergistically toward a common goal or vision that created change, transform institutions, and thus improved the quality of life. The leader a catalytic force was someone who, by virtue of his or her position, empowered others toward the collective action in accomplishing the goal or vision (Astin and Leland, 1991). Institution of Higher Education any public or private college/university offering an Associate, Bachelor s, or Graduate degree. Ontology answers the question, what is? ; the study of being branch of philosophy known as metaphysics. Praxis Self-creative activity through which we make the world Bottomore, 1983 as cited in Lather, 1991, p, 11); The requirements of praxis are 18 theory both relevant to the world and nurtured by actions it (Lather, 1991, p. 1112). Voice Both the literal and metaphorical usage of women s experiences of disconnect, detachment, and strong bonds of interaction that exist in a patriarchal society where women are frequently marginalized, devalued, and silenced (Beck, 2003 as cited in Belenky, et al., 1986). HYPOTHESIS & ASSUMPTIONS No hypothesis has been offered in this study, but the researcher did examine the literature based on the following assumptions: First, research in the field was empirically valid and the author of this paper was honest and comprehensive in her portrayal of leadership and identity. Second, leaders in American community colleges faced similar leadership and identity problems. In particular, administrators exhibited certain leadership behaviors that have consistently been found among effective American community college leaders and can be identified. Finally, a leader must know what forms and influence their power systems had and what their identity was before they could lead competently. RESEARCH DESIGN The author of this paper used a qualitative, dialectic, methodological approach with ethnographic elements. Interactive Qualitative Analysis (IQA) was the primary methodology used and it involved such methods as focus groups, 19 interviews, story-telling, comparative analysis, narratives, and corroboration (Cary, 2002; Denzin & Lincoln, 1994; Guba & Lincoln, 1985a; Guba & Lincoln, 1985b; Guba & Lincoln, 1998; Janesick, 1998; Northcutt & McCoy, 2003). In Zou & Trueba s (2002) book Ethnography and Schools, Wolcott (2002) did not believe that educators could do ethnographic study justice. Wolcott (2002) stated, there have been whisperings in the corridors over the years that ethnography was never the same once educators got hold of it (p. 41). Fuller (1999) stated that qualitative research assumed that flexibility must be present in seeking to understand some phenomenon means using one approach, the other, or both depending on both the phenomenon understudy and the research question being asked (p. 241). Qualitative research required suppleness and a wide variety of methods in order to obtain the richest and most complex results. The phenomenological form of theory was substantive-formal with types of narration that included interpretive case studies and meaning making within context (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994). The author of this paper used Van Maanen s (1998) realist tale where the researcher attempted to use a third-party narrative in an attempt to provide a detached but observant posture. Having focused on the minute details of the everyday life of those being observed provided the researcher with the authenticity of the events in the lives of those observed (Van Maanen, 1998). The author of this paper s strategic plan of action was based on 20 IQA methodology, heuristic inquiry, and action research. This research design shaped her choice and use of particular methods (Crotty, 1998). The author of this paper believed possibilities for new meanings emerged when researchers, participants, academicians, students, and the like laid aside prevailing understandings of social reality. Crotty (1998) stated, This requires us to place our usual understandings in abeyance and have a fresh look at things (p. 80). This phenomenological study was meant to help identify, understand, describe, and maintain the subjects experiences by saying no the meaning of the system bequeathed to [them] (Crotty, 1998, p. 78). A propensity for possibility made the reporting of participants experiences the most likely to reveal what actually occurred. STUDY LIMITATIONS There were several limitations in this study. Not only could the replication of findings not be duplicated but also the paper reflected the perspective of the author. Researcher bias inescapably seeped into any research effort. This paper was not intended to be all-inclusive, exhaustive, or define all power or identity systems for community college women and men. The reader should approach this paper about identity and power with caution. This study was an overview that provided general information about identity politics, perspectives, beliefs, attitudes, and values and systems of power. 21 The author acknowledged that there were differences between models of identity development based on race, ethnicity, gender, class, and a plethora of other isms but for the purposes of this study the concepts of identity and power were not used according to all traditional forms of psychoanalytic thought. This was a gendered study, which examined systems of power within the American community college and how issues of hegemony, feminist theory, race and class affected community college women and men (Fong & Furito, 2001). The following discussion was meant to provide an explanation of what constituted identity and power systems within the American community college using a feminist lens on race and class distinctions. assumptions explicated during the study. (1) A description of academy was used in the same sense as defined in the definition of terms. (2) A description of academe was used in the same sense as defined in the definition of terms. (3) A description of academy did not have different elements with differing types of workplaces than used in the definition of terms. (4) A description of academe was not changed nor did it have different elements with differing types of workplaces. (5) The participants were a representation of female administrators, faculty, staff, and graduate students in education and the private sector. Next, were the researchers 22 In the following section the author of this paper speculated on the significance of the problem. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY The findings of this study will have methodological, theoretical, and practical significance for research as it contributes to the study of power and identity for community college women and men. It provided new data on the relationship between identity and power systems and how those systems compared. It also provided information on the role of hegemony, life history, feminist theory, race, class, and the stories and perspectives of women and men who worked in education and in the private sector. It has been discovered that generally speaking, community college women and men once did not deal with theoretical constructs. In many instances, they seemed to reject theory entirely instead choosing to focus on pragmatic issues on a practitioner level. Instead, much of the work of community colleges was based on teaching and service. Community college discourse has tended to have a managerial focus and it was at this level that the biggest discrepancies could be seen between the literature and behavior of community college employees and that of women and men in four-year research institutions (Hammons, 1990). Much of the work of four-year institutions was built on research and theorizing. It was important to note however that there were always exceptions since not all four-year institutions main emphasis was built on research and theorizing. The 23 author of this study hoped to contribute to community college discourse by bringing theory to the practitioner s table. In addition, according to Apple (1975) because schools have tended to have a perspective that was based on the positivist ideal it was important for the author of this paper to analyze power and identity through a different paradigm. The scientific work of data collection and knowledge transmission has been linked to standards of validity and was examined through empirical verification with no outside influences, either personal or political (Apple, 1975, p. 101). Hence, community colleges, and other branches of schooling, have used views of right and wrong to exercise theoretical frameworks of power in ways that controlled schooling (Apple, 1975). The political and personal examination of what was considered right and wrong in community college discourse was usually absent. Apple (1975) believed that what was needed were rebellious subgroups that challenged seemingly objective discourse of education. Revolts by subgroups who argued against the scientific tradition were frequently alienated from the main body of current goals, policies, knowledge, discussion and research because of the fragmentation and quarrelling that ensued between the traditionalists and the insurgent (Apple, 1975, p. 104). Upsetting the status quo of the traditional body of community college discourse was one of the goals of this study. 24 Through using the ideological dimensions of IQA, the data gathered from this study provided the rich descriptive narrative supplied by graduate students who were often leaders in their home institutions. The information also illuminated a clearer understanding of what constituted effective leadership as shaped by identity and power. If educators were in agreement that schools of all sorts were sources of power and individual identity then Apple s (1975) comments seemed apropos. According to Apple (1975), [There] is probably little doubt that the [community colleges] were a choke transmission belt for the traditional rather than the innovative, much less the radical (p. 97). Sometimes, while doing the research for this study, it became apparent that power had negative and positive features. But one thing was clear; the catalyst for those in power to those who identified as powerless seemed to be based on perceived notions of liberation and oppression. From the focus groups and interviews, certain conclusions were drawn about the relationship between community college women and men s identity and power and how that shaped their leadership style within the community college environment. From the exploration of the practices of women and men, as they built their careers in institutions of higher education, information emerged that may or may not have been formed by their identity and the degree of power they felt they wielded. The experiences of women and men community college employees were compared for connection and divergence, which illustrated how 25 identity and power shaped both masculine and feminine and individually unique leadership styles and strategies. This data was of significant use for educators as they moved further into the twenty-first century. According to Amey et al. (2000) women were more strongly represented in graduate leadership programs than in the mid-80s, which seemed positive for increasing leadership diversity yet, the advancement of women into presidencies was not yet the same as their male counterparts (p. 586). Hence, the findings of this study suggested to community college women and men a possible way to enhance strategies for finding and utilizing better prepared candidates for community college leadership. As the need for effective leadership became increasingly important for retirement reasons and swelling financial and global tensions the community college needed to find more customized and appropriately relevant leadership. Theoretical comparisons and new research opportunities based on power and identity as gendered differences were examined as mechanisms for increased understanding of the complex nature of socially constructed knowledge and how these dynamics play out as reality in the business of higher education and on occasion the private sector. In the next section a review of the literature was provided. 26 Chapter Two: Literature Review Those who would take over the earth And shape it to their will Never, I notice, succeed. - Lao Tzu (1944). INTRODUCTION The purpose of this study was to determine how social constructions of masculinity and femininity and identity development affect American community college leadership. Therefore, the research objectives were to: (1) Investigate and examine what the identity systems for women and men community college employees were, (2) How these systems compared? (3) What were the power systems for women and men community college employees? (4) How did these systems compare? and (5) What connections existed between power and identity systems and how did these connections compare for women and men community college employees? The target population included faculty development professionals, campus administrators, faculty, students, and consumers of education. In the United States the community college movement resulted in the remarkable growth of new and expanded two-year colleges (Baker, 1994; Dougherty, 1994; Rippey, 1987; Roueche, Taber, & Roueche, 1995; Spring, 1997; Twombly & Amey, 1994; Underwood, 1999; Whitlow, 1999). According to Underwood (1999) in 1916, there were 74 two-year colleges in the United 27 States and by 1960 there were 677 community colleges. Community college growth reached its peak during the 1960s when, on average, two new two-year colleges opened each week (Barton, 2001; de la Garza, 2001; Harris, 2002; Klein, 2001; Moore, 2000, 2001a, 2001b; Phelps, 2000, 2001, 2002; Roe, 1989; Roueche, 2001, 2002; Roueche & Baker, 1987; Roueche & Roueche, 1993; Thornton, 2001). According to Whitlow (1999) and Dougherty (1994) in 1961 there were 405 public community colleges in the United States and by 1977 that number had grown to 1,030. By 1988, 1,224 two-year colleges enrolled 5 million credit students with another 4 million students enrolled in noncredit, adult, and continuing education programs (Underwood, 1999, p. 39). By 1991, enrollments exceeded 5.6 million credit students (Commission, 1988; Underwood, 1999). Although there has been much discussion in and out of the academe about the nature of power and identity, there has been a conspicuous lack of research on the approaches administrators have used in community colleges (Amey & Twombly, 1999; Bradley, Carey, & Whitaker, 1989; Delworth, 1983; Giannini, 2001; Gillett-Karam, 2001 & 1991; Jablonski, 1996; McCartan, 1983; McFarlin, 1999; Stephenson, 2001; Sullivan, 2001 & 1999; Tedrow & Rhoads, 1999; Tsunoda, 2001; Wen, 1999). According to Bornstein (2002) the college presidency was an all-encompassing role calling for the president to act as moral educator, academic innovator, captain of erudition, educational reformer, and 28 politician (p. 17). Selman (1990) similarly concurred that community college presidents had to be fund raisers, politicians, soothsayers, and problem solvers (p. 23). However, for community college students there have been ongoing debates about the images they see reflected, or not, in the mirroring of their institutional leaders (Gleazer, 1973; Tatum, 2000; Tatum, Calhoun, Brown, & Ayvazian, 2000). This issue has generated such questions as have community college employees recognized and owned their personal identities so that students and the community were able to find themselves in those that represented them (Tatum, 2000; Tatum, Calhoun et al. 2000)? Representation comes with an enormous amount of power and according to Amey, VanDerLinden, & Brown (2000) the question Can community colleges, with their diverse missions and constituencies, afford to maintain narrow definitions of [power]? was particularly relevant (p. 574). In this paper, systems of power and identity were explored and compared for community college women and men (Tedrow & Rhoads, 1999). Since more women have enrolled in community college leadership programs than men, it follows that more college presidents will be women (Chliwniak, 1997; Evelyn, 2002; Gillett-Karam, 2001; Stephenson, 2001). Yet, while teaching was still associated as a female profession, university and community college work have been male domains (Kemp, 2001; Twombly, 1993b). But, researchers such as Belenky, Clinchy, Goldberger, & Tarule (1986); 29 Chliwniak (1997), Gilligan (1982); Helgesen (1995); and Tannen (1990) have identified that women have a voice all their own and when their power via their voices was expressed through their roles as leaders it revealed a connected, flatter, horizontal, inclusionary model (Cadenhead, 2001a, 2001b; UNESCO, 1998; Walton, 1987). Typically, powerful men have identified with a linear, controlbased, authoritative position (Lacey, Saleh, & Gorman, 1998). According to Lerner (1986) much of male domination stemmed from the development of patriarchy. The establishment of patriarchy was not an event but instead was a process, which developed over a period of 2500 years, from approximately 3100 to 600 B.C (Lerner, 1986). Much of the difference between women and men according to Sullivan (1999) was attributed to the idea that socially constructed female gender roles and dominant viewpoints have affected the evolution of women s second-class status as academics (Hebl, 1995). It was important to note however that in no way has the author of this study subscribed to the convenient labels of stereotypically gendered roles for males or females since one could always find exceptions. Socially constructed notions of gender existed on a continuum rather than as a polarity of strictly male or strictly female. It was dangerous to identify female demonstrations of power as essentializing or to punish women who were seen as too masculine in their style (Beck, 2003). Some women displayed what have been deemed masculine traits while some men showed feminine 30 characteristics. For example, when Dr. Tessa Pollack became president of Glendale Community College she enraged faculty members for her unilateral, autocratic management style, the kind of power usually associated with males (President, 1997). In addition, President Deborah Floyd of Fairmont State College was fired for a multitude of reasons including accusations of being too autocratic and lacking leadership skills (Tuckwiller, 2000, p. 6A). This usversus-them mentality forced comparisons between which style of power was better and reinforced the idea that one style contrasted against another should take precedence. Dualistic thinking encouraged the judging of women s exercise of power weighed against the dominant discourse of male power often served to institutionalize notions that women s style was less valuable. However, when speaking in generalities about misconceptions and stereotypes of certain at-risk populations there has been a tendency to speak from a macro perspective that has used meta-normative examples of socially prescribed gender roles. For example, it was important to note that not all women used their power in an organic, feminine nature since according to Cadenhead (2001a, 2001b) some women displayed a marked tendency to prefer power that was based on male-associated closed styles (Bower, 1994; Colwill & Townsend, 1999; Exley, 1985; Harragan, 1977; Hill & Ragland, 1995). Furthermore, there were examples of men who used their power based on collaborative, participatory styles of leadership, 31 traditionally associated with women s leadership styles (Hoyle, 2002). For example, President Joseph N. Hankin of Westchester Community College was recognized not only for his dedication in improving and expanding women sbased programs such as Project Transition which helped displaced homemakers and programs for women who wanted to be business owners, but also for his collaborative work with female senior citizens, children, and the Department of Labor s Women s Bureau (Hankin, 2000). Hankin (2000) remarked Don t tell your daughter to marry a doctor or a lawyer, tell her to be one (p. 26). Research on such subjects as power, style and gender, according to Gardner (1990) and Solomon (1985) have produced conflicting results. Gardner (1990) credited researchers at the Center for Creative Leadership (1987) for finding little support for the proposition that there are substantial differences between men s and women s leadership styles (Gardner, 1990, p. 179). Both men and women used dominance, confidence, understanding, and humanitarianism when exercising their power (Collard, 2001; Gabriel & Gardner, 1999; Gardner, 1990). Gardner (1990) stated, Women have diverse leadership styles, as do men, and in my judgment there are plenty of women capable of filling leadership roles in whatever style the culture requires (p. 180). Yet, statistics showed that despite the small and incremental gains women professionals have made that eight out of ten working women in the United States were restricted to the same job categories of the Fifties (Hankin, 2000). 32 Similar to Gardner s (1990) premise that small if any differences existed between men s and women s demonstrations of power was Smith & Smits (1994) and Weiner & Kallos (2000) claim. Both sets of researchers stated that there has been a feminization of power whereby female and male employers did not differ significantly in personal characteristics or personnel practices. Challenges to the linking of rationality to masculinity and the irrationality of emotion to women began to emerge (Beck, 2003). They saw the potential for a new model of power and identity that was neither masculine nor feminine, but instead was better suited to managing diverse workforces. Smith & Smits (1994) advocated a synergistic model that maximized employees collective strengths and avoided individual weaknesses. Yet, there remained a debate as to which approach male and female presidents felt most comfortable using and what was most effective (Cadenhead, 2001a, 2001b; Roueche, Johnson, & Roueche, 1997; Solomon & Solomon, 1993). According to Getskow (1996), Howard-Hamilton & Ferguson (1998), and Rosener (1990) women leaders who have broken the glass ceiling did not necessarily come from the command-and-control management style so frequently associated with males. Rosener (1990) found that men tended to demonstrate their power by using a transactional leadership style while women tended to prefer transformational forms of power. Some of the components of transformational power included encouraging participation, sharing power, and information, enhancing the self-worth of others, and 33 energizing others (Clark, 2002; Conrad, 2002; Culverhouse, 2002; Getskow, 1996; Howard-Hamilton & Ferguson, 1998; Lane, 2002; Rosener, 1990). Many of the women interviewed said the behaviors and beliefs that underlie their leadership style came naturally to them which Rosener (1990) attributed to two things: women s socialization patterns and the career paths they chose. This controversy between nature and nurture begged for further inquiry. In the next section life history as a method will be examined. LIFE HISTORY The author of this study drew upon a number of theories in the literature review. For example, Cary (1999), de Beauvoir (1989), Freire (1973), hooks (2000a, 2000b), Lather (1986, 1991, 2000), and Tong (1989) were some of the theorists referred to in Chapter Two. On occasion there were moments of floating between epistemological paradigms when that seemed appropriate. While the bulk of this study was based on a constructivist/interpretivist paradigm the literature review incorporated aspects of the critical/emancipatory and the postmodern. The intention was to examine the literature from a number of perspectives and a variety of theorists. According to Cary (1999), Goodson (1998) addressed matters in life history research and its uses and abuses. Such issues included the romanticization of voice , such as that which Belenky et al. (1986) referred to, and the decontextualized life histories of interviewees. Part of problematizing the method 34 of life histories was to de-romanticize the idealization of participants stories by recognizing that their stories were brief glimpses into the complex and varied life histories of the subjects (Cary, 1999). In many ways, researchers gave themselves license to authorize the fictions of their participants (Cary, 1999). Such authoritative stances needed to be disrupted and complicated in order to reduce the ever-present reality, and impossible avoidance, of a crisis of representation and erroneous situated knowledge (Cary, 1999). Among researchers it was a widely accepted belief that by contexualizing life histories they could better get at the truth (Cary, 1999; Schein, 1992). But this process gave researcher the prerogative to selectively present specific and isolated events that could never tell the full story (Cary, 1999). It was the creation of pieces of a self that were assumed to be parts of a whole (Cary, 1999). The life history method did not necessarily reveal victory narratives although Western narrative standards rewarded a redemptive story (Cary, 1999, p. 414). It was not the goal to tell the participants stories through a redemptive lens. Victory narratives can never claim universal truth or represent participants stories accurately or in their totality. The attempt to tell the participants stories truthfully was one of the challenges of working in this method. Interviewees were authors of their own story creating fiction or myth based on selective memory of the events, what was said, what was left out, and what seemed memorable or trivial to the subject (Cary, 1999). Marginalized 35 subjects, by virtue of their power in owning and telling the story, used hidden spaces as places to resist dominant discourse (Cary, 1999). Even in silence subjects hold power. In the absence of communication was the power of knowing and failure to share. Whether conscious or unintentional silence represented a place of superiority or control over and within the spaces of patriarchal culture. Through choices made about the disclosure of information or what was withheld often revealed what subjects considered their personal truth. Yet, as researchers discovered conducting life histories provided vital, rich data that contextualized the study. Researchers could not afford to completely ignore or passively accept a participant s story as truth or fiction but instead had to examine representation, situated knowledge, and voice in telling the story. Through a cyclical process of repeated interrogation a researcher analyzed the hidden knowledge that served to frame the truth (Cary, 1999, p. 419). According to Cary (1999) researchers forget to frame knowledge and identity in the life history equation. Scenarios and recollections of participant s life histories unveiled multiple selves in multiple locations (Cary, 1999, p. 414). The researcher almost always assumed a position of knowing without contextualizing the role, how the positionality of knowledge affected the story and how identity came to be. The ivory tower of academic elitism was revealed in taking personal life histories and presenting them as professional research methods (Cary, 1999, p. 414). Cary (1999) remarked that by adopting a 36 poststructuralist feminist perspective she could operate within and against life history as a method. In this study the author used feminist theory, hegemony, power, and identity to analyze the strengths and limitations not only of the methods but of the discoveries that the data revealed as well. In an attempt to question the foundational assumptions of this research the author of this paper employed a constructivist/interpretivist feminist perspective to enable [her] to move beyond a totalizing rejection of the method to find a space from which to work within and against the limits and possibilities of life history (Cary, 1999, p. 413). Lather (1991) asserted that postmodern discourse was a way of tearing down compartmentalization and totality. Presenting emergent discoveries and conflicting moments as meta-normative and fixed was what the author of this paper hoped to avoid (Lather, 1991). The challenge was to build new frameworks as conditional, dynamic, situated, and as half-truths (Lather, 1991). Because the study of history has traditionally ignored the representation of certain oppressed groups the intent of this study was to try and as accurately as possible present the voices that have been typically overlooked (Mertens, 1998). Yet, the author of this paper was also cognizant that it was problematic whenever a researcher attempted to convey a research participant s voice. When researchers decontextualized life history and interpreted stories that were already edited and changed by the narrator only a modicum of accuracy of events could be expected. And this did not even begin to 37 address doing life histories with subjects whose native language was not English. Translation from one language to another, as in Menchu s (1984) book, was illustrative of how much data, information, and meaning can be lost when retelling a story. Who had power and what was the truth became issues of paramount importance when conducting life histories. FEMINIST THEORY Feminist theory originated and evolved out of women s consciousness raising groups (Bricker-Jenkins & Hooyman, 1983). Central to the focus of consciousness-raising groups were critical analysis and discourse about sexism, strategies for fighting patriarchal systems, and speculation about new forms of interacting (Fonow & Cook, 1991; hooks, 2000a; Luke, 1996; Spencer & Bradford, 1982). Word of mouth, newsletters, fliers, pamphlets, and the like were used to spread the message about sexism and virtually all of the early production of these forms of communication were written and controlled by women (hooks, 2000a). According to hooks (2000a) everything people did was rooted in hooks (2000a) and Luker (1984) explained that whether theory (p. 19). consciousness played a role in having a certain stance on life or on taking specific action that underlying both possibilities was a system that shaped beliefs, values, attitudes, and actions. After the creation of Black studies, women s studies classes and women s history, feminist theory gained a forum for further exploration and dissemination 38 (Freedman, 2003; hooks, 2000a). Black studies paved the way for examining racial bias which helped open the door for the study of dual oppressions (hooks, 2000a). When White middle class women took notice of gender discrimination they had a template for constructing feminist theory. Unfortunately, much of the scholarly thought on power has been dominated either by White male discourse or by women s separatist literature (Beck, 2003). Both forms have essentialized women and men. Separatism tended to mythicize and alienate whereas, according to Freire s (1970) critical stance radicalization it claimed to liberate (p. 21). Through sectarianism it s very dialectic nature tended to place women s separatist literature in a reactionary mode thereby indelibly falling into the process of responding to dominant discourse (Freire, 1970). Academic scholarship and literary writing by women who had historically been silenced brought new awareness to issues of sexism (Forrest & Hotelling, 1984). Feminism gained momentum and was legitimized by virtue of its position in educational institutions (hooks, 2000a). When feminist scholars began identifying gender bias in higher education curricula, more women friendly documents appeared and gained notice (hooks, 2000a). Yet, many of these papers homogenized the community of women and led to the social mobility of White middle-class women at the expense of women of color, disabled women, lesbians, and the like (Beck, 2003; Takaki, 2003). In time, feminists noticed and 39 acknowledged the racial and class divisions that existed in the women s movement. We want to express to all women especially to white middleclass women the experiences which divide us as feminists; we want to examine incidents of intolerance, prejudice and denial of differences with the feminist movement (Moraga & Anzald a, 1981, p.xxiii). Many of those feminists who were committed to ending sexism worked to recognize racial and class differences between women s experience of sexism while still maintaining that living under patriarchy affected women of all color and in various economic spheres. According to Twombly (1993a) one could only imagine why there was so little community college literature that dealt with issues of gender, race, and class. Twombly (1993a) believed two explanations were the reason. First, Twombly (1993a) speculated it was because White, middle-class women recognized their mistake in ignoring women of color and social class. This could have been indicative of the lag in community college literature between when academic interdisciplinary scholarship was written and when the spotlight focused on race, class, and gender. Twombly s (1993a) second explanation for the lack of attention given to race, class, and gender was based on the rarity of minorities, women of color and class levels of people in positions who had access to contributing to community college literature. Many dually oppressed women simply were not afforded the luxury of involvement in academic research, writing 40 and bringing their own experience to bear (Stephenson, 2001; Twombly, 1993a). However, regardless of the reasons the lack of focus on race, glass, and gender was unconscionable and inexcusable (Twombly, 1993a). Feminist theory was used in this study to explain socially constructed notions of gender (Lather, 1991). Patriarchal proclivities for dualism and polarization called for a feminist perspective that would shape and work within and against dominant male constructs of gender-based oppression (Lather, 1991). Feminism was about women and men gaining equal rights (hooks, 2000a, 2000b). Hooks (2000a, 2000b) rallied that feminism was, a movement to end sexism, sexist exploitation, and oppression (p. viii). Feminism was not male-bashing or anti-male in nature. Rather, feminism s basic premise was that women and men have been socialized since childhood to accept sexist thought and action (Hooks, 2000a, 2000b). Not as obvious as women s oppression via patriarchy was the similar tyranny of men by a system that exploited and coerced both genders to adhere to forms of subjugation. For men idyllic conceptions of what constituted the male role have propagandized masculine dictates of properly prescribed behaviors (Ruth, 1990; Sapiro, 1999). In Western culture some of the major themes deemed acceptable for men have included the rejection of everything feminine such as vulnerability, close friendships, and timidity (Ruth, 1990; Sapiro, 1999). According to Ruth (1990) proper behavior expectations for men were such things 41 as aggressiveness, rugged individualism, self-control, and physical strength. But under patriarchy men have been victimized by gender roles as much as women. For example, deviations from gender roles and qualities of individuality penalize men for not meeting societal and personal definitions of what being man meant (Ruth, 1990; Sapiro, 1999). The author of this study would be remiss if she did not also point out that women under patriarchy were forced to propagate antithetical conceptions to masculinity, namely their role in reinforcing their own victimization. By adopting ideas about women as asexual, morally virginal, and unattainable they have coopted in their own subjugation. It was virtually impossible for men to live under expected dominant roles without women willingly assuming feminine socialization. The absence of political power for women cannot completely exonerate them from their secondary status. Lerner (1986) stated that part of women s cooperation in maintaining institutionalized patriarchy was based on women s sexual subordination where such things as force, economic dependency on the male head of the family, and class privileges bestowed upon conforming and dependent women of the upper classes played pivotal roles in subjugation (p. 8). This attitude was not intended to blame the victim for their Other status but without acknowledging the responsibility of both genders under the patriarchal system blame would lay solely on men absolving women from accountability. 42 Still it was true that white men benefited the most from patriarchy. hooks (2000a, 2000b) remarked that in a patriarchal society men were taught to dominate and control women. For example, even in the late eighteenth century the law gave husbands authority over their wives as property. The wife s labor and their children all belonged to the husband (Lebsock, 1985). The husband s dominance over his wife in regard to the law were reinforced by the unequal economic system (Lebsock, 1985). Many males objectified and oppressed women and used violence if necessary to keep patriarchy alive (hooks, 2000a). Large numbers of men feared women and loathed their roles as oppressors but were also afraid to release their hold on a superior positionality (hooks, 2000a, 2000b). Not understanding what women and feminists wanted many men chose instead to operate as patriarchs and support thoughts and actions of oppression (hooks, 2000a). Yet, as Lather (1991) remarked, feminist theory production, mistakenly assumed to speak for all women. Eventually, feminist discourse was interrupted by those women who felt left out of the theory such as lesbians and women of color (Lather, 1991). Unable to find themselves in essentialist feminist theory women of color usually identified with their race or ethnicity first which many found took precedence over gender as a necessity for survival (Lather, 1991). And since much of the women s movement has been a class-based one, as well as a racially hierarchical structure, the task of constructing feminist theory has 43 served as hegemonic dominance by White middle-class women (hooks, 2000b). hooks (2000b) remarked that this caused women of color and poor women to see the development of feminist theory as another attempt at control and domination. Such notions reinforced the belief that theory, academia, and higher education were venues for White privileged individuals. HEGEMONY According to Apple (1990) education was not neutral (p. 1). Similarly, Lather (1991) agreed that inquiry was value-laden where knowing [was] culture-bound and perspectival (p. 2). A culture s ideology consisted of the stories that a society told about itself (Lather, 1991). The stories were based on an ideology that presumed people lived in a society where material and cultural aspects were determinant factors. Related to Lather s (1991) premise was the concept of situated knowledge. According to Apple (1990), situating knowledge meant that educators placed the knowledge that they teach, the social relations that dominate classrooms, the school as a mechanism of cultural and economic preservation and distribution, and finally the people who work in these institutions, back into the context in which they all reside (p. 3). The educational institution itself, its particular forms of knowledge, and the educator were the three components of relating that together and apart made-up how knowledge was situated (Apple, 1990; Morley, 2000). In an unequal society each of these things 44 was subject to interpretation and reinterpretation (Apple, 1990; Greenleaf, 1977; Ogbu, 1978). Apple (1990) cautioned, however, that the hegemonic challenge was not to interpret in a way that was deterministic. Infrequently there was a one-to-one correlation between economics and consciousness but this dynamic was too simplistic (Apple, 1990). Instead, it was the complex structural relationship between culture and economics that determined how institutions, knowledge, and educators used hegemony as a form of domination in an unequal society (Apple, 1990). The struggle was to find ways to interrupt the hegemonic relations and structural fixations that tell us what are work is to be and [what] to do (Lather, 1991, p. 1). Ambivalence and skepticism reflected healthy inquiry into hegemonic relations and discourse and must have been continually deconstructed if any semblance of truth was to be revealed. Whether educators were conscious of it or not they were participants in a political act whereby they transmitted manifest and latent or coded reflections of the structuring of knowledge and their inseparableness from their own educational behavior and of the institutions with which they were connected (Apple, 1990, p. 1). Apple (1990), Greenleaf (1977), and Roueche, Roueche, & Milliron (1995) commented that when examining the relationships between overt and covert knowledge, how particular kinds of knowledge were chosen, 45 organized, and transmitted, and the mechanisms schools have had in place for evaluation, the study of the role of hegemony became paramount. Social and cultural control within society was determined by the structuring of knowledge in educational institutions (Apple, 1990). It was the selection of symbols and of certain forms of knowledge chosen by schools and educators in a direct dialectical relationship to meta-normative, conscious forms of thought reproduction that conspired to duplicitously reproduce thought forms and various divisions of societal class (Apple, 1990). This was how hegemony acted to saturate our very consciousness, so that the educational, economic and social world we saw and interacted with, and the commonsense interpretations we put on it, became the world tout court, the only world (Apple, 1990, p. 5). Hegemony was an organized combination of practices and meanings assembled into a centralized and dominant system of accepted actions, values, and beliefs that were considered fundamental to living (Apple, 1990, p. 5). Apple (1990) cited Raymond Williams discussion of hegemony when he wrote that [hegemony] was in essence reality. It was the unquestioned set of assumptions, thoughts, actions, and behaviors that shaped peoples expectations and when carried out acted in a reciprocally confirming manner (p. 5). Furthermore, it was the educational institutions, which were the main preservers and distributors of the dominant economic and cultural transmission of knowledge (Apple, 1990; Neumann & Bensimon, 1990). 46 POWER According to Dahl (1968) and Greenleaf (1977) the United States, which was a complex, institution-centered society, there were various sorts, levels, and concentrations of power. Some power was overt, open, and acknowledged while other forms of power were insidious and hard to uncover (Dahl, 1968; Greenleaf, 1977). For example, according to Guti rrez (1991) the main premise of his study on marriage and power from 1500 to 1846 in New Mexico was how marriage structured inequality of power. Guti rrez (1991) stated that the notion of romantic love in Colonial New Mexico was considered an independent and subversive act. Antithetical to the status concerns of the family within the tribal society love relationships dishonored authority relations (Guti rrez, 1991). The sexual passion ignited by love was believed to blind the woman and men from their kinship responsibilities and were viewed as selfish in nature (Guti rrez, 1991). The easiest way for parents to control romantic relationships based on love was through arranged marriages while the women and men was still infants (Guti rrez, 1991). Once adulthood was reached, the decision had been made regarding partners and love as a reason for marriage was not acted upon. A second example could be seen in Jacobs (1987) book where at various occasion she had felt powerless and at other times when she seized it. Living under White patriarchy and slavery Jacobs found ways to prevent her master from raping her, arranged for her children s freedom from him, and hid and finally 47 escaped to freedom herself. But other slaves, like Alice in Butler s (1979) Unable to get away from the patrols, Kindred, could not escape notice. maundering groups of White men who maintained order among slaves, the patrols chased Alice as tried to escape and ripped the blanket that had been covering her naked body from her (Butler, 1979). One of the men disdainfully remarked, What do you think you ve got that we haven t seen before? Seen more and better (Butler, 1979, p. 36). Both Alice and Jacobs (1987) experienced the double oppression of both sexism and racism. Similarly was Brown s (1972) account of Columbus discovery of American Indians. After claiming that the Indians were so peaceable sweet and gentle Columbus not only enforced that Indians adopt Spanish ways but he looted and burned villages, kidnapped women and children and shipped them to Europe to sold as slaves (Brown, 1972, p. 2). Furthermore, another instance of power was seen in the case of the Virginia Indians where women s work included building houses, making furniture, and tending crops (Morgan, 1975). One of the most egalitarian societies was to be found among hunting/gathering tribes where economic interdependency was assured (Lerner, 1986). In fact, women not only provided more than 60 percent of the total food acquisitions but also participated in actively hunting animals (Weiler, 1988). According to Morgan (1975) virtually any activity labeled as work was left to the women since they were the principle means of production in Indian Virginia. This was not meant to imply that women 48 were a part of the tribal decision-making process but clearly they had economic and structural power. According to Fowler (2000) poststructuralists, such as Foucault, believed that power so permeated every human activity that truth itself was determined by it (p. 26). Foucault noted that power was exhibited in social discourse about sex as largely molded by experts in such fields as medicine [and] psychiatry, which tend to be present in dominator-dominated relations regarded as metanormative (Eisler, 1995, p. 197). Postmodernists like Foucault, Habermas, and Derrida made important contributions regarding the social construction of knowledge and how truth and power differentials were inherent in both (Eisler, 1995). Fowler (2000) defined power for educational institutions using Muth s statement that power was the ability of an actor to affect the behavior of another actor (p. 27). Later, Fowler (2000) said the ability to exercise power depends on possessing appropriate resources, such as money, social status, and information (p. 27). Despite the plethora of definitions of power, one thing was certain, power penetrated educational institutions and the people that were involved with them (Haskell, 1996). According to Ruth (1990) power could be seen in the arrangements of most institutions. For example, schools as one of the quintessential models for male and female stratification could be seen as demonstrating to students and society at large the imbalance of masculine power. Women served in the 49 classrooms, the exterior offices, and on the front lines where they were accessible and tangible (Ruth, 1990). Hidden behind closed doors and tucked away in state educational agencies men frequently acted as principals, superintendents, and other authoritative positions. Female teachers often relate to male principals in similar ways as nurses do to doctors, secretaries to bosses, and pilots to stewardesses (Ruth, 1990). In elementary and high school the boys are usually separated from the girls in sitting arrangements, on the playground, and in subject disciplines. These arrangements communicated to students who had power and who were relegated to the margins in ways that were easily detectable. According to Ward (1988) similar masculine-feminine dichotomies could be seen during the Civil War era. Certain women during the war period were put in positions where they assumed more masculinist behaviors and attitudes. She had fought like a man to endure like a woman, to accept, not to writhe and rebel (Ward, 1988, p. 143). In short, these definitions implied the ability to influence others. French & Raven (1959) asserted that power was both positional (contingent on the individual s position within the organization) and personal (rests within the individual). Blau & Scott (1962), Balderston (1974), and Baldridge (1972) stated there were two forms of power: informal and formal. Both were the result of the rational-legal chain of command and the informal 50 levels which existed in the community college movement (Anderson, 1997; Weber, 1969). According to Blau & Scott (1962) both informal and formal power were always present in organizations. Informal authority was one of the means by which power was distributed in an organization (Blau & Scott, 1962). Informal structure was rooted in the formal, in that it included norms of behavior that were often brought about as a result of established structures or procedures. Formal authority, according to Morgan (1997), was a form of legitimized power (p. 172). It was power that was respected and acknowledged by those surrounding the person holding it. For example, Aristotle believed that men occupied the highest-ranking position in the realm of animate existence and that women, slaves and artisans occupied the lowest ranks (Dewey, 1916, p. 252). Another Aristotlian metaphor assumed that women were incomplete and damaged as a given and that they were of an entirely different order than men (Lerner, 1986, p. 10). When people recognized that a person had formal authority they were not only willing to follow the directions given by that party but to also empower him/her to make decisions for them (Morgan, 1997). It was important to note that no matter what type of power was used there must be interested parties involved that made power an issue (Coser, 1956). For example, Machiavelli s (1981) The Prince linked power not just to hierarchies but also to actions of manipulation, exploitation, and coercion (Fennell, 1999; Jinkins & 51 Jinkins, 1998). Ideas such as the ends justifying the means were examples of using and misusing others in disturbing ways. According to Alvermann (1999) interested parties included gender, race, and class as hierarchical forms of power. The concept of power used in this study was based on gender, race, class, what constituted knowledge, its dissemination, and methodology (Grant, 1999; Marshall, 2000). Dealings between males and females, Blacks and Whites, the rich and poor, the researcher and the researched, and the student and the teacher were often seen as power relationships (Gaventa, 1980). Power struggles between various groups at a micro level spilled over into larger public arenas and influenced how one interest group treated another, sometimes throughout history (Grant, 1999). For example, according to Popkewitz (1999), ethnography used power in particular ways. Schools had power, not just by virtue of their hierarchical position as educational institutions hovering over administration, faculty, staff, and students but also as owners, purveyors and disseminators of knowledge (Blase, 1991). According to Popkewitz (1999) if individuals or groups could identify who had power and who perpetuated inequities than it became possible to reverse the distribution of power so that other groups could also participate. Freire (1970) rallied that it is the great historical task of the oppressed to try and liberate themselves. Any attempt by the dominant to try and free the oppressed could be seen as nothing less than false generosity (Freire, 1970). Interestingly, however, 52 was Freire s (1970) notion regarding the oppressed becoming the oppressor. Herein lies the paradox. In the early stages of liberating the oppressed, sections of the oppressed identify most with the model of the dominant culture (Freire, 1970). Yet, because both the oppressor and the oppressed were dehumanized liberation could only come from those whom were oppressed (Freire, 1970). In order for the oppressed and the oppressor to become fully humanized liberation must come from the former (Freire, 1970). Likewise, in life histories the power of the researcher and the researched were frequently blurred. The researcher as the interpreter and teller of the participant s story had the power to misinterpret and misrepresent the participant s life history. Equally as possible was the closest possible telling by the researcher of what the participant stated occurred but this retelling of life history could never be completely duplicated. Furthermore, the participant usurped power the moment the researcher inquired about the interviewees past. Dependent on the participant to vividly and accurately tell their story, they now controlled what got told, what was silenced or left out, and how it unfolded. GENDER Women s leadership in education has been vital for centuries (Evans, 1989; Jacobs, 1996; Katsinas, 2002; Langdon, 2001). For example, The Emma Willard School was founded in 1814, in Middlebury, Vermont by pioneer educator Emma Hart Willard and moved to Troy in 1821 (Ware, 1981; Woody, 53 1966). Madame Willard s early curriculum included mathematics and physical science subjects previously closed to female students (Sadker & Sadker, 1994; Woloch, 1992; Woody, 1966). Catherine Esther Beecher was an American reformer who was supportive of education for women. In 1823, she established a female seminary in Hartford, Connecticut, where she pioneered in offering calisthenics for girls (Sadker & Sadker, 1994; Woloch, 1992; Woody, 1966). In the early 1830s, Beecher founded a similar school in Cincinnati, Ohio (Sadker & Sadker, 1994). In 1837, Mary Lyon founded Mount Holyoke, the nation s oldest institution of higher learning for women (Piland, 1998; Sadker & Sadker, 1994; Woloch, 1992; Woody, 1966). More examples of educational opportunities for women during the nineteenth century included Oberlin and in 1877, Boston University awarded the first Ph.D. to a white woman (Sadker & Sadker, 1994; Woloch, 1992; Woody, 1966). In 1921, Chicago University awarded the first Ph.D. to a Black woman (Sadker & Sadker, 1994). Despite these achievements early twentieth century writing about women s place in community colleges defined their role as nurturers of men and children (Frye, 1993, 1995). Holding to the cult of true womanhood many community college men failed to see that women might want to attend college for career purposes (Cott, 1977; Lerner, 1986). Women who had once wanted careers were now making careers out of [finding a husband and] making babies (Friedan, 1963). For example, an article written in 1930 demanded that curricula 54 for women be reduced to homemaking alone (Frye, 1993, 1995). Another article called for colleges to promote family life guidance attributing such things as divorce, disobedience by children, and other family problems to community college curriculum not focused enough on family values (Frye, 1993, 1995). But women continued to assert that they wanted careers and that their goal in life was to obtain a college education that would enable them to further career aspirations (Frye, 1993, 1995). Yet, Friedan (1963) stated, A new degree was instituted for the wives Ph.T. (Putting husband through) (p. 12). The problem that had no name, as Freidan (1963) stated, emerged and it s origin was blamed on the fact that women had too much education. Too much education made women unhappy in their roles as housewives (Freidan, 1963). According to Frye (1995) Catherine Robbins, Dean of women at Pasadena City College, in her 1949 article, Community-College Education for Women, she saw college attendance for women as meeting their goals not only for gracious family life and social competence for women, but also for earning a living and offering young women opportunities equivalent to those offered boys (p. 5). Less than one year later William Boyce (1949) and James Reynolds (1950) published separate articles in the Junior College Journal calling for essentially the same change but neither writer acknowledged Catherine Robbins earlier article. Frye (1995) explained, her contribution was totally ignored by male writers because her point of view was not considered significant to an 55 institution whose history was dominated by men (p. 5). Essentially, women were in all capacities, as students, administrators, faculty, and staff ignored in the literature about two-year colleges. Most people continued to view female students from a traditional perspective (Frye, 1993, 1995). But many women began to respond by not enrolling in programs that promoted domesticity (Frye, 1993, 1995). Women s enrollment patterns began disrupting conceptions about what constituted women s education as they ignored prescribed roles and sought out programs that enhanced their financial and professional career opportunities (Frye, 1993, 1995; L ms & Sintonen, 2001). By ignoring, and in many cases, rebelling against what had been socially expected of them, women maimed the curricula that had defined them (Frye, 1993, 1995). Frye (1993, 1995), Hoffman (1981), Leggatt (1970), and Liberman (1956) commented that programs tailored to women, besides the vocational class offerings of homemaking, included such selections as nursing, teaching, and secretarial work. It was thought that because women had innate qualities such as nurturing, caring, and compassion that these fields would be most appropriate and fitting for their nature (Matkowski, 2002). Even as late as 1960 writers of community college literature insisted that women needed more instruction in family education because women were working outside the home and were neglecting their God ordained roles as caretakers. In fact, a 1960 profile of junior 56 college presidents did not mention gender (Frye, 1995). It was not until 1975, according to Taylor (1981), that the Office of Women in Higher Education, American Council on Education (ACE), began gathering and publishing data of the number of women CEOs in colleges. Educational institutions, like other complex highly stratified organizations in Western culture, have worked to marginalize women (Acker, 1994; Aisenberg & Harrington, 1988; Association of American Colleges, 1982; Bradley, 1989; Britton & Kent, 1999; Hansen, 1997; Harris, 2002; Miller & Creswell, 1998; Warner & DeFleur, 1993; Williams, 1986; Wright, 1997g). Through the socially constructed mechanisms of gender marginalization, dominant cultures have depended on modes of incorporation such as economics to depict and portray selective knowledge that is considered significant (Apple, 1990). Since according to Apple (1990) certain meanings and practices were chosen for emphasis at the exclusion of other meanings and practices where some were considered worth more than others. So organizational structures, institutional practices, and social processes such as education and other mechanisms of Western patriarchal construct, such as the family, were reproduced as the dominant culture (Morgan, 1970). For example, traditionally women and their experiences have historically been excluded from the development of knowledge (Carroll & Franey, 1999). Brownmiller (1984) noted that prohibitions on women s learning through the denial of access to knowledge meant that nearly half the world s population 57 could be made more agreeable to man (p. 108). Rousseau commented, women by nature were framed to please, to live in subjection to perfect a winsome creature who was spotlessly clean, inherently modest, naturally polite, and a bit of a coquette (Brownmiller, 1984, p. 108). Women s roles as wives and mothers were considered their sole and primary function and in a stratified and unequal society their status was derived from their fathers, husbands, brothers, and sons (Lerner, 1971a, 1971b; Morgan, 1970). According to Stansell (1987) as the family economy undermined traditional work roles it threw into question relationships based on male authority and female subservience the power of husbands and fathers derived from supervising work under their own roofs (p. 77). Within the paradigmatic family women have assumed secondary status so it made sense that in the retelling of history women would be rendered invisible and peripheral to the main action (Morgan, 1970; Piercy, 1972; Tedrow & Rhoads, 1999). More examples of women s success and failures surfaced as in the case of Eva Conrad. The promotion of Conrad to president of the Ventura County Community College District confirmed how women s advancement in community college administration became more acceptable (Haight, 2002a, 2002b). According to Haight (2002a, 2002b) part of the reason for Conrad s promotion was based on what still were considered aspects of women s sphere. For example, women working outside the home who did social service work were 58 considered acceptable and in Conrad s case much of the decision to make her president was based on her dedication to volunteerism and her service to the community (Haight, 2002a, 2002b; Moore, 1998). Unlike Conrad, President Ann Reynolds of the University of Alabama (UAB), also known as the queen and the woman warrior, was forced out of the presidency despite her raising more than $263 million toward a $350 million goal in the university s first capital campaign (Hamilton, 2001). Portrayed by the newspapers, board members, and UAB employees as too individualistic, unconcerned with gossip regarding her leadership capacity, and not working harmoniously with the board, among other things Reynolds leadership was in jeopardy (Hamilton, 2001). In another example, President Elaine Tuttle of Bates College, which had had only six male presidents since its inception in 1855, found it difficult to accept that no schools in the New England Small College Athletic Conference nor any of the men s colleges had had women presidents. Besides being charged with increasing the college s endowment Tuttle recognized that her primary mission was to get the college focused on increasing student diversity. It will be part of my responsibility to keep working on the diversity of the student body. You have to think more complexly and creatively when you re challenged to engage with people who aren t like you (Rudavsky, 2002, p. B8). As evidenced by Tuttle s remarks women were often as guilty as men in drawing distinctions between people. 59 However, during the past four decades, women inside academia took leadership roles even further in redefining fundamental aspects of their lives their journey from novice to expert, the impact they have had on their female students, and their experience in coping with constraints along the way (Anderson, 1990; Anderson, 1995; Antler, 1982; Evelyn, 2002; Jordan, 2002; Simeone, 1987). Federal laws and regulations passed were aimed at equalizing opportunities for women in higher education. Title VII of the Civil Rights Act prohibited discrimination in employment and was extended to include all educational institutions (Chamberlain, 1988). The Equal Pay Act of 1963 was expanded to cover the Education Amendments of 1972 prohibiting sex discrimination in all federally assisted education programs (Chamberlain, 1988). In 1972, guidelines were issued for implementing Executive Orders 11246 and 11375 which required federal contractors to institute affirmative action plans which ensured equal treatment of all employees (Chamberlain, 1988). While laws and regulations diminished discrimination in employment and education, women found it difficult to achieve tenure in the male dominated arena of academia (Brown & Kurland, 1993; Clark, 1998; Curtis, 2002; De George, 1997; Hansen, 1997; Keast & Macy, 1973; McClafferty, 2000; Perley, 1998; Rewak, 1992; Trower, 2000; Van Alstyne, 1993, 1994; Whicker, Kronenfeld, & Strickland, 1993; Williams, 1999; Wunsch, 1994). Perhaps this was attributable to the intact male-dominated structure that most institutions of 60 higher education adhered to where men viewed their perspectives as normative or as representative of human organizational structures (Kelley, 1997; McIntosh, 1988; Merrill, 1999; Wunsch, 1994). Most of the differences were the result of men s and women s unequal social power and disparate behavioral and attitudinal tendencies that their respective degrees of power promoted (Epstein, 1974; Gregg, 2003; Hensel, 1991; Manzo, 1997a; Ottinger & Sikula, 1993; Wilson, 2000). According to The American Council on Education s magazine, The Presidency (Fall, 2002) the number of women college presidents doubled from 1986 to 2001. However, women still only accounted for one one-fifth, or 21.1 percent, of all college presidents according to The ACE Center for Policy Analysis, 2002 edition of the American College President (American Association of Community Colleges, 1997; Li, 2000; Sharp, 2001). While women presidents gained the most ground at two-year institutions at public baccalaureate institutions, the proportions of women presidents has fallen sharply since 1998 (The Presidency, 2002, p. 13). Harris (2001) and Kelly (1997) stated that women presidents were not as readily accepted as males and that most women presidents made substantially less in salary than their male counterparts (Benjamin, 1998; Harris, 2001; Manzo, 1997b, 2001; Touchton & Davis, 1991; Williams, 1986). Only 9 percent of the presidents at private universities were women, and only 15 percent were such at public universities (Harris, 2001). Of the Ivy League schools there were only three female presidents: Judith Rodin at the University of 61 Pennsylvania, Shirley Tilghman at Princeton University, and Ruth Simmons at Brown University (Harris, 2001). Ethnic minorities represented 13 percent more than they did in 1986 at 8 percent (Li, 2000; Phelps, 1997; Sullivan, 2001). In 1986 five percent of all presidents were African American and in 2002 the number rose to 6 percent. Four percent of all presidents were Hispanic compared to 2.2 percent in 1986, with Asian Americans and American Indians each representing 1 percent of all presidents, the same percentage as in 1986 (The Presidency, 2001, p. 13; Selman, 1993). One reason for the small number of women and minorities in positions of power was attributable to the Western notion of the patriarchal nature of the family. Traditionally, men were the head of households, owned property including their wives and children, and had the right to vote long before women s voting rights came about in 1920 (Fox-Genovese, 1988). Men and masculine notions were the premier and definitive construct of what was right, Godordained, and natural. For example, the father as head of the household typically represented the traditional family. Agha-Jaffar (1997) commented, [Patriarchy] is a social organization in which the father is the supreme head of the family or clan and in which women and children are legally, economically and politically dependent on his good will, a structure that is replicated in all institutions (p. 4). 62 Firestone (1970) believed even race relations in the United States served as a macrocosm of the hierarchical relations within the traditional family. The white man is father, the white woman wife-and-mother, her status dependent on his; the blacks, like children, are his property, their physical differentiation branding them the subservient class, in the same way that children form so easily distinguishable a servile class vis- -vis adults. This power hierarchy creates the psychology of racism, just as, in the nuclear family, it creates the psychology of sexism (Firestone, 1970, p. 108). According to Lerner (1986) the subordination of women by men provided the conceptual model for the creation of slavery as an institution, so the patriarchal family provided the structural model (p. 89). Even the word man, had been considered a generic term representing all humanity, while woman has not been (Sapiro, 1999). For example, Campbell (1988) stated, The Lord s Prayer begins, Our Father which art in Heaven Could it have begun Our Mother ? Furthermore, theological interpretations of women s nature have also provided explanations for sexual inequality (Sapiro, 1999). Just as these few examples have shown, institutionalized sexism also played a role in the design choice and formation of our places of learning. Higher education has followed suit, not necessarily by choice, but instead by the ball and chain of tradition. Most universities, two-year colleges, and vocational or technical schools were structured where primarily men served in the top echelon. Even the institutions themselves were built in a hierarchical fashion. 63 Hierarchies existed in organizational flow charts usually with males commanding at the helm and women and people of color occupying the lowest ranks on the totem pole. Even when conceptualizing about the structure and processes of the institution most people assumed that a male dominated executive committee was in charge and that staff positions, such as secretaries and receptionists, were primarily filled by women (Addy, 2001; Kanter, 1977, 1984; Sadker & Sadker, 1994; Wright, 1997h). In terms of physical structure, top ranking executive were almost always placed on the school s top floor and they claimed the prime parking spaces located nearest the first entry (Lipman-Blumen, 1976; Sadker & Sadker, 1994). According to Kanter (1977) not only was structural change necessary for solving the human problems of bureaucracy but so were the inherent dilemmas for female secretaries and wives. I love what I m doing, but when I grew up women became teachers, nurses, secretaries, or hairdressers (Addy, 2001, p. 217). Namely, how women struggled with their low ranking status in relation to their positions of opportunity, power, and relative numbers (American Association for State College and Universities, 1998; Kanter, 1977, 1984; Lie & O Leary, 1990). Freidan s (1963) problem that had no name was based on women s feelings of emptiness and dissatisfaction with what they had achieved (Chernin, 1985). As women shopped for groceries, made their children s lunches, served dinner on time, chauffeured Girl Scouts about town, and lay lonely beside their husbands at 64 night many women wondered what had gone wrong (Chernin, 1985; Freidan, 1963). Some forty years after Freidan s (1963) book small shifts in the employment status of women changed. For example, Smith (2001) reported that 67 percent of male presidents female spouses were employed outside the home, although 36 percent responded their occupation as homemaker. Of the other 67 percent who were employed 43 percent were working full-time. Occupational categories included education, administrative positions, secretarial, and health (Rury, 1989; Smith, 2001). Of the male spouses, 89 percent were employed and 89 percent reported full-time positions (Smith, 2001; Thomas, 1993). Less than 3 percent of the male presidents were single or divorced while of the 87 female presidents, 31 percent were divorced and had not remarried (Smith, 2001). Seventeen percent of women had never been married (Smith, 2001). One female president attributed her divorce to becoming president stating that My exhusband had difficulty being, as he described it, a consort (Smith, 2001, p. 230). The consequence of this resulted in a workplace culture of patriarchal control where one was more likely to be led and governed by men (McIntosh, 1988; Sadker & Sadker, 1994). By the time women had reached this level of employment they had become accustomed to being in subjugated roles where they were rendered invisible. Socialization processes, including the earliest levels of education, 65 taught girls that boys got more attention and praise (American Association of University Women, 1991; Eder, 1997; Kozol, 1992; Thomas, 1990; Thorne, 1995; Toth, 1995). Sitting in the same classroom, reading the same textbook, listening to the same teacher, boys and girls receive very different education. From grade school through graduate school female students are more likely to be invisible members of the classrooms (Sadker & Sadker, 1994, p.1). According to The American Council on Education (ACE) (1997) and Cook, no date) while there was approximate parity worldwide of enrollment of girls and boys in primary school, girls continued to drop out of education at higher rates than boys. Over time as these girls and boys matured increased awareness about the insidious nature of stereotyping became apparent (Kjerulff & Blood, 1973). Stumbling blocks such as labeling placed subtle, indirect obstacles in the career paths of many women (Feldman, 1974; Ferguson & Howard-Hamilton, 1998; Holahan, 1979; Knopp, 1995). In contrast, men learned to mentor and support each other (Ast, 2001; Bell, 1996; George, 2001). Women, however, were just beginning to learn this camaraderie (Rutti, 2001). Women were outsiders to this male milieu and had feelings of isolation, loneliness and disconnectedness. At times, women found themselves as the first or only woman in educational settings (Kemelgor & Etzkowitz, 2001). This usually meant that women found little comfort as they sought out female companionship (Rutti, 2001). Finding another 66 women with whom to identify was often a need that went unmet (Martin, 2000; Rutti, 2001; Wunsch & Johnsrud, 1993). Hamrick and Nelson (1999) and Sandler and Resnick (1998) brought some of these issues forward when they explored issues of gender identification and women s community within academia. Respondents viewed their principal responsibility as advancement of their respective disciplines. While community college women had occasionally been able to maintain close, long-standing, supportive ties with fellow women, and in some cases, where women were scarce or absent within their home institution, they identified with colleagues from other campuses (Hamrick and Nelson, 1999). In the current third wave of feminism, many people claimed there was no longer any need to fight for equality. Their reasoning convinced them that the rights their predecessors so ferociously fought for occurred during the first and second wave (Baumgardner & Richards, 2000; Cary, 2003; Powell, 1993; Wisker, 1996). In 1991 Faludi stated, Women have so many opportunities now, corporate leaders say, that we don t really need equal opportunity policies (p. ix). Later, in September of 1999 she wrote a Newsweek article which stated that women needed to give men a break because they had been stiffed and betrayed (p. 48). Former President Ronald Reagan commented, Women have so much that the White House no longer needs to appoint them to higher office (Faludi, 1991, p. ix). Powell (1993) stated that some people believed that all the 67 changes that needed to take place have already happened and that a person s sex no longer had any effect on what happened to her or him at work. For example, Ohio State University Karen Holbrook, Senior Vice President for Academic Affairs; President Mary Sue Coleman at the University of Michigan; President Ann Weaver Hart at the University of New Hampshire; and President Rebecca S. Chopp at Colgate University were some of the women who represented the oppressed elite in American community colleges, and four-year institutions (McDonagh, 1990; Welsh-Huggins, 2002; Women, 2002). However, women continued to be underrepresented in higher education (Chamberlain, 1988; Holmgren, 2000; Ramsay, 2000; Sanford, 1962b). For example, it has been argued that many women did not seek out posts such as academics or that they chose not to take on the responsibilities that have come with professorship. Perhaps more accurate arguments have been made that women administrators, faculty, and staff lagged behind their male counterparts because of subtle discrimination where it was traditional for people to have lower expectations for women who answered the call of a career versus the demands of raising a family (Carter, 1989; Clifford, 1989; Edwards, 1993). Those few who gained a position with some modicum of power often were treated in a negative fashion and were frequently burdened with connotations of passivity, irrationality, and hysteria (Gilman, 1973; Scarf, 1980; Wisker, 1996). 68 One example of the fear that women aroused in men could be seen in Ulrich s (1990) heroine and midwife, Martha Ballard. In eighteenth century Maine, midwives were regarded as otherworldly. They handled the excrement and vomit, birthed the dead and the newborn, and ruled over the mysteries of procreation and illness (Ulrich, 1990). There was no more one universal woman than there was one universal male. However, there were characteristics that seemed more indicative of women in general. Nurturing, caring, and cooperation were some of the characteristics that were not only underrated but were positive, useful traits for both women and men community college administrators, faculty, and staff (Alvermann, 1999; Astin & Leland, 1991; Garcia, 2000). Such traits, behaviors, and characteristics laid no claim on one gender versus another. They were what and characteristics laid no claim on one gender versus another. They were what any sensitive person would have done. RACE According to W.E.B. DuBois in 1903 the biggest problem facing the nation in both the 20th and 21 century was the problem of the color line (Quindlen, 2000). While that had seemingly been true not all community college women exercised their power in the same ways. In fact, there were tremendous differences between women in terms of race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and class (Coll, Cook-Nobles, & Surrey, 1997; Davis, 1981; Evelyn, 2001; Loston, 1997; Tack & Patitu, 1992; Thompson, 1998). Division is without doubt one of 69 the major threats to feminism (Thompson, 1998, p. 124). Lorde (1979) remarked in a similar vein, The women s movement has been embroiled in debate about its own capacity to deal with difference, in particular differences between white women and black women (p. 98). In addition, President Belle S. Whellan of North Virginia Community College commented, I got a double power message when I was growing up the black-power movement and the women s movement were both happening (Schapiro, 2001, p. B1). According to Bradley, Carey, & Whitaker (1989) racial necessity forced Black women to rethink the notion of womanhood in order to better integrate ideas about achievement, work, and independence and how those things affected their roles as women and as Black (Evans, 1998). According to Boice (2000) one critic wrote, You are a tall and dominant White man who could never understand our experience in a million years (p. 260). Jensen (2003), McIntosh (1989), and Mitchell and Peace (1962) commented that Whites were taught not to think about their racial privilege. They stated that White privilege provided White people with an unearned set of current and historical benefits. For example Frederick Douglass (1845) recounted that Black children, as slaves, did not know when they had been born whereas White children knew their ages. Douglass (1845) unable to understand why he was deprived of the same privilege as Whites was not allowed to ask his master about it. All such inquiries were deemed inappropriate and impertinent (Douglass, 1845). McIntyre (1997) suggested that White people s lack of awareness 70 about their race denied them the experience of seeing themselves as beneficiaries of racism, and in doing that, freed them from have to take responsibility for eradicating it. Race was not monolithic, particularly for people of color (Banks & Banks, 2002). Millions of Hispanics, Blacks, Asians, and the like could not be lumped together categorically as one race or the other or even in agreement on what issues of oppression were. For example, according to Cose (1993) many minorities stare at each other across a vast (and at points seemingly unbridgeable chasm) making the point that for many minorities, and Blacks in particular, that the estrangement many felt became customary and familiar since people could not conceive of themselves as sharing a common history (p.181). Representing a wide variety of historical experiences, many foreign-born, others native-born their only common denominator was that many considered themselves to be American (Sowell, 1981). According to Sowell (1981) elaborate gradations of color existed in racial and ethnic communities. Parker (1997) wrote about the varied complexions that Blacks had as hues of copper, beige, [and] pecan brown (p. 8). Parker (1997) described her grandfather as light enough, with wavy brown hair, to pass for white when he chose to and her other relatives as having African, Scottish, Cherokee, and Tuscarora among their ethnic heritages (p. 12-13). Hispanics, Blacks, and Asians, among others, equated whiteness with superiority, making the lighter the color gradation to that of Whiteness associated with perceptions of 71 superiority. For example, McCall (1994) stated that when he was a child he became enchanted by Whiteness by watching his family s first television set. I d spend hours in front of [the] set, gazing spellbound at whites on TV, drinking in the beauty of their ivory skin, which seemed purer, cleaner, than my own (McCall, 1994, p. 11). Ironically, by 1930 anyone could be declared a Negro if he had as much as one-sixteenth Negro blood in his veins (Lomax, 1962, p.19). Haley (1964) quoted Malcolm X when he stated, [White men say] that legally if we have got one drop of black blood in us, that means you are all-black as far as his laws are concerned! Well, if that s all we ve got left, we want to reclaim that one drop (p. 255). For Asians there was similar resentment about being treated differently. Wong (as cited in Moraga & Anzald a, 1981) wrote When I was growing up, people told me I was dark and I believed my own darkness in the mirror, in my soul, my own narrow vision when I was growing up, my sisters with fair skin got praised for their beauty, and in the dark I fell further, crushed between high walls Similarly, lighted complexioned Blacks were often regarded as more desirable than their darker skinned kin (Fox-Genovese, 1988). In the Hispanic culture lighter skinned women were referred to la g era . According to Greene (1994), Morgan (1970), and Bodnar (1983) African American women lived in a social environment that was treacherous. Greene 72 (1994) remarked that African American women s lives were inextricably connected to a history of racism and sexist oppression that institutionalized discrimination as it placed White women on a pedestal (Fox-Genovese, 1988). White (1985) wrote, The impossible task confronts the Black woman. If she is rescued from the myth of the Negro, the myth of woman traps her. If she escapes the myth of woman, the myth of the Negro still ensnares her (p. 28). Similarly, Roueche and Baker (1986) cited Bower for remarking that students have been divided into educational curriculums based on criteria such as those who think versus those that work. For many Black women the question was not if there was a feminine way of leading but rather, there were attributes of leadership which Black women [brought] to their positions by virtue of their being Black and female (Bradley et al. 1989, p. 20). Both sexism and racism were discriminatory realities for women of color. As such many Black women presidents felt the need to stick together. We as Black women need all the help we can get echoed one president (Ackerman, 2001, p. 2). This whole world will be better off with Black women in it stated President Gwendolyn Stephenson of Hillsborough Community College (Ackerman, 2001, p. 2). President Elnora D. Daniel of Chicago State University concurred, After 31 years of educating minority students, I know that there is a threshold that one must pass in order to be able to achieve a college education (Hurd, 2001, p. 37). de los Santos, de los Santos, Jr., and Milliron 73 (2000, 2001) claimed community colleges have welcomed and served underrepresented populations but Ackerman (2001) disagreed with de los Santos, de los Santos, Jr., and Milliron s (2000, 2001) remarks. Ackerman (2001) and Webb-Johnson (2003) stated that despite higher percentages of representation among women and people of color in community colleges versus in four-year institutions that they were still denied access to higher education in numbers too large to claim open invitations to two-year institutions as de los Santos, de los Santos, Jr., and Milliron (2000, 2001) reported. Many Black women presidents encouraged their Black students to lead with pride (Ladson-Billings, 1994). You are a part of us, and we want you to go away and spread your wings. Learn as much as you can we expect you to go back into this community or some other community and make a difference (Ackerman, 2001, p. 2). A similar encouraging theme could be heard from the likes of former St. Phillips College president, Artemisia Bowden (Garcia, 1997a). A former slave from Georgia, Bowden was the director of the college for 52 years (Garcia, 1997a). Today, President Angie Runnels fills the prestigious position. And President Ann Alexander of Wytheville Community College said her commitment to diversity was the college s most important and pressing concern (New, 2001). Bacon-Blood (2000) quoted Ruth J. Simmons, former president of Smith College and later, Brown University, when she said, There really has been a 74 glass ceiling for African-American academic administrators there is a new bar raised and there are a lot of talented people out there (p. 1). According to Brotherton (1999) of the approximately 130 African Americans who presided over four-year institutions (including historically Black colleges and universities), approximately 25 were women. Yet, if there was a glass ceiling Simmons beat the rules (Edwards, 1996). Simmons, the daughter of Texas sharecroppers and the great-great-granddaughter of slaves was hailed when she doubled the school s endowment to $900 million and established the first engineering program at a woman s school (Bacon-Blood, 2000; Clayton, 2000; Edwards, 1996). Gladys Styles Johnston, chancellor of the University of Nebraska at Kearney stated about Simmons achievement, What she had done is not just shattering a glass ceiling, it s more like a sonic boom (Clayton, 2000, p. 17). Twenty-five years ago, President Jill Conway was known to break new ground when she integrated women s studies into the curriculum, founded a research center, and created a program of older women at Smith College (Bartlett, 2001). Known as the Jackie Robinson of college presidents, Simmons was credited for increasing diversity on campus, improving undergraduate education, and creating a program that allowed students to get paid for their summer internships (Bartlett, 2001). Another example of overcoming hardship was represented by Dr. Jerry Sue Thornton of Cuyahoga Community College in Cleveland, Ohio (Hardin, 2000; Hurd, 2001; Wright, 1997c). Not only was Dr. Thornton the daughter of a 75 Kentucky coal miner she faced other challenging circumstances on the road to presidential success (Mansour, 2001). The unexpected death of the board chair during her first year as president of Tri-C, massive employee layoffs, faculty negotiations, and several unfinished lawsuits including one filed by her predecessor claiming that he legally held her position culminated to challenge her decision to become president (Bean, 2000; Galbincea, 2002; Garcia, 1997b; Hardin, 2000; Wright, 1997d). Soon afterward, the governor of Ohio sent out a mandate reducing the college budget by $1.5 million, a reduction that required the elimination of 94 positions, 56 of which were occupied (Blevins, 2001, p. 508). The vote of no confidence that the president received was not due to the board s perception that President Thornton was not fulfilling the College s mission but instead was attributed to a recomputation of the workload formula and the failure of leadership to grant a token raise in compensation (Baker, 1997, p. 4). What was at stake was not a question of effective leadership but instead was an organizational conflict in the collective bargaining process. On a positive note, Dr. Thornton did pass the renewal of a $20 million annual operating levy with 75% of the vote during her first year in office (Blevins, 2001, p. 514). Clearly, Dr. Thornton s competence could no longer be questioned. Yet, it was imperative to remember that these few examples of women who continued to successfully cope with racism were the exceptions. For example, according to Wright (1997f) one college administrator remarked about 76 Black president, The majority of people who populate this board have publicly and privately made it clear that they are not interested in an African American serving as president this opposition is systematic and ongoing (p. 2). Myths that Blacks have it better than Whites in American society still existed and placed Whites as victims (McIntyre, 1997). When Whites cultivate such an unjust ethos, [they] contribute to the growing paranoia in this country that promises to anesthetize any kind of critical dialogue about race and white racism (p. 109). This sets up prescriptive roles where Whites are both the oppressors and the oppressed (McIntyre, 1997). African-American women presidents agreed that being Black and female reminded them everyday of the importance of symbolism in their institutional culture (Fuchs, 1990). For example, former president of Spelman College, Dr. Johnnetta B. Cole made the following remark regarding her experience with the problems faced by African-American women, I just could not resist having a conversation with 15 million American women of African descent. I wanted a way to connect that would allow me to bring into a living conversation more women than I can see (Randolph, 1997, p. 73). Black women presidents viewed their job as more difficult, I see people redefining goals and expectations. It seems that people expect more of you if you are Black (Bradley et al. 1989, p. 22). The implication was that if you were Black and female there was a pejorative connotation that meant they were less capable and unable to perform as 77 well as their White counterparts. If White women had to work twice as hard as a White man to get ahead then a Black female president had to work even harder and longer to be ahead of everyone else (Bradley et al., 1989). According to Bradley et al. (1989) there was strong consensus that Black women had to be overqualified and needed to have already demonstrated abilities that went far beyond what was required for the job (p. 22). Bradley et al. (1989) acknowledged that being a successful Black female president had its misgivings. Less valued than their White counterparts, Black women were also seen as less threatening. But, lower expectations for Black women presidents either meant that those Black women who did succeed were viewed as exceptions to the rule or that since they were at the bottom of the barrel anyway, they had no where to go but up (Bradley et al. 1989, p. 22). In multi-racial institutions Black women presidents were frequently questioned about how they viewed their own status. Are you a president who is Black or are you a Black president (Bradley et al. 1989, p. 22). One example of this could be seen in the case of President Joyce F. Brown at The Fashion Institute of Technology. As the first African-American woman to head the New York City institution, she was among one of the few Blacks to lead a predominantly White institution (Brotherton, 1999; Evelyn, 2001). Another example was Althia Collins, Bennett College s president in 2001. Collins remarked that historically 78 Black [colleges] did not necessarily translate into exclusively Black (Foreman, 2001). Women president s accounts of how they led were as varied as the women themselves. Dr. Carolyn G., Williams, president of the Bronx Community College in New York, said she has spent her entire life preparing for this moment: There are things that I had been preparing for not knowing what they were and never tried out (Blevins, 2001, p. 514). Dr. Joyce Brown remarked that there was always pressure (as a Black woman) to be the best and better than, because slips are really not tolerated (Evelyn, 2001, p. 31). Dr. Parker Williams, former president of San Jacinto College South, claimed her leadership style came from the energy and excitement of her students (Blevins, 2001). Williams students served as the inspiration and motivation for her to share herself in extraordinary ways. According to Blevins (2001) Williams leadership style revolved around modeling what she hoped students would do. For example, Williams bought groceries for the needy, demonstrated money management for her students by being an avid coupon clipper, filled baskets for the needy with her largesse, gave away her dress-up clothes, and took college classes. These were all examples of the kind of gratitude and service to the community that Dr. Parker wanted to model for students. Although Americans had typically defined racial issues around binary polarities of White versus Black this country could no longer avoid including 79 Hispanics and Asians in discriminatory analysis (Hacker, 1995). According to Vasquez (1994) stereotypes of Latinas existed. The stereotypes most frequently ascribed to Latinos tended to be negative (lazy, dumb, dirty, overemotional) (Vasquez, 1994, p. 115). Even more references such as shiftless, poor, nonhuman, ignorant and uncultured were used to convey messages that being Brown was not a good thing (Moraga & Anzald a, 1981). But as with any stereotyped group, one cannot claim universality among its members (Vaughan, 1990). Community College of Denver President Christine Johnson, a Hispanic, has been recognized by the Mexican President Vicente Fox as a Woman of Distinction for her new policies and initiatives for improving the quality of life and education for Mexican women (Curtin, 2002). Johnson stated, It felt good that we were good role models for women in Mexico (Curtin, 2002, p. B-05). Yet, as in the case of many Blacks, Hispanics were rendered socially and politically invisible (Rogers, 1995). Moraga & Anzald a (1981) and Villenas (1996) described the word Chicana as meaning less. For many Blacks, Hispanics, and Asians becoming anglicized was very important (Moraga & Anzald a, 1981; Villenas, 1996). For many it represented the difference between living better in a White world and holding onto their heritage of poverty. Hispanics had little impact on the political system or in the life of the larger community (Piercy, 1976; Sowell, 1981). 80 In the early twentieth century many Hispanics separation from the larger society perpetuated stereotypes of them as agricultural field hands, as living solely in rural areas, or in urban barrios (Sowell, 1981; Villasenor, 1991). Their homes were made of stucco or wood, with open windows and doors that served as air conditioners, while chickens coops graced a dirt back yard (Rodriguez, 1994, p. 17). Many Mexicans lived close to the Mexican border although some migratory labor went north for work (Sowell, 1981;Villasenor, 1991). Living close to the border enabled many Mexicans to work and earn money in the United States while also providing close proximity to their country. Eventually, Hispanics made their way into American factories, mines, and railroad work where they earned double or triple the pay they had made in their country of origin (Sowell, 1981). Our white sisters radical friends love to own pictures of us sitting at a factory machine wielding a machete in our bring bandanas holding brown yellow black red children reading books from literacy campaigns holding machine guns bayonets bombs knives (Carrillo as cited in Moraga & Anzald a, 1981) Pejorative terms such as braceros, Americanita, spic, or tortilleros were widely used. Even the term wetback was used to describe Mexican immigrants who moved between Mexico and the United States. 81 Pizarro (1998) expressed frustration with educational research on student failure and success that focused more on Chicana/o students that on the racist school structures and practices that affected Chicana/o s academic performance (p. 7). The examination of racism that permeates educational systems was never instituted in a way that would create change and end its harmful consequences (Pizarro, 1998). Because racist attitudes existed, it might be assumed that knowledge was neutral rather than cultural (Cary, 2001, 2002, 2003; Valenzuela, 1999). Cary (2001), Foley (1994) and Valenzuela (1999) remarked that an individual s ability to obtain information was determined by their relative closeness to the knowledge of the dominant culture. According to Cary (2001) discourses that continue to work from unidimensional, raced, and gendered notions of citizenship [will continue] if we do not interrogate the assumptions that frame them (p. 412). When Lather (2000) addressed Colas s (1996) criticism about Burgos-DeBray s (1984) book, Lather (2000) wrote that there was a disconnect between a people, their representative, the interlocutor, and the foreign sympathizer that is the resistance value of testimonio (p. 153). Dr. Sylvia Ramos, former president of Houston Community College Southeast, decided to lead by empowering those around her. Ramos leadership style was to support, nurture, and identify leaders at Southeast College. She worked to create a sense of family at the college that served to foster a sense of belonging to help retain students so they could reach their academic goals. 82 Ramos was much like the case study of a woman named Maria in Pipher s (1994) account of Ophelia. Maria came from a strong famil[y] with strong women and she learned from her parents the importance of fighting back and resisting others efforts to define [her] (Pipher, 1994, p. 274). Too often White culture blamed Hispanic women as guilty of conjuring up images of buying platano, dancing salsa, and hot Latin sex (Moraga & Anzald a, 1981). Malintzin, a mythical Aztec woman was known in Spanish culture as the mother-whore and bearer of illegitimate children or a woman could be referred to as a kind of Sor Juana, a woman of genius but because of her intellectual prowess suffered an unspeakable death (Alarc n as cited in Moraga & Anzald a, 1981) For Asians, who had been in this country for more than one hundred and fifty years, discrimination was carried out based on two polarities. Such extreme descriptions of Asians have gone from them being geeky, nerdy, and wimpy to being smart, genuine and respectful (Pan, 2000; Tran, 2000). One extreme form of prejudice was based on the model minority concept while at the other end of the spectrum Asians were blamed for war and called racist names (Takaki, 1993). Whether the stereotype was positive or negative did not matter. Broad based generalizations about groups of people were not only wrong but hegemonic devices meant to essentialize and homogenize heterogeneous individuals. No one would describe Whites in such terms (Pan, 2000; Tran, 2000). 83 Aside from stereotyping Asian men as kung-fu movie megastars and Asian females as erotic fantasies, exotic girlfriends, and brimming with fetishes they were depicted as natural academic whiz kids that out performed virtually every other ethnicity (Glenn, 2003). For example, according to D Souza (1992), Schuman (1995), & Sykes (1990), Asians tended to score highest on academic types of preparation for college admission, Whites scored in the middle, and Blacks and Hispanics scored lowest. Interestingly, D Souza (1992), Schuman (1995), & Sykes (1990) claimed that Black and Hispanic students at the University of Berkeley were up to twenty times more likely to be accepted for admission than Asian applicants who had the same academic qualifications. Yet, almost 40 percent of Black and Hispanic teenagers did not finish high school (Bell & Elmquist, 1991). Bell and Elmquist (1991) stated, These undereducated youth are unprepared to succeed in this complex world. They do not fulfill the expectations of business, colleges, universities, and technical schools which are forced to budget massive amounts of money to remedy academic deficiencies (p. 1). But D Souza (1992) later contradicted himself when he claimed that Blacks and Hispanics were twenty times more likely to be accepted for admission than Asian applicants when he reported that Asians benefited more from special admission than other races. Either way, virtually all ethnic groups have been marginalized, discriminated against, and devalued (Roueche & Roueche, 1999; Zinn, 1980). 84 An aggressive minority preferential treatment program at Berkeley tended to over-represent Chinese Americans and Japanese Americans whereas Blacks and Hispanics were under-represented using the same criteria (D Souza, 1992; Schuman, 1995; Sykes, 1990). Some scholars have attributed this fact to statistics that there was a rapid influx of Asians into California seeking the Gold Mountain and that for them going to college represented achievement of the American dream (See, 1995). In addition, Asians reverse discrimination had placed them as out performing Blacks and Hispanics attributing their success to such factors as a strong work ethic and family encouragement (D Souza, 1992; Schuman, 1995; Sykes, 1990). D Souza (1992), Schuman (1995), & Sykes (1990) remarked that this stereotype of Oriental overachievers was an embarrassment for Berkeley in that it was considered a barrier to the university s vision for diversity. Both positive and negative stereotyping among a significant proportion of Asian Americans in the United States indicated a major bias that has plagued them since their first immigration wave. One example of determination despite stereotyping could be seen as written by President Joyce S. Tsunoda (2001) of the University of Hawaii s Community Colleges. She commented, You cannot catch a tiger cub unless you enter the tiger s den reaching the top whatever that means is like trying to catch a tiger cub, I am already in this academic tiger s den. So, if I get a chance to grab that cub, I certainly will (p. 177). As 85 other Asian groups began immigrating to the United States, they experienced not only mixed messages about their degree of equal opportunity and rights but a blurring differentiation between their Chinese, Korean, Taiwanese counterparts (Spickard, 1996). Americans, for reasons likely based on ignorance and indifference, failed to make attempts to distinguish one group from another. The alienation and distrust served to reinforce the pejorative feelings harbored by United States citizens at the entry of other ethnic groups. For example, Takaki (1993) wrote that the Japanese, Korean, Filipino, Asian Indian, Vietnamese, and Hmong peoples would, in trying to acculturate and assimilate, take many of their cues from the ways in which Americans had received the Chinese. Unfortunately, acting on these cues did little to alter the racist, condescending attitude of Americans towards eastern people. Even within the Asian community there were demonstrations of racism and sexism. Kingston s (1989), The Woman Warrior, described women who were viewed as so dangerous that they had to have their feet bound to keep them from running away. Men thought the mutilated, deformed feet of Asian women beautiful and encouraged the practice. Chinese women learned to despise their daughters. It was important for daughters to do something big and important to bring positive recognition to their family or else they risked being sold (Kingston, 1989). In China there were solutions for what to do with little girls who ate up food and threw tantrums there is no profit in raising girls better to raise geese 86 than girls (Kingston, 1989, p. 46). Ashamed, parents of girl children hid their daughters. Malkin (2001) explained that fearing those different from themselves, many non-Asian Americans stereotyped Asians using racist terms such as uncivilized, Gook, Jap, slant eyes, and yellow to describe those from the Pacific East. An American of Filipino descent, Malkin (2001) recited her experiences of discrimination when she stated, I ve been blamed for the Vietnam War, attacked for stealing jobs, and told countless times to go back home which usually means Bangkok or Beijing or some other exotic locale I ve only seen on a map (p. 1). Lee (1960) stated that the Chinese had been variously welcomed, derided, discriminated against, tolerated, or praised (p. 1). To illustrate this point even further, Americans attitudes towards Chinese Americans were mixed. Recently, Americans thought that 91 percent of the Chinese held strong family values; 77 percent were perceived as honest; and 67 percent were seen as placing high value on education (Committee of 100, no date). It seemed strange to characterize Asian Americans as smart, achievementoriented, and hardworking when some of the same non-Asian American groups that viewed them as barbarian and uncivilized were doing the complimenting (Wolf-Devine, 1997). Ovando (2001) commented that both labels were problematic in that they attempted to homogenize the Asian American population, masking the diversity within their own communities. For example, despite the 87 aforementioned racist and stereotypical feelings held by many non-Asian Americans toward the Chinese, Takaki (1993) wrote that among Blacks, Hispanics, and Whites, Asian Americans had become known as The Model Minority. 1 Ironically, a poll conducted by The Committee of 100, on April 25, 2001, showed that Americans attitudes towards Chinese Americans were very poor. Twenty-five percent had very negative attitudes toward Chinese Americans and another 43 percent had somewhat negative attitudes (The Political Action Committee, no date, no page number). In addition, the poll revealed that 23 percent of Americans would be uncomfortable voting for an Asian American President of the United States and 24 percent of Americans would not approve of an interracial-marriage with an Asian American (The Committee of 100, no date). In contrast, the idea that Asian Americans have been perceived as The Model Minority by White Americans is opposite to the opinion held by Henry Tang, Chairman of the Committee of 100. In Tang s opinion Asian Americans do not view themselves at all as a model minority but instead face negative stereotyping among a significant proportion of this country and indicates a major bias that works against equal opportunity and rights for Takaki, Ronald. A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1993, pp. 414-417. In 1986, NBC Nightly News and the McNeil/Lehrer Report aired special news segments on Asian Americans and their achievements. U.S. News & World Report featured Asian-Americans advances in a cover story, and Newsweek focused a lead article on Asian Americans: A Model Minority. The implication of model minority, implies the upwardly mobile status, success of Asians as compared to other ethnic groups and the white population. There is significant debate about whether this belief is true, exaggerated, or completely false. 1 88 Asian Americans, and ultimately, a stronger, more harmonious America for all (Committeee of 100, no date). If Tang s opinion was true, then clearly the immigration of Chinese people to the United States during the last 150 years had done little to diminish White Americans distorted and disturbing attitudes. CLASS According to Dworkin (1992) The sexual colonization of women s bodies is a material reality: men control the sexual and reproductive uses of women s bodies (p. 84). Male sexual domination has always been a material system (Dworkin, 1992; Weber, 1969). The institutionalization of economic control over women was a basic material reality (Dworkin, 1992). Hartmann (1992) pointed out that by looking at the benefits from women s labor and uncovering the material bases of patriarchy such as capitalism this was proven. Many Marxists saw class, rather than feminism, as the proper framework for the study of women s oppression (Hartmann, 1992). Since an inherent part of being proletarian meant economic suffering it made sense that for many women who lived in virtual poverty that conflict would be created between both sexes. For Marx and Engels, women s oppression was based in their class level and was examined by analyzing the demands of capital (Weiler, 1988). The Radical Women National Office (2001) cited Engels for claiming that women s subservience has become sharper as capitalism has grown and 89 culminated in world domination by imperialism (p. 27). Because capitalism was based on the idea of profit it dominated the institution of the family making class, race, and gender discrimination more sophisticated, covert, and insidious (Heller, 1969; Radical Women National Office, 2001). Under capitalism marriage and the family have become increasingly multifarious (Ehrenreich, 1989). Women s inferior status and the development of private property have served to govern monetary relations and ensuring paternity (Heller, 1969; Radical Women National Office, 2001). For Leacock (1972) and Weiler (1988) understanding women s inferior position was due to connections between structural changes in kinship relations and changes in the division of labor, the connection between private property, marriage, and prostitution, the connection between economic and political dominance by men, and men s control over female sexuality. According to Leacock (1972) once private property had been acquired, men sought to secure it by instituting the monogamous family. According to Banfield (1970) class was defined in various ways. Banfield (1970) and Katz (1990) suggested that class was determined by such objective criteria as income, schooling, and occupation while subjective criteria like attitudes, tastes, and values and deference in a hierarchy managed to place some groupings of people at lower ranks than others. For example, Banfield (1970) explained that the lower class was not future oriented and instead lived moment to moment. Being present-focused tended to make for immediate living that 90 produced unskilled labor and the frequent movement of from one job to another. Selling their labor for wages the lower class had little control over the nature or products of their work (Katz, 1990). Hidden from history, the lower class was omitted from any control over their stories. Seldom did the lower class authorize their chronicles having neither the leisure nor the skills necessary to document their lives. Clearly, the treatment people received on the job was based on who had power and the significance of valuation of one s status (Kramer, 1991, p. 289). According to Kramer (1991) and Wilms (1980) gender and a whole host of other statuses on occupational level figured into workplace issues, class, and power differentials. This should not be confused with the notion that working people were silent (Lauter, 1991). Documenting history has never been solely done by the dominant written word. To examine working class discourse using the parameters designed by the upper class was to limit one s vision of the various ways and means of producing communication. For example, oral histories, art, song, customs, letters, diaries, and the like were frequently dismissed as not high culture and thus were relegated to quaint folklore or corrupted servants harming the innocent. Since the Industrial Revolution, according to Wolf (1991), beauty as a form of currency in circulation among men had existed side-by-side with ideas about money since the two [were] virtual parallels in [American] consumer 91 economy (p. 20). Wolf (1991) commented that in the bourgeois markets of the twentieth century women have long understood that their beauty was a part of the economic structure. As industrialization declined a newer economy emerged based on the information age and technology where women were welcomed into the labor fold as expendable, non-unionized, low-paid, pink-collar-ghetto drudges (Wolf, 1991, p. 26). Desirable lower and middle class women, who were literate and docile served employers needs for employees who could do redundant work, who had low ambition, and who acquiesced to tendencies of masculine authority (Wolf, 1991, p. 26). Other female middle class workers were pressured to conform to maleidentified behaviors and became part of the old boys network. On the other end of the strata the upper class tended to be recipients of social heredity where their status was determined at infancy (Banfield, 1970, p. 55). Kramer (1991) remarked that high status females tended to have support systems in place either via their credential building work phase or by virtue of their social status while lower middle women had less access to support networks. While these stereotypes of class structures represented ideal types for the purposes of this study they were meant to be used as analytical tools rather than precise constructs (Banfield, 1970). Bulkin, Pratt, & Smith (1984) commented that various forms of oppression besides just sexism were also unifying themes. Virtually every group 92 had its history of politically imposed suffering. While these histories were not identical, the feelings of oppression felt brutally similar (Bulkin, Pratt, & Smith, 1984). Yet it must be remembered that situated knowledge created different experiences of pain and no matter how similar one oppression might appear to be like another each has its own time, place, and circumstance. For example, class could be as bonding a theme between groups as ethnicity frequently was between women of color. Anyon s (1980) study, which illustrated how school curricula could be a uniting force for students of different socioeconomic backgrounds, was a good example. Her research regarding student work contrasted against social class communities offered thoughtful insight into why some classes of students received experiential learning whereas other classes of students in different levels of occupational strata were offered a more practical curriculum (p. (381). Was there such a thing as working class literature? According to Bowles and Gintis (1977) and Weiler (1988) part of the purpose of education was to duplicate and maintain a perfectly conceived vision of United States society as reality where everyone found his or her proper place (Weiler, 1988). For example, the inadequate fail and the deserving and talented rise on their own merit (Weiler, 1988, p. 5). Racially and class based job structures that existed in some industries were very apparent. Beginning in the 1950s America s brightest and best began attending college in massive numbers (Herrnstein & Murray, 1994). For example, 93 according to Herrnstein & Murray (1994) many of Harvard s freshman class were from the East Coast, had come from private boarding schools, and were primarily White, Christian males. Herrnstein & Murray (1994) remarked education is a powerful divider and classifier (p. 31). The ability to go to college was based on such classifications as income, occupation, tastes, interests, grammar and accent (Herrnstein, & Murray, 1994). Clearly, access to education had not been available to most people (Devine, 1996). According to Apple (1990) there was a direct relationship between the education and economic structure, into the linkages between knowledge and power (p. 1). For Apple the problem became a structural issue. Based in neoMarxist thought, this tradition enabled Apple (1990) to construct critical questions about the modes of material production, ideological values, class relations, and structures of social power racial and sexual as well as politico-economic on the state of consciousness of people in a precise historical or socio-economic situation (p. 1-2). According to Tong (1989) Marxist feminists believed that whether women were proletarian or bourgeois that both experienced subjugation as the product of the political, social, and economic structures associated with capitalism (p. 39). In American society, processes of production and essentials of production, such as raw materials, shaped how women and men thought about equality because they lived in a capitalist society (Marx, 1972). For example, forms of production defined women and men s work. Women s work has 94 traditionally revolved around the concept of a twenty-four job where they are always on call and at the beck of their family (Tong, 1989). Hence, women s oppression, in ways that men s was not, was based on the nature of women s work and their self-image (Tong, 1989). Daly and Chesney-Lind (1991) commented that socialist feminists viewed social constructions of gender as power relations. They were not simply roles but fell under patriarchy where men controlled women s labor and sexuality (Daly & Chesney-Lind, 1991). Both genders were founded in the attitudes and behaviors embedded in the larger society where the production and assimilation of knowledge were part of patriarchal criminality (Daly & Chesney-Lind, 1991). According to Apple (1990) part of making knowledge problematic was to portray [in] concrete ways structural arrangements the basic ways institutions, people, and modes of production, distribution, and consumption are organized and controlled dominate cultural life (p. 2). It was the way women and men, through production, created a society that shaped them (Tong, 1989). Marx (1972) wrote, It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but their social existence that determines their consciousness (p. 2021). It was the routine daily activities that bound the intertwined relationships between schooling, learning, teaching, and curricula (Apple, 1990). Educational institutions were an economic enterprise (Apple, 1990). According to Apple (1990) mobility, selection, the reproduction of the division 95 of labor, become the prime foci for analysis (p. 2). It was always with conscious intent that those in power welded economic manipulation as the prime mechanism for social and cultural control (Apple, 1990). Apple (1990) remarked that educators mediate mechanisms of domination by using an economic, cultural, and ideological orientation to completely understand the way social, economic, and political tensions and contradictions are mediated in the everyday life of schools (p. 2). Apple (1990) remarked that economics and culture conspired to dominate education and knowledge by reproducing existing material conditions of an unequal society and the formation of consciousness of the individuals in that society (p. 2). This result was seen as the natural outcome by those persons focused on the political economy of education. Similarly, the cultural capital of schooling, knowledge that was preserved and distributed, was used to form consciousness that enables social control to be maintained without the necessity of dominant groups having to resort to overt mechanisms of domination (p. 3). And while the pressures of social control worked well as mechanisms of surveillance, overt forms of domination continued to exist. For example, according to Warner (2001) Sally Clausen. Louisiana s highest-ranking female college administrator she at times, [had] to feed the egos of male political figures (p. 2). Discrimination, sexual harassment, ethnic jokes, and lack of 96 services for disabled people were just a few practices that continued to plague and entertain American society. LEADERSHIP VERSUS MANAGEMENT Whether one was talking about the similarities or differences between leadership and management there was always one group that was made invisible and marginal by generally agreed upon consensus that made subjugating them acceptable (Caffarella, Clark, & Ingram, 1998; Hawk, 1995). For example, many women in higher education were rendered silent and unseen. Other women were masculinized or held as androgynous. Historically, leadership was thought of as a manly virtue, for example, men leading battles, presidents leading countries, and fathers leading families. In the 1940s authors portrayed junior colleges in frontier, pioneer, and military images (Twombly, 1995). One author described the community college movement, as an army of struggling frontiersmen put together by General Koos and Colonels Eells and Campbell, who then led them to all parts of the country (Brint & Karabel, 1989, p. 35). Theories of leadership have generally been written and analyzed by White, heterosexual men, and leadership strategies and tactics have had a masculine slant (Cohen, Brawer, & Associates, 1994; Higdon, 2002; Hockaday, 1990, O Banion, 1997; Scherkenbach, 1990). Effective leadership has been canonized using stereotypical masculine traits and definitions. In many cases, women and men 97 have found themselves assuming masculine behaviors as a way of not threatening the status quo (Holmgren, 2000). There has been a plethora of definitions of the term leadership. MerriamWebster s New Collegiate Dictionary (2001) stated that leadership was the office of the position of a leader, the quality of a leader or having had a capacity to lead. Gardner (1990) commented that leadership represented the process of persuasion or example by which an individual (or leadership team) induced a group to pursue objectives held by the leader or shared by the leader and his or her followers (Lord, Brown, & Freiberg, 1999). According to Bradley et al. (1989) and O Banion (1986, 1997, 1999) leadership was the ability to create and design a particular kind of environment in order to influence people and move them toward mutual goals. Similarly, Bass & Stogdill (1990), Goleman (1995, 2000), Goleman, Boyatzis, & McKee (2001), and the Knight Higher Education Collaborative (2001) defined leadership as the art of persuading, not dominating, people to work toward a common goal. Who could argue that dominating people was the wrong thing to do? For example, in the Wingspread Group on Higher Education s (1993), An American Imperative, a call to arms for putting students learning first was recommended. What educator would disagree that students needed to be at the core of the institutions enterprise? Assisting students in developing self-discipline, perseverance, responsibility, and the like would have seemed to be fairly 98 universal aspirations for educational organizations. Yet, obvious points about benevolent and altruistic motivations continued to be made despite virtual parity and consensual agreement. According to Bernay, Cantor, & Stoess (1992) leadership was comprised of three elements: competent self, creative aggression, and womanpower. No matter what definition the reader preferred, Bernay et al. (1992), Manzo (1996), and Desjardins (2001) were not talking about leadership as unilateral control and compliance whereby subordinates were commanded to follow. Feminist scholars and postmodernists began to disrupt definitions of leadership that had been proposed by White, heterosexual men (Beck, 2003; Kezar, 1998, 2001; Lipman-Blumen, 1998, 1976; Rosener, 1990). Because the tendency of White bias had been to define leadership in terms of masculinity, domination, and control feminist scholars seemed to favor a definition of leadership that empowered and released the creative energy of others in such a way that the direction of that energy involved moved towards mutually beneficial goals (Byham & Cox, 1988; Killacky, 1993). For example, good leadership encouraged people to be self-directing where they moved from a state of dependence toward increasing states of independence (Allerton, 2002; Desjardins, 2001; Hammons, 1990; O Banion, 1994). Good leadership shifted the emphasis from external motivators to internal motivators where things like personal growth and fulfilling work satisfied feelings of accomplishment (Allerton, 2002; 99 Brookfield, 1986; Desjardins, 2001; Garcia, 2000; Gleazer, 2000; Hesselbein, Goldsmith, & Beckhard, 1996; Vroom, 1964). In addition, such considerations as valuing individuality while promoting collaboration, stimulating and rewarding creativity, and making a commitment to the continuous process of change reflected some of the other components of what constituted good leadership (Ahles, 193; Allerton, 2002; Cadenhead, 2001b; Desjardins, 2001; Dempsey, 1992; Hammons & Keller, 1990; Vaughan, 1986). While the reconfiguration of the term leadership was expanded it still placed men at the forefront and center (McKenney & Cejda, 2000). de Beauvoir (1986) railed that women were considered marginal to the center and therefore, considered Other . While newly enhanced definitions of leadership included more traditionally thought of feminine qualities original masculinized impressions of leadership persisted including such ideas as being tough, decisive, authoritative, and formal (Beck, 2003; Loden, 1985; Milk, 2001). Cultural and societal pressures that placed women in a contextualized position of collaborative leadership had been shaped by White male pressures. Expanding notions of the definition of leadership included such characteristics as being relational, process oriented, and inclusive were perhaps really mechanisms of covert control by men to appease feminist scholars (Beck, 2003; Gray, 1994; Jones, 1998; Mertes, 1997). 100 Yet, just as the idea of voice has been romanticized and valorized so too have some feminist scholars grown suspicious of the expansion of the term leadership. While the attempt at elaborating the definition of leadership seemed honorable it still placed difference at the core of the equation (Gonzales, 1999). Gonzales (1999) wrote of Linda Thor, president of Rio Salado College, that she was the type of kid who could compete with the opposite sex (p. 19). Men s ways of leading versus women s ways of leading became popular notions of how to make leadership more inclusive yet still retain original masculinized conceptions of leadership (Ebbers, Gallisath, Rockel, & Coyan, 2000; Greenberg, 2002). Most importantly it kept the focus on socially constructed differences between women and men (Eagly, Karau, & Makhijani, 1995; Ebbers & Gallisath, Rockel, & Coyan, 2000). While academic discourse emphasized Belenky et al. (1986) ways of knowing masculine notions of leading and managing still continued to dominant the higher education landscape (Duncan & Harlacher, 1991; Kuh & Whitt, 1988). Popular debate within the community college environment surrounded issues of how definitions of leadership and management were defined by and centered on males (Olsson, 2000). Women in management [and leadership roles] were marginalized by the continuing pervasiveness of heroic masculinism, the traditional and hierarchical form of management, which depicts executives as solitary (male) heroes engaged in unending trials of endurance (Olsson, 2000, p. 101 296). Bennis (1997) similarly stated, Our contemporary views of leadership are entwined with our notions of heroism so much so that the distinction between leader and hero (or celebrity, for that matter) often becomes blurred (p. 1). In fact, George Vaughan referred to the separation of junior colleges from public schools as the great man leadership style accomplished by the notion of manifest destiny (Twombly, 1995, p. 70). Similarly, Deming (2000) stated, The aim of leadership should be to improve the performance of man and machine (p. 248). Heroes have been almost exclusively the territory of White men. Loewen (1995) pointed out that two twentieth century Americans who had been heroified were Woodrow Wilson and Helen Keller. Keller, depicted as a frail, small person did not pass any legislation. She did not change the course of world events or win wars yet Keller s life was presented as exemplary if not inspirational (Loewen, 1995). Keller was deaf, dumb, and blind and while she did to some extent manage to overcome some seemingly insurmountable challenges history has not written about her adulthood. Beyond Anne Sullivan s assistance there was little information about Keller being a radical Socialist, advocating for communism, or her membership as a Wobbly, an individual of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) (Loewen, 1995). Instead students of history know that Woodrow Wilson led the march in World War I and established the League of Nations (Loewen, 1995). Wilson was 102 against left-wing unions and was honored for his lead on women s suffrage (a movement already underway) (Loewen, 1995). Heroification, a term coined by Loewen (1995) set up Keller to be the mythical, strong, inspirational woman students were taught to emulate yet Wilson received a sort of idolatry, a patriotic gloss, and a presidency. Interpretations of women as heroes did exist. Gilman s (1979) book, Herland, wrote that man known as protector and guardian had died out. Man as a species no longer existed in Herland. The women of Herland had no men to fear and therefore no need for protection (Gilman, 1979). But for the most part American history textbooks and the people students learned to admire placed the focus on males and masculine attributes. Leadership archetypes were strengthened, according to Olsson (2000), to enhance masculinized notions of leadership and management in an attempt to not only support organizational goals but to provide role models for aspiring males. Despite the literature s focus on the differences between leadership and management one thing was clear. Traditional leadership and management literature presented organizational problem solving as slaying dragons myths of traditional executive culture (Olsson, 2000, p. 296). So continued the distinctions between leadership and management while both operated under a masculinist paradigm (Higdon, 2002). According to Covey (1989), Leadership is not management (p. 101). Although community college practitioners claimed that definitions for 103 management and leadership were often confused as the same, they rallied that they could not have been more different (Kotter, 1990). George R. Conger, the President of Aims Community College until 1997, stated the difference between management and leadership: Good managers get things done. Great managers are able to accomplish impressive and monumental tasks. Leaders, on the other hand, tend to alter dramatically the attitudes of their followers who, in turn, through conviction, make significant things happen (Roueche, Baker, & Rose, 1989, p. 15). While Porter & Lawler (1968) might have essentially agreed with Conger s distinct reference to the differences between leadership and management they would not have concurred in its entirety. Porter & Lawler (1968) believed managers attitudes and performance were equally as influential on followers as they were for leaders. They did not take exception between notions of positive or negative managerial attitudes as they affected followers any more than they did for the impact of leaders attitudes. Other differentiations between management and leadership were in keeping with Conger s definition. Managers are persons appointed to positions of authority who enable others to do their work effectively, who have responsibility for resource utilization (people, materials, equipment, and capital resources), and who are accountable for work results (http://www.courses.psu.edu). Again, the point was that White males made these 104 distinctions and it was only in hindsight that women modified original conceptions of leadership and management. According to Beehler (1993) and Roueche, Ely, and Roueche (2000; 2001) Dr. Byron N. McClenney, current president of Kingsborough Community College, saw a president s role as one of management. McClenney stated that the community college president needed to be one who built processes and means into the system to create responses to environmental changes in short, one who prepares of the future (Beehler, 1993, p.18). Another definition of management stated, Leadership is one of the roles that a manager needs to exercise. By executing the leadership role, managers get things done through people (http://www.courses.psu.edu). In contrast, another definition stated, Leadership is the ability to influence others and motivate others toward organizational goals (http://www.sfsu.edu). However, most leadership theorists conveyed what they felt were real distinctions between leadership and management. Covey (1989) cited Drucker and Bennis for defining management as doing things right; and leadership as doing the right things (p. 101). Covey (1989) commented, Management is efficiency in climbing the ladder of success; leadership determines whether the ladder is leaning against the right wall (p. 101). Covey (1989) also remarked in a similar explanation, Management is the breaking down, the analysis, the sequencing, the specific application, the time-bound left-brain aspect of effective 105 self-government (p. 147). He went on to say, Effective management is putting first things first. While leadership decides what first things are, it is management that puts them first, day-by-day, moment-by-moment. Management is discipline, carrying it out (Covey, 1989, p. 148). Still blaming White men alone for making these strongly advocated opinions regarding differences between leadership and management known was not a privilege that could be placed squarely on their shoulders. While it was easy to blame White males for controlling theories of leadership and management it would be shortsighted and foolish to assume that women s ideas about both issues were monolithic in scope. For example, according to Vinnicombe & Singh (2002) many women s management styles were androgynous or used male modalities. Women-centered approaches, often presented as homogenous, were proposed and perpetuated by White, middle class women. White middle class women had inadvertently relegated women of color and others to the margin. Suddenly, Freire s (1973) ideas about the oppressed becoming the oppressor became more vivid. The recognition of how one group dominated another continued. For example, many researchers said leadership was the ability to influence others and motivate them toward organizational goals (http://userwww.sfsu.edu; Baker, Roueche, & Gillett-Karam, 1990; O Banion, 1973, 2000). Roueche, Baker, and Rose (1989) defined leadership as, the ability to influence, shape, and embed 106 values, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors consistent with increased commitment to the unique mission of the community college (p. 34). Gardner (1990) said that leadership was, the process of persuasion or example by which an individual induces a group to pursue objectives held by the leader and his or her followers (p. 1). Both definitions leaned toward rationalism and pragmatism while Taylor (1979) referred to women like Eva Per n as the following Argentinians have explicitly described Evita s leadership not as political, but as spiritual, moral or religious they describe Eva s leadership as irrational, unanalyzable, and uncontrollable (p. 11). Socially constructed notions of gender differences appeared in scholarly educational research (Gleazer, 1973). While definitions of leadership varied depending on the setting, they also differed depending on the style, purpose, and level of effectiveness (Gleazer, 1993; Kaneklides, 1985; Kerr, 1984; Kotter & Geskett, 1992; Morris, 2000; Schwarz, 1994; Yoder, 2001). Within the community college setting, Duncan (1991), Pielstick (1998), and Roueche et al. (1989) concurred with Burns (1978) definition of transformational leadership which stated, Leadership occurs when one or more persons engage with others in such a way that leaders and followers raise one another to higher levels of motivation and morality (p. 20). Burns (1978) made it clear that leaders and followers purposes, which might have started out as separate, but related (p. 20) ideally became united. There was a common purpose for both leader and follower where both were transformed when 107 they engaged in seeking shared goals (Burns, 1978; Guskin & Marcy, 2002; Kubala & Bailey, 2001; Ouchi, 1981). Women had been expected to adhere to the dominant discourse of what constituted leadership (Hebel, 1995). In some cases women experienced crossgender transitions in relation to their leadership and management styles where they underwent changes from one leadership style to another and sometimes, back again (Oplatka, 2001). For example, President Gloria Macias Harrison of San Bernardino Community College was a self acknowledged activist who protested police brutality in the Casa Blanca neighborhood of Riverside, [CA], she started a newspaper called the El Chicano, and led organized marches against the Vietnam War (Palmer, 2000). For Harrison such activities could have been viewed as tipping the gender scale toward more masculine tendencies but there has been a societal penchant for claiming she was acting like an uppity female. While all community college presidents were expected to participate in such power-driven actions as legislative activity there still remained dismayed reactions when women not only enthusiastically took on the challenge but were successful at it (Hartsell, 1996; Oglesby & Windham, 1996). The tendency was for distinctions between masculinized notions of leadership and management to prevail. Peters and Waterman (1981) suggested that leadership could be many things. They claimed it was patient and involved coalition building. Similarly, Covey (1989) stated that leadership was an art and based on philosophy. It is 108 altering agendas so that new priorities get enough attention and it is being visible when things are going awry, and invisible when they are working well (Covey, 1989, p. 82). DiCroce (1995), Heffner (1956), and Witt, Wattenbarger, Gollattscheck, & Suppiger (1994) explained that women s power in the community college was successful because it had been hailed as the people s college , democracy s college , and opportunity s college . DiCroce (1995) analogy was based on the community college being on the bottom rung of the ladder where women as a social group were anyway. Dyer (1987) and Peters and Waterman (1981) believed leadership involved team building that spoke in one voice, listened carefully, communicated with encouragement, and backed up promises with sincere action. They stated that leadership involved being tough with occasional demonstrations of power when necessary. Peters and Waterman (1981) also referred to Burns (1978) definition that leaders appealed to the unconscious needs of others. The fundamental process is an elusive one; it is, in large part, to make conscious what lies unconscious among followers (Peters and Waterman, 1981, p. 84). Senge (1990) stated, Leaders are designers, stewards, and teachers. They are responsible for building organizations where people continually expand their capabilities to understand complexity, clarify vision, and improve shared mental models- that is, they are responsible for learning (p. 340). Senge (1990) believed that leaders accomplish this by stating, 109 [A] leader s story, sense of purpose, values and vision establish the direction and target [for the organization]. [The leader s] relentless commitment to the truth and to inquiry into the forces underlying current reality continually highlight the gaps between reality and the vision (p. 357). Senge (1990) called this gap between reality and vision the creative tension that energized employees and the organization (Dever, 1997). It was not anxiety, but rather the tension generated by holding a vision in place while simultaneously doing the things that needed to be done on a daily basis that kept the vision alive. Regardless of the definitions, the connection between gender and power was difficult to miss. Many women found it difficult to view leadership and management from universalized masculine constructs derived from primarily White male discourse that did not fit their experiences as women within dominant culture institutions (Parker, 2001; Powell, 2002). The institutionalization of women s and men s demonstrations of power were based in such paradigmatic constructs where the term empower meant reward rather than punish, restructure meant change rather than control, and teaching meant facilitate rather than give orders (DiCroce, 1995; Schwartz, 1994; Sheridan, 1997). Adaptations of men s illustrations of power to a feminine style seemed like an exchange of strength for breadcrumbs. Appeasing 50 percent of the population by granting them their own form of influence it was hoped would quiet the crowd. For example, Drucker (1999) stated, Management is the specific and distinguishing organ of any and all organizations (p. 9). Drucker 110 (1999) and Robbins (2000) explained that social disciplines such as those dealing with management dealt with the behaviors of people and human institutions. However, Drucker (1999) predicted that as American society moved farther into the 21st century the assumption that one managed people would change. One does not manage people but instead leads people (Drucker, 1999, p. 21). Changing language to reflect a change in dominant structure was a smoke screen used to confuse the oppressed when the change in language was created out of the patriarchal culture. While DiCroce (1995) claimed that women presidents could penetrate an institution s structure and redefine power she also insisted that it must be women who initiated and were held accountable for the change. Somehow DiCroce s (1995) suggestion did not seem like the same thing Freire (1970) proposed about how the oppressed must liberate their oppressors from mistreating them. Gardner (1990) defined a manager as, The individual so labeled who holds a directive post in an organization, presiding over the processes by which the organization functions, allocating resources prudently, and making the best possible use of people (p. 3). Evans (2001), a woman, commented that it was up to women leaders in community colleges to dare to make the drastic changes in organization, leadership and management style (p. 181). The implication was that women carried the world on their backs and in a world of uncertainty it must be women who adjusted (Evans, 2001). 111 Men and power, as the privileged discourse, did not have to change. As had been consistent with the literature on male dominated forms of leadership and management, Drucker (1967) remarked, One can always manage oneself and Management is largely by example (p. vii). He noted that if a person did not manage themselves effectively, then they could not possibly expect to manage others efficiently. Drucker (1967) and Robbins (2000) noted that when studying management some assumptions surfaced, namely that management was regarded as business management and that there was one right way to manage people. They pointed out that these assumptions, while once valid, had outlived their usefulness, and were in fact, now, gross exaggerations. While Drucker was likely not thinking in terms of women when he wrote these distinctions examples can be seen in the 2001 search for a new president of Palomar College. Three finalists, all women, had worked in various capacities in business, financial aid, and art history (Petrillo, 2001). Regardless of the plethora of differences in what constituted management versus that of leadership existing research on power in both spheres was centered on authority, legitimization, and influence (Blanchard & Johnson, 1981; Fennell, 1999; Fisher & Ury, 1991; Kotter, 1996; Nelson, 1994; Oakley & Krug, 1991; Parnell, 1990). Given the literature on leadership and management it did seem that both differed in terms of application, tasks, and challenges (Drucker, 1999). Management, both in theory and in practice, deals with the legal entity, the 112 individual enterprise-whether the business corporation, the hospital, the university and so on (Drucker, 1999, p. 30). Drucker (1999) explained that management had traditionally been based on command and control and that this style was defined whereby the chief executive had no authority beyond the confines of her/his organization. According to Twombly (1995), Images of commanders, builders, managers, heroes, blue chippers, and visionaries may have reflected real needs during the growth and maturing stages of community college development, but today they may restrict who is considered for leadership positions (p. 68). Drucker (1999) also stated, The inside of the organization is the domain of management and management must focus on the results and performance of the organization (p. 37-38). Both meanings connote forms of power as a sort of domination. Furthermore leadership and management literature sets up expectations about who can lead and those images, when compared to the stereotypes society created about gender and other marginalized groups, served as barriers to achievement (Peters & Peters, 2000; Twombly, 1995). Both management and leadership were mechanisms for the exercise of power since both were based on inequality. Both were modern, mechanistic ways of viewing social interactions. For example, Gardner (1990) believed that managers tended to accept organizational structure and process, as they existed. The manager is more tightly linked to an organization than is the leader indeed 113 the leader may have no organization at all (p. 4). Drucker (1999) stated that the manager must have an organization in which to manage: Management exists for the sake of the institution s results. It has to start with the intended results and has to organize the resources of the institution to attain these results. It is the organ to make the institution, whether business, church, university, hospital, or a battered women s shelter, capable of producing results outside of itself (Drucker, 1999, p. 39). Gardner (1990) used Gandhi as an example of a leader that had no formal organization under his control. Gardner (1990) commented that there have been many leaders who have headed movements so amorphous that management would be an inappropriate word (p. 4). Rather management was more tangible and frequently location specific. Management s concern and responsibility are everything that affects the performance of the institution and its results-whether inside or outside, whether under the institution s control or totally beyond it (Drucker, 1999, p. 40). Drucker implied that leadership knew no physical or geographic boundaries because it was made up of influence and motivation while management was corralled by such things as space, time, and region. Each definition suggested a linear causality in which what one does causes repercussions in others and insofar as some were winners while others were losers so too were the differences between men and women respectively (Fennell, 1999). Comparisons between women and men determined who had access to power and what kinds of power a person could exercise (Patton & McMahon, 1999; Twombly, 1995). 114 According to Fennell (1999) society s images of powerful women encountered negative responses from males and females due to the incongruence of the ways in which Western socialization viewed women. Conversely, not all images of power cast women negatively (Fennell, 1999). Some feminist scholars indicated discomfort with the power structures that existed. They expressed displeasure with prevailing theories of power, leadership, and management that took little account of women s experiences as wives, mothers, and volunteers (Fennell, 1999). But again, to frame women s power in terms of roles of domesticity was to stick with the status quo of traditionalism. Mary Hamilton, president of the Glendale Community College board was regarded not only as a leader but also as powerful (Gao, 2002). To me [Hamilton] was a role model of strength and courage. She was bright articulate had a great sense of humor and was proud of the fact that she was regarded as a feminist (Gao, 2002, p. N3). Breaking with traditional forms of leadership meant allowing oneself the luxury and permission of not having to come up with solutions to every problem, learning to ask questions instead of providing answers, giving up exclusive personal authority, providing support instead of control, and having the emotional capacity to welcome uncertainty, frustration, and pain (Garmon, 1997). It seemed that such theorists as Drucker, Senge, Gardner, and Parnell had either subconsciously or purposefully utilized the Abilene Paradox, otherwise known as 115 management by agreement (Harvey, 1980). Whether coincidental or strategic all had dutifully made the trip to Abilene (Harvey, 1980). IDENTITY BRIEF Historical Overview of Psychological Models Understanding the worldview of administrators, their cultural and racial heritage and how it affected them personally and professionally revealed how administrator s identities began to form (Ormrod, 1999). Knowing how such variables as oppression, racism, discrimination, and stereotyping affected them also helped in detecting their own racist attitudes, beliefs, and feelings (Helms, 1993). Values and expectations of administrators from different cultural backgrounds provided the external sociopolitical fodder that influenced all groups. Historical backgrounds, traditions, mores, and folkways have merged to form the fundamental beliefs and assumptions people made about themselves and the world around them (Motwani, 2003; Oromaner, 1997, 1998). Family structures, religion, education, and economic status have contributed to create the breadth and depth of knowledge that people used when forming ideas about what groups they belonged to and who was different from them (National Institute for Leadership Development & League for Innovation in the Community College, 2001). For example, according to Lasch (1975), the family imparted ethical norms, which provided the child with his or her first instruction in metanormative standards of behaving. The family s reproduction of cultural norms 116 and patterns shaped the child s character in ways, which went unquestioned and were regarded as normal (Lasch, 1975). Theories of human development and psychoanalytic models have contributed to the overall definition of identity. Various psychoanalytic methods added to the complexity of the conception of identity but alone they have not explained all of its dimensions (Erikson, 1968). For example, the German word, Umwelt, denoted not merely an environment which surrounded you, but which also was in you (Erikson, 1968, p. 24). From a psychoanalytic perspective it was this very dual and interactive environment that was forever defining who we were. Effective administrators have understood their own cultural conditioning, the conditioning of their staff, and the sociopolitical system in which they were working. Acquiring this understanding began with administrators awareness of cultural values, biases, assumptions, and attitudes that enhanced and/or hindered their development and practice (Corey, 2001; Crotty, 1998; Gillett-Karam, Roueche & Roueche 1991; Hirshhorn, 1999; Lustig & Koester, 1999; Schulman & Olufs, 1995). However, researchers have usually been aware that when examining various factors that made-up identity construction, a Eurocentric model was frequently applied. According to Barrett (1980) it was not necessary to fully accept psychoanalytic thought to argue that social constructions of gender identity, 117 which permeated our culture, were founded in the ideology of Eurocentric notions of what constituted the family. These processes were seen as natural (Barrett, 1980). Barrett (1980) stated that the notion of family represented the core of what American society has come to understand were thematic notions of maternalism, masculine protection, financial support, and self-sacrifice (p. 205). Thematic notions aside the family as an ideological concept was more powerful than any concrete construct of it (Barrett, 1980). It was important to keep in mind that when exploring other ethnic communities and their cultural and historical frameworks it was not useful to apply a European-American paradigmatic prototype (Fong & Furito, 2001). There was much to criticize about psychoanalytic theory, particularly from a feminist standpoint and having acknowledged the fallacy of using White, Eurocentric models to examine identity one still, it seemed, could not begin to address issues regarding identity without first reviewing Freudian late eighteenth century psychoanalytic thought. Freud understood the mind as being in constant conflict with itself which he claimed was the primary cause of human anxiety and unhappiness (Corey, 2000, 2001; Mitchell & Black, 1996; Strachey, 1990). Freud s investigations into internal conflicts led him to an artificial division of the mind into three parts: the id, ego, and super-ego (Freud, 1949; Mitchell & Black, 1996). These three elements were all part of a single entity called the mind. Freud s (1949) conception of the mind into three elements of the id, the ego, and 118 the super-ego served as a convenient way for him to discuss their functions. It was the constant movement from one level of the mind to another that was most fascinating. The most primitive motivational force of the mind represented the id (Freud, 1949; Strachey, 1990). It was the structure whose function was to do nothing more than eat, drink, defecate, and sleep (Corey, 2001; Freud, 1949). The id insisted on immediate gratification and was ruled by the pleasure principle, which demanded spontaneous satisfaction (Corey et al. 2000). The ego however, understood that immediate gratification was nearly impossible and was ruled by the reality principle (Corey, 2001; Mitchell & Black, 1996; Strachey, 1990). The reality principle suppressed the id s urges until a more appropriate strategy for filling this urge could be met (Corey, 2001). The ego was the planning stage (Corey, 2001; Freud, 1949, 1955). According to Erikson (1950) the super-ego used guilt and self-reproach as its primary means of enforcement. The superego represented the judicial branch of the personality and it included a person s moral code of what was right versus what was wrong (Corey, 2001). Freud and his follower s psychoanalytic thought were often identified as the enemy of the feminist movement (Mitchell, 1974). According to Mitchell (1974) Freud posited that women had a passive orientation, whereas males had an active one (Chodorow, 1978b). Hence, Freud hypothesized that females were more likely to repress sexual desires and impulses and turn aggression inward as 119 defense mechanisms against it. In addition, Freud believed a male ideology of rape was something women desired (Brownmiller, 1975; Davis, 1981). According to Lerner (1986) physical terror and coercion, which was the central component of controlling slaves, took for women the form of rape (p. 87). Rosalina Lopez, a character in Tanenbaum s 2000 book, Slut was raped. According to Tanenbaum (2000) two characters, Rosalina and a friend named Shawna, went to Kentucky Fried Chicken where they were approached by a gang of fourteen guys who pressured the girls for sex. When Rosalina and Shawna rebuffed their advances the guys raped them. In the aftermath, Rosalina seemed to come to some kind of resolution about how the rape was not her fault, about how it had been difficult and had changed her, and most importantly, that life must go on but Shawna never seemed to fully recover. Shawna s father beat her for getting raped, called her a slut, and blamed the rape on her claiming the rape was justified based on how she dressed that day. Would Freud have said Shawna and Rosalina enjoyed and desired being raped? Biological determinism, according to Freud, was woman s destiny (Mitchell, 1992). But Chodorow (1978b) and Millet (1970) railed that Freud s message that female inferiority was organic was meant to disguise the social construction of gender. Hence, if there was penis envy present it was more likely about envying males power in society, not their penises (Horney, 1980; Millet, 1970). Freud s notion that women were masochistic by nature and wanted the 120 pain of sexual intercourse as their expression of sexual maturity made all of his theorizing about women and sexuality suspect (Brownmiller, 1975). Feminist theorist, Kaplan (1991) stated that identities were constructed through mechanisms of social hierarchy and cultural differentiation so while experiential therapy was developed in reaction and against the psychoanalytic model of Freud it still used processes of division and fragmentation as psychoanalytic tools (Frankl, 1963; May 1969). Even as experiential therapy, also known as relationship therapy, emerged in the late 40s and early 50s it still placed White males as the experts in the therapist-client relationship. Experiential therapy, existential therapy, person- centered therapy, and gestalt therapy relied on such figures as Frankl (1965, 1969), May (1953, 1961, 1969), Perls (1969, 1970), and Rogers (1951, 1961). Experiential therapy was based on a subjective understanding of the world of the person and focused on the integration of the mind and body (Rogers, 1951,1961). Usually the therapist-client relationship was considered primary and in the context of a living and authentic relationship with the therapist the client s growth was released (Polster & Polster, 1976; Polster, 1997). This premise was based on the dependent nature of the client to the therapist. The literature failed to address how people of color participated in the therapeutic process and answering why this was so could be due to a number of reasons. One possibility is that it was unlikely that they were selected for study, a second guess is that they did not have 121 access to these types of therapies, and/or if they did have access that they chose not to participate in them. These models focused on non-directiveness and what it meant to be fully human. Human conditions such as freedom, responsibility, self-determination, and awareness were conscious choices except when a determination by the therapist that an intervention was needed on behalf of the client (Frankl, 1963, 1965, 1969; May, 1953; Rogers, 1951). Interventions were made in order to alter or hinder actions or behaviors. By the very nature of interventions non-directive therapy was turned on its head. Myths set forward by White psychoanalysts tricked clients into believing that they controlled the circumstances of their therapy and the resulting consequences. How could clients discover freedom, responsibility and self-determination when the reliance on White males was an inherent part of this type of therapy? From the late 50s through the 70s action therapy became popularized. Other terms such as reality therapy, behavior therapy, social learning theory, and cognitive behavior therapy were synonymous for action therapy and were touted by such figures as Bandura (1969, 1977), Ellis (1973), Glasser (1965, 1980, 1984), and Lazarus (1971). Relying on the client s current behavior, these forms of therapy stressed the importance of a client s need to take concrete steps to change their situations (Glasser, 1965,1980, 1984). For example, B.F. Skinner s (1971) classical and operant conditioning, rested on the assumption that change 122 was brought about when that behavior was followed by a particular kind of consequence (Corey, 2001; Skinner, 1971). Skinner contended that learning could not occur in the absence of some positive or negative reinforcement (Corey, 2001; Skinner, 1971). Based on scientific methods clients were encouraged not just to talk about their problems but also to take some action to bring about change (Corey, 2001; Skinner, 1971). Bandura (1969, 1977) produced another example about clients and selfefficacy. Bandura s (1969, 1977) premise was that the individual beliefs or expectations allowed him or her to master a situation and bring about desired change. Challenging dysfunctional beliefs and automatic thoughts that led to suffering could have been changed if the client s faulty thinking was corrected (Bandura, 1969, 1977; Glasser 1980, 1984; Lazarus, 1971). Ellis rational emotive behavior therapy (REBT) stressed thinking, deciding, analyzing, and doing (Corey, 2001, p. 297; Ellis, 1973). The basic assumption of REBT was that the way people interpreted events contributed to their own problems and resulting symptoms (Ellis, 1973). REBT stressed that positive self-statements, modeling, and behavioral rehearsal could be used to help treat clients dysfunctions (Corey, 2000, 2001; Ellis, 1973). Most of these therapies assumed that people were incapable of responsibility, self-discipline, self-determination, and even autonomous achievement because there was no sense of self in place. Skinner, (1971) 123 believed individuals simply reacted and behaved to external forces. The byproduct of this was that the concepts of consciousness, awareness, and selfcontrol could not and did not exist within their ideological frameworks. At best all internal subjective states could be, including feelings, were nothing more than chemical reactions in the brain or stimulus-response reactions to evolutionary and immediate environmental forces. Furthermore, these types of psychoanalytic thought were overly simplistic in their application and not sensitive enough to clients feelings. Feminist therapy was a therapeutic approach that came about through the efforts of many women. It was founded on the theory of inclusion (Corey, 2001). The beginning of feminist theory has been traced back to the women s movement of the 60s when women began consciousness-raising groups that expressed their dissatisfaction with traditional female roles (Chodorow, 1978a, 1978b, 1989; Corey, 2001). Feminist therapy s central concept was that women faced unique psychological and oppressive circumstances imposed on them by the relegation of their lower sociopolitical status (Chodorow, 1978a, 1978b). Gender and power have been at the heart of this model and it has sought to separate itself from traditional, Western, White-male associated psychotherapy that enjoyed such popular usage (Corey, 2001; Gilligan, 1982). Feminist therapists helped clients examine how culture, as managed by the privileged dominant group, did not represent them or their experience (Chodorow, 1978a, 1978b, 1989; Corey, 2001; 124 Gilligan, 1982). An essential premise of feminist therapy was that a Eurocentric, male construction of the female psyche had harmed the healthy development of women s identity development, self-concept, goals and aspirations (Corey, 2001; Polster, 1992). However, feminist therapy had limitations. The therapist was not gender neutral. She advocated for change in social structures, power relationships, selfdetermination, and the right to get an education (Corey, 2001). Feminist therapists frequently had an agenda all their own and could through transference interfere in their own and in their clients best interest. Another limitation was the possibility that the client would externalize all of his or her feelings of oppression rather than assume personal responsibility and take action in his or her own life (Corey, 2001). In addition, other drawbacks included ongoing debates about whether feminist therapy was a theory or an orientation and how problematic feminist therapy seemed given its development by White, middle-class women (Corey, 2001). Family systems therapy was represented by a number of divergent theories and approaches. Social constructionism played a significant role in family systems therapy where figures like Adler (1938), Bowen (1978), and Satir (1983) believed that the family counseling model made good use of intergenerational relationships (Corey, 2001). While therapists like Adler first started practicing after World War I, it was not until the 70s that the systemic 125 approach to counseling began to take root (Corey, 2001). The family systems perspective assumed that individuals and their problems could best be understood by examining familial relationships. Dysfunction was seen as a familial pattern that carried across generations where the client was connected to living systems of all sorts. When one aspect of the system changed, that change reverberated throughout other parts (Corey, 2001). A comprehensive treatment plan that addressed all family members and the larger context in which they lived was considered the best approach when counseling clients (Corey, 2001). While family systems therapy seemed valuable for its examination of identifying and exploring interactional familial patterns, it too was far from perfect. Clients might get lost in the language of the therapist when they worked from a systems perspective. Feedback loops, dyads, triads, inputs, outputs, and the like could be more education than the family in therapy was looking to obtain. All of the therapeutic approaches reviewed in this document were based in Western values that may not mirror clients value systems (Corey, 2001). Concepts such as independence, autonomy, the nuclear family, and rugged individualism may be foreign to clients needs and expectations (Corey, 2001). Cultural norms vary depending on ethnic, racial, class, and gender-based orientations. In the next section, there will be a closer and more in depth examination of Erikson s (1968) model of identity development as a standard of comparison to other perspectives. 126 IDENTITY MODELS Erikson (1968) explained that the exploration of identity must begin with a review of it s history. Erikson (1968) noted that ever since the first time the term identity was used it has come to mean a variety of things and could change according to contextual and historical connotations. Identity has been referred to in a number of ways, for example, identity crisis, self-identity, sexual identity, cultural identity, national identity, personal identity, racial/ethnic identity, and social identity have been used to designate more specific usage for a particular purpose. According to Erikson (1968) the term identity crisis was first used at Mt. Zion Veterans Rehabilitation Clinic during World War II for clinical purposes (p. 17). Having been through the horrors of war, most of the patients had lost a sense of personal sameness and historical continuity (Erikson, 1968, p. 17). Erikson (1968) noted that they were impaired in the sense that their inner sense of control or inner agency was responsible, thereby coining the term ego identity (p. 17). Erikson (1968) stated that ever since that time the term has been used to describe a central disturbance in severely conflicted young people whose sense of confusion is due, rather, to a war within themselves, and in confused rebels and destructive delinquents who war on their society (p. 17). Perhaps the reader was reminded of Stoppard s (1967) play, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead. In Act II, scene 2 of Hamlet, Rosencrantz and 127 Guildenstern as two courtier-spies were befuddled minor characters that Stoppard (1967) revived to main character status in his play. Postmodern theorists who delighted in the dark comedy loved the tendencies to skepticism that the two characters displayed. Rosencrantz and Guildenstern were portrayed as two sublime nobodies who willy-nilly become pawns in Claudius and Hamlet s schemes to outfox one another. Some identity theorists might have claimed that Rosencrantz and Guildenstern suffered from cognitive dissonance, from confusion as delinquents, and from unstable identities. Erikson (1968) would surely have found the two characters puzzling and likely suffering from symptoms of schizophrenia. Definitions of the term identity included Webster s New Collegiate Dictionary (1995) statement that it was the sameness of essential or generic character in different instances , the distinguishing character of personality of an individual , the condition of being the same with something described or asserted (p. 563). Erikson (1968) quoted William James who wrote a letter to his wife in 1920 where he described identity as: A man s character is discernible in the mental or moral attitude in which, when it came upon him, he felt himself most deeply and intensely active and alive. At such moments there is a voice inside which speaks and says: This is the real me! (p. 19). In a 1926 address to the Society of B nai B rith in Vienna, Freud (1959) defined identity as: 128 many obscure emotional forces, which were the more powerful the less they could be expressed in words, as a clear consciousness of inner identity, the safe privacy of a common mental construction (Erikson, 1968, p. 20). No matter which definition one used to describe identity, most agreed that a strong sense of identity was of central importance in the mental health life of an individual (McKay & Fanning, 1987; Vasquez, 1994). Vasquez (1994) stated that identity involved the way one viewed oneself in regard to qualities, characteristics, and values. Essentially, part of identity formation was based on the messages one received from others (Vasquez, 1994). Thus, the construction of identity was founded in both comparison to others and in connection with others. In Erikson s (1950) eight stages of man, stage five, identity versus role diffusion, he addressed identity development as occurring throughout the human life span. For example, according to Burns (1978), Children learn to see people as members of racial, caste, class, geographical, occupational, or language groups. They learned from other people to identify with or against the people in such social categories (p. 83). Burns (1978) believed the earliest primitive set of children s values were based largely on an us-versus-them mentality. These early identifications and loyalties showed impressive strength and persistence throughout a person s life. Burns (1978) remarked, A battery of cultural and institutional influences reinforces the process. In most cultures, family, neighborhood, village, urban enclave, and church or temple exist as mutual supports. Solidarity 129 and acceptance are the price of psychic, social, and even physical survival (p. 83). Erikson (1968) believed that once skills and tools were developed for establishing good relationships in coping with the world, and with the dawning of sexual maturity, childhood ended (p. 227). Once adolescence began, many people re-examined the same issues and behaviors that in most cases consisted of unconscious questioning during childhood (p. 227). The rapid onset of adolescents physical and mental maturity was the impetus for the re-examination of similar issues. The physiological revolution that teenagers went through caused them to be more concerned with how they were viewed by others than who they felt they really were. Making scapegoats out of well-intentioned people, searching for what Erikson (1950) called continuity and sameness, caused teens to confront the same questions of personal identity that they did when they were children. Frequently, teens idolized people, celebrities, athletes, and others who represented for them a solid, final, if not albeit true, identity that was absorbed into the teenager s psyche. There they could feel secure and safe in whom they thought they were. An ego identity was produced as the integration of the young person s libido combined with their natural ability and learning capacity worked in coalescence with the social opportunities that arrived. Ego identity, according to Erikson (1950), was the accrued sense of self-assuredness that came from the inner security of the sameness and continuity of one s meaning for others, as 130 evidenced in the tangible promise of a career (p. 228). Erikson (1950) cautioned that it was at this point that young adults experienced role diffusion or the break with significant identification of the heroes that had been their identity. For many, falling in love, according to Erikson (1950), was not merely sexual expression, it was a way for adolescents to project their own self-image onto others thereby clarifying and reflecting back the identity they were searching for. Almost all adolescence brought the rites of passage and the struggles and successes that integrated and affirmed what their identity was. It was Erikson s (1968) premise that discovering what constituted identity took into consideration a process that was located in the core of the individual and yet also in the core of his communal culture (p. 22). It was the process of establishing both identities that ascertained each separate identity (Erikson, 1968). For as one changed so did the other: they were mutually dependent. One helped define the other in their contrast and in their connection. Identity formation employs a process of simultaneous reflection and observation, a process taking place on all levels of mental functioning, by which the individual judges himself in the light of what he perceives to be the way in which other judge him in comparison to themselves and to a typology significant to them; while he judges their way of judging him in the light of how he perceives himself in comparison to them and to types that have become relevant to him (Erikson, 1968, p. 22-23). This dynamic process changed and became more differentiated and inclusive as a person became more mature and aware of the globalness of humanity (Erikson, 1968). The moment started when mother met baby as two separate beings 131 that recognized their symbioticness and familiarity. The formation of an identity was never finished, achieved, or unalterable (Erikson, 1968). The on-going development of identity formation put into motion the interaction between a collective identity where the personal and the public impacted identity in a reciprocal way (Schopflin, 2001). An example of this could be seen in the development of what constituted standards of female beauty in this country. Ideal images of beauty have been based on the fair skinned, blueeyed, blonde girl with small features (Grier & Cobbs, 1968; Griffin, 1960). Antithetical to this standard was the Black girl with short kinky hair, thick lips, and dark skin (Baldwin, 1962; Grier & Cobbs, 1968; Griffin, 1960). And no matter how loved the Black girl was by her Black mother, in this country she was deemed unattractive by virtue of her appearance (Grier & Cobbs, 1968; Griffin, 1960). Identification with her mother, who no doubt involuntarily internalized racist, deprecating images of herself, unwillingly passed on her damaged selfconcept, inflicted by a White patriarchal system, which had profound, albeit sometimes unconscious, consequences for the Black girl s self development (Gates, 1995; Grier & Cobbs, 1968). Eliade (1954) called the merging of the two as thought-worlds. The researcher would also name these paradigms, worldviews, or as the Germans say, Weltanschauung. More clearly stated, no matter what one called their philosophy of life, whether it was a paradigm, worldview, Weltanschauung, cosmology, or 132 otherwise, all connoted a combination of basic unproven assumptions with facts, experience, and philosophical elements that formed a specific individual perspective (McCarey & Mihal, 1996; Patton & McMahon, 1999; Wheatley, 2000; Wheatley & Kellner-Rogers, 1996). For example, according to Eliade (1954), All forms of collective human existence depend at some level on tacit or overt cosmologies, in as much as collective existence is about making cosmos out of chaos, a way of ordering the world and thereby making it intelligible and, therefore, safe (p. 1). Eliade (1954) and Wheatley (1992) believed that an ordering of this kind had certain qualities of its own. He clarified that it was necessarily bounded, though insiders treated it as universal. Again, we were reminded that it was the reciprocal nature of personal identity in conjunction with that of the collective that most accurately described one s identity typology. [Individual paradigms] exist simultaneously with other cosmologies, meaning that each cosmology and corresponding identity will look for recognition from the others with which it is in contact (Schopflin, 2001, p. 1). Both individual and collective identity formation were fixed around ideas of universal opinions of what was morally respectable (Finn & Jacobson, 2003). Similarly, Pride & Richardson (1995) and Schopflin (2001) stated that identity norms have been anchored around moral propositions that regulated values and behaviors and dictated what was right and wrong . Timelessness has been an important feature of identity because it suggested a certain level of 133 security and confidence in one s self image. Yet, that firm footing has not While the norms implied that identity development was absolute or fixed. associated with identity development may have intimated ageless anchoring, in fact, what one perceived as a solid, fixed identity has often been used to ensure inviolability from questioning (Schopflin, 2002, p. 1-2). According to Schopflin (2001), One of the most potent forms of securing these norms [has been] to present them as natural and often cultural and/or scientific (p. 2). For example, American society has attributed certain assumptions to life stages. When a young girl had her first menstrual cycle, she was considered a woman. When a boy had his Bar Mitzvah he was transitioned into a man. And when a woman had a baby, she was declared a mother. With each rite of passage American society made certain assumptions about how individuals should behave and who they are (Seiple, 1995). And when science, the first positivist paradigm, has been able to provide symbolic metaphors for these life stages, society has had a tendency to legitimize their authority and authenticity (Schopflin, 2001). Rituals and ceremonies have fed our spirits and contributed to the development of our identities, both individual and collective. In every such system of identity construction, there has been a matrix of both hierarchical and lateral norms. The common personal and collective awareness of this matrix s complex structure has invited reciprocal relations that requires people to be judgmental , in as much as they must have the criteria to 134 condemn certain kinds of behavior or judgments and approve of others (Schopflin, 2001, p. 2). Value hierarchies such as this were reminiscent of Maslow s (1968) hierarchy of needs. This matrix has contained our identity construction and has likely hidden our most basic assumptions. For example, without the concept of such things as common sense , individual and collective humanity could find themselves feeling powerless and vulnerable to the challenges and chaos that emerged (Schopflin, 2001). A sense of moral regulation has been fundamental to individual and collective survival and these have often been referred to as ethical codes (Baier, 1965; Broad, 1962; de Vries, 1995a, 1995b; Fletcher, 1966; Kimbrough, 1985; Mill, 1948; Moore, 2000, 2001a, 2001b; Phelps, 2001, 2002). According to Richardson & White (1995), ethics was a discipline related to what is good and bad including moral duty and obligations, values and beliefs used in critical thinking about human problems (p. x). When a common moral code was missing from American society, the result was a sense of disorder, confusion and, to combat it, the collective has gone to extreme lengths with the goal of creating one (Broad, 1962, MacIntyre, 1981; Plunkett, 1995; Schopflin, 2001). According to Moore (2000, 2001a, 2001b) this has been cultural reproduction at its best. Shared meaning, mores, folkways, customs, traditions, and societal expectations have been continuously affirmed and disavowed, according to predetermined patterns of taxonomies and hierarchies constructed by 135 that society (Fuchs, 1990; Kessner, 1977; Schopflin, 2001). According to Moore (2001a, 2001b, 2002) and Phelps (2001, 2002) this plethora of factors suggested that such meanings have been culturally bounded and that they were unique and particular to the collectivity that created them. It was precisely these factors that have been deemed universal in nature and applicability (Schopflin, 2001). According to Lustig & Koester (1999) all children have sought to identify with their families. But with psychological and sexual maturity these former children who were teenagers and finally adults, learned to identify with groups that existed in a larger context. Socialization taught adults about groups which they have not identified or belonged to (Lustig & Koester, 1999). Lustig & Koester (1999) explained that the recognition of identity characteristics by groups of adults who have identified with larger societal groups were called ingroups and groups that adults have not identified with were called outgroups. This classification of identification was based on the development of a self-concept built on cultural, social, and personal qualities and interactions (Lustig & Koester, 1999). Lustig & Koester (1999) explained that cultural identity referred to one s sense of belonging to a particular culture or ethnic group. It was based on the process and progress that arose when a person was born and raised in a way of life that had its own traditions, mores, values, heritage, language, religion, ancestry, aesthetics, thinking patterns and social structures (Lustig & Koester, 1999). 136 These factors were internalized in people to the degree that they seemed real, natural, and true according to what their culture told them they should be (Lustig & Koester, 1999). In fact, they seemed so right that they were deemed appropriate and universal. Social identity, according to Lustig & Koester (1999), was developed as a result of identifying with certain groups within their culture. The identification with such variables as age, gender, work, religion, ideology, social class, place, and common interests caused one to perceive that they shared these similarities (Lustig & Koester, 1999). For example, a baseball player might identify with athletes, an environmentalist with scientists, and a student with scholars. Sharing similar traits and concerns was what brought people together and was the basis for the formation of groups. No matter which identity model one subscribed to, all developed slowly and the unification of various types of identities took even longer to reconcile. Erikson s (1968) reference to this process was total realignment. man s proclivities and potentialities for total realignment were what only a few people who were very self-aware and brave could manage or what other people discovered through psychoanalysis (p. 80). Included in total realignment was the enormous amount of energy it took to combat the defenses, predilections, and blind spots that humans constructed to maintain threatening and false convictions about who they really were (Erikson, 1968). Anxiety and a host of other 137 dysfunctional behaviors and relationships often served as the trigger for reexamining and re-negotiating the primitive assumptions and beliefs one had established about oneself. In the above discussion about identity there has been the implication that a person who is developmentally healthy and secure was one who found some modicum of completeness. One could not address aspects of their cultural identity without also examining what made-up their personal and social identity. Personal identity is based on people s unique characteristics, which may differ from those of others in their cultural and social groups (Lustig & Koester, 1999, p. 139). According to Lustig & Koester (1999) it was the unique talents, quirks, abilities, and preferences that formed the basis for personal identity (p. 139). This suggested a process that Erikson (1968) referred to as wholeness . Wholeness seemed to connote an assembly of parts, even quite diversified parts, that entered into fruitful association and organization (p. 80). Erikson (1968) stated that this concept could be expressed through such expressions as, wholeheartedness, whole mindedness, wholesomeness, and the like. It was the perceived Gestalt form of psychoanalysis combined with systems thinking that alluded to the field of organization development. Not only have our leaders failed to see how different problems were interrelated; they have also refused to recognize how their socalled solutions affected future generations (Capra, 1996). Next, identity politics, perspectives, beliefs, values and attitudes will be examined. 138 IDENTITY POLITICS The phrase identity politics has come to signify a wide range of political activity and theorizing founded in the shared experiences of injustice of members of certain social groups (Heyes, 2002; Lather, 1986, 1991). Identity politics was also considered the political terrain where competing social groups vied for recognition for special interests particular to their group (Draper, 1985; Malen, 2001). However, social groups did not tend to organize around one specific ideology, which meant that identity politics usually concentrated on freeing particular constituencies who were marginalized within the realm of larger society (Heyes, 2002). The identity portion of identity politics depended on a hegemonic power structure (Benhabib, 1993). These social groups or collectivities organized themselves in an exclusionary manner and oppressed others by theorizing and behaving in ways that marginalized those groups against whom they defined themselves (Benhabib, 1993). Identity politics dominated the liberal left during the last thirty years of the 20th century (Draper, 1985). It s origination came out of the individualism of bourgeois social relations which allowed identity politics to try and transform the collective struggles for recognition of Blacks, women, gays, young people, and the like (Draper, 1985). This was a time when large-scale political movements, such as Black Civil Rights, the second wave of feminism, and the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) liberation movement occurred (Heyes, 139 2002). Identity politics focused on how each particular group was represented in institutionalized ways such as discourse, the media, and the public in general (Draper, 1985). Social movements were founded on and supported by philosophical thought that addressed questions regarding the nature, origin and future of the identities being defended. Oppression was at the heart of identity politics. Essentially this meant that one's identity as a woman or as Black, for example, makes one peculiarly vulnerable to cultural imperialism (including stereotyping, erasure, or appropriation of one's group identity), violence, exploitation, marginalization, or powerlessness (Heyes, 2002, p. unknown). For example, when Gilligan (1982) wrote about women s ethic of care, the author of this paper believed that she intended to empower women by recognizing what she perceived to be one of their strengths. However, in looking at her writing from another perspective, could Gilligan might have instead hurt women by identifying them as the caregivers? Why should it have been women, anymore than men, who For represented these values (MacKinnon as cited in Benhabib, 1993)? MacKinnon, Elgqvist-Saltzman, & Prentice (1998) the answer seemed to lie in the subordination of women (Benhabib, 1993). The team of MacKinnon et al. (1998) claimed that Gilligan s (1982) description of women as victims troubled her because Gilligan (1982) used a positively valued feminist stereotype, which placed labels on some of the very people feminists have tried to liberate. Yet 140 MacKinnon et al. (1998) stated that given existing patriarchal systems where men dominate and subjugate women, the values of care and all that that implies, keeping in mind woman as Other, would hurt rather than help women (Benhabib, 1993). The point was that rather than accepting and internalizing the negative scripts offered by the dominant culture about one's own inferiority, one could transform one's own self image and that of their social group by participating in consciousness-raising groups (Heyes, 2002; Ramsey, 1996). According to Heyes (2002) there was no straightforward criterion that defined any political struggle as a form of identity politics. Instead, the phrase signified a loose collection of political activists who were able to articulate their struggle in ways that previously had been neglected, erased, or suppressed (Heyes, 2002). MacKinnon, Elgqvist-Saltzman, & Prentice s (1998) statements regarding Gilligan s (1982) work, made Taylor s (1989) argument more interesting in that modern identity was characterized by an emphasis on its inner voice and capacity for authenticity or how to be true to oneself. For example, Flax (1993) rallied that masculine and feminine identities were not biologically determined. Instead they were social constructions that were determined and reflected by institutionalized forms of language, power, and social practices (Flax, 1993). The struggle for finding authenticity was not based on desires for inclusion within the fold of universal humankind, nor was it for recognition and respect of social groups 141 despite their differences (Kruks, 2001). Rather, what is demanded is respect for oneself as different (Kruks, 2001, p. 85). The crux of identity politics was the experience of oppression for the subject and the possibility of a shared and more authentic alternative. According to Heyes (2002) identity politics depended on unifying claims about the meaning of politically laden experiences to diverse individuals. Sometimes the meanings that particular groups of people attributed to certain kinds of thoughts and behaviors were really disguises that blinded social groups into thinking they were making their own free will choices. For example, when a woman spent time and money on developing what she thought was the quintessential equivalent of beauty by buying false nails, getting breast implants, wearing colored contact lenses, and taking diet pills to be thin she might have thought she felt more attractive instead of understanding that her thought processes and behavior were part of the patriarchal system that defined how women should look. Socially constructed notions of gender and the frequently unconscious buy-in of what the dominant culture told us was beautiful encouraged the oppressed to try and meet impossible standards. While identity politics seemed to unite disenfranchised groups of people in a positive way, in fact there were two points at which identity politics served to control and dominate its members. First, the notion that one aspect of a person s identity, such as being a woman, should be the sole factor of their identification 142 and represent the entirety of their being was problematic (Heyes, 2002). While identity politics tended to organize groups around single issues it put pressure on its members to identify themselves based on a single feature. In fact, members were not homogenous but instead had multiple identities and different political goals (Spelman, 1988). Secondly, the very aspects of identity that served to unify individuals into a single social groups may also have functioned as disciplinary measures and as the controlling mechanism for how groups self-identified and understood themselves (Heyes, 2002). The purpose and intention of identity politics as a liberating force for oppressed and marginalized groups thus served to suppress individuality (Appiah in Gutmann, 1994). For example, by imposing a single unifying theme onto all of its individual members, such as being Asian American marginalized their unique and different identities by encouraging them to assimilate into one dominant norm (Heyes, 2003). Integration into a social group suddenly began to look like the submersion of multiple identity characteristics and a command to conform to the identity of their group s single identification. For example, the LGBT community objects to being assimilated into heterosexual ways of being, like dressing gender appropriate or refraining from kissing in public between two of the same sex people, yet by focusing on this single aspect of identity the group seemed to be disowning the subsets of identities that also made-up the totality of human beings. Separatism in fact became the unifying force of identity politics for social groups 143 (Heyes, 2002). This view carved out a space where groups felt like the only structure that served to unite and protect them was a single identification based on one identity (Frye 1983; Rich, 1979, 1986). When feminists claimed that as a group they had been oppressed, based on notions of shared experience and a personal sense of self, others responded to them with doubt and mistrust (Heyes, 2002). In many cases the collective generalizations that were made about feminists actually threatened the stability of feminist theory and the movement. Others feared that if they acknowledged the vast heterogeneity and unique differences that existed within the feminist movement a dilution of its effectiveness and common cohesive goals could occur (Cornell, 2000; Heyes 2000; Young 1997). More modern feminist theory suggested that it might be possible to continue to build the feminist movement by not only acknowledging the differences among and within the movement but by using heterogeneity as a theme to welcome all kinds of people to join the movement. It was commonplace to hear that the term identity was in serious crisis within feminist thought and that feminist praxis needed to move beyond identity politics (Dean, 1996). For example, feminists and other politically organized social groups should have recognized the continuous re-forming of whom each individual was, no matter which group they belonged to (Goldstein & Rayner, 1994). The ongoing process of re-inventing oneself happened in a trajectory 144 hastened by the continuous cycle of praxis where action and reflection inspired and created the changing nature of each individual (Goldstein & Rayner, 1994). Nonetheless, gender, class, and race as sets of analytical categories continued to guide various theories and discourses, albeit in troubled and troubling ways (Heyes, 2002). POWER AND IDENTITY Ackerman (2000) argued that knowing oneself required knowing one s identity. Acting in accordance with what individuals determined was their identity allowed people to achieve their destinies (Blackburn, 2000). This was the argument at the individual level. Ackerman (2000) asserted that a similar logic held for the organization. If organizational members identified and were faithful in their actions to their organization s identity, the organization would be better able to fulfill its own destiny. Ackerman (2000) suggested that only by having acted in a manner consistent with an institution s identity could that organization have hoped to create real value for its stakeholders. The author of this paper asserted a similar premise for an individual s identity. Only if an individual acted in accordance with those behaviors, values, beliefs and actions that were consistent with their identity could that individual by virtue of their power lead effectively. Actions and behaviors that were inconsistent with the individual s identity would not only have caused severe dissonance but would have constrained and prohibited effective displays of power and ultimately that of the 145 institution. If the individual discovered and owned their identity, articulated that to others, and undertook actions and behaviors that were congruent with being powerful then would they have had a match between their identity and their roles as leaders (Blackburn, 2000). It is important to note however, that power and identity were not monolithic in scope. Based on latency, emergent, buried, fixed, stable, or unrecognized status, power and identity they could all have been manifested in a number of ways. Below are some illustrations of how power and identity displayed their salience, laying waiting just beneath the surface biding their time until it was called on, or hide undeveloped in the depths of immature personality evolution. Power and identity have been based on the key element of knowing thyself and what has been really important to people (Clemmer, 2000). According to Clemmer (2000) without a clear sense of personal priorities and principles, it would have been impossible for an individual to have brought their power into clear focus. Uncovering and articulating an individual s values, beliefs, assumptions, actions, and behaviors had been the essential component in identifying what constituted power and identity. For example, when one had a firm grasp of what constituted their identity, a portion of that information could have revealed whether or not that individual had a strong foundation on which to exercise their power within educational institutions (Yon, 2000). 146 Perhaps this begged the question, was a person born with power or was a powerful person made? The author of this paper claimed that some people when they were settling on their identity have discovered that they have had naturally powerful tendencies. They were born powerful. Innate qualities of charisma, influence, motivation, and vision formed and developed by virtue of lifespan socialization processes. However, since power involved a group and a process of disproportionate influence, this trait may never have found an opportunity to emerge. The result would be a dormant mixture of power and identity that was hidden underneath an external calling for its materialization. The other possibility was that powerful behavior evolved. It was exhibited in childhood and was a quality that continued into adulthood and beyond. For example, a child might have been the neighborhood leader who guided and influenced other neighborhood children to play baseball, build a tree house, or go fishing. Group members called upon the child to organize, direct, and prompt other neighborhood children to join (Knowles, 1990). Later, that same child, now a young adult, might have been the debate team leader and later the supervisor of an industrial work team. This process continued without thought to the individual as a natural, normal and unquestioned acceptance of one s development. In fact, he or she did not even wonder if others experienced a different life process. It was the author s idea that given the right circumstances anyone could be 147 powerful. When values were activated and identities were reinforced, powerful self-regulatory processes related to affect, goals, and cognitions were engaged; but when values and identities were dissociated, weak and inconsistent those same self-regulatory processes were distorted (Lorda & Brown, 2001). Natural qualities of power may have been latent, under-developed and unsophisticated but with the right combination of opportunity, awareness, and good judgment they became occasionally if not regularly practiced. For example, imagine everyone was asleep in a household where there was no smoke detector but the quietest, shyest child in the family awoke to the smell of smoldering fire. This child did not play with other kids in the neighborhood or participate in after school activities, had below average grades, and rarely left his bedroom except for meals. But in this moment of crisis, he or she jumped out of bed, awoke his or her siblings and parents, and carried the baby out to safety, so they could all escape safely before the fire consumed their home. The child who was labeled the low achiever, the least motivated, and the least likely to make a mark on the world seized the opportunity to lead and saved his or her family during the life threatening emergency. This illustrative, hypothetical situation suggested a stage called embryonic leadership identity. While in certain cohesive groups and under the right conditions this individual could exercise his or her display of unified power and identity it might also remain in an infantile state not yet ready to assume a 148 permanence of entrenchment. Another possibility was that the result could have been a resurfacing of power when a personally critical enough circumstance presented itself followed by the re-submergence of his or her identity into unseen places within their psyche. According to Maxwell (1998) laws of leadership were learned. Maxwell (1998) referred to the citizens of ancient Greece, the Hebrews in the Old Testament, the armies of the last two hundred years, and the rulers of modern Europe when he illustrated that the true principles of power as they had been known were constant. But the author of this paper did not think it necessarily took extraordinary powers or exceptional historical times to have demonstrated power. Instead she underscored the belief that anyone could have power under the right circumstances. As one uncovered their values and self-identity it would have been possible to explain their relationship to power (Lorda & Brown, 2001). noting that there are also clear patterns of values that correspond to individual versus collective identities and that leadership activities imply certain values (Lorda & Brown, 2001, p. 138). Self-identity, self-confidence, and sense of security would have been strengthened (Clemmer, 2000). This would have been an example of a made leader. It was possible to have taught anyone to exercise power under the optimum circumstances. 149 According to Maxwell (1998) leadership is developed daily, not in a day (p. 27). Principles provided the stable and solid core an individual needed to transform the rapid changes coming at them from terrifying threats into exciting opportunities (Clemmer, 2000). Benjamin Disraeli stated, The secret of success in life is for a man to be ready for his time when it comes (Maxwell, 1998, p. 27). Once personal principles became clarified and an individual realized what they would and would not stand for, it became easier to make choices between conflicting opportunities that arose, what actions they took, and where their energy was concentrated (Clemmer, 2000). Power and identity were reinforced and further developed through a reciprocal process by group members (Hogg, 2001). Once group members saw the born powerful person or the made powerful person who exhibited those traits and/or characteristics of influence and persuasion, group members construct[ed] an intragroup prototypicality gradient that invest[ed] the most prototypical member with the appearance of having influence; the appearance arises because members cognitively and behaviorally conform to the prototype (Hogg, 2001, p. 186). It was through the perception of and agreement by group members that the person exercised influence that made followers out of the group and caused them to listen to the powerful person s suggestions and ideas (Hogg, 2001). According to Hogg (2001), consensual social attraction imbued powerful people with apparent status and created a status-based structural differentiation 150 within the group into leaders and followers. This status differential then reinforced the inherent or obvious traits of power that resided in the individual causing him or her to demonstrate their leadership capabilities more readily, frequently, and less cautiously. This theory fit nicely with Fiedler s (1965, 1971, 1974) contingency theory based on effective leadership, which stated that a particular behavioral style was dependent on the favorability of the situation to that behavioral style. As Hogg (2001) suggested if the context remained unchanged, the prototype remained unchanged and their power and identity strengthened and became more grounded over time. Another perspective focused on power and identity as a transaction based on a dynamic process between followers and leaders (Bass, 1990; Bass & Stogdill, 1990; Hollander, 1985; Lord & Mahler, 1991; Nye & Simonetta, 1996). For example, attribution theory intimated that because powerful people were in the business of helping followers achieve their goals, followers bestowed status on them. Followers cognitive schemas about powerful people s behavior served to generate further assumptions about what constituted identity for the chosen person (Hogg, 2001). The attribution of power and status called forth latent traits such as charisma, inspiration, and motivation so often linked to leaders behaviors and followers preconceptions about leadership. Because power was a relational property within groups (i.e., leaders exist because of followers and followers exist because of leaders), it took either the 151 recognition by followers of what they perceived to be prototypical leaders based on some power-based criteria established by followers. Another view was that it took the emergence of a leader who gathered followers to set one s power and identity into motion (Hogg, 2001, p. 189). Such things as the emergence of power and maintenance of position were effective as a result of discovering their ability to coerce, dominate, guide, direct, and/or influence leadership potential because they were at last allowed to carry it out. According to Hogg (2001) social identity processes associated with power applied to both established and emergent leaders. Hogg (2001) asserted that when depersonalization was present, prototypicality processes influenced power and identity perceptions and effectiveness. For the established leader, the longer he or she remained in a prototypical position the more socially linked they became, the greater the consensual agreement that he or she was indeed powerful, and the more entrenched he or she became in that role (Hogg, 2001). This effect both created and sustained his or her powerful position. The more he or she was recognized as powerful the more that identity was reinforced for the individual and the longer that power base existed, the greater the likelihood that group members viewed him or her as prototypical (Hogg, 2001). Emergent powerful people, having just acquired prototypicality via recognition by group members as individuals who had leadership characteristics, were designated with and claimed influence and identity (Hogg, 2001). They adopted even more active aspects of 152 power prototypicality thereby expanding and deepening their grip on their position. For the individual who rose to prototypicality, he or she led in a powerful but brief way and inexplicably and suddenly fell from grace where often a change in the social contextual environment had occurred (Hogg, 2001). Hogg (2001) stated, Thus, over time and across contexts, the leader may decline in prototypicality whereas other members become more prototypical, opening the door, particularly under high salience conditions, to a redistribution of influence within the group (Hogg, 2001, p. 191). This process created a competitive climate as group members vied for power positionality since they too recognized their capacity for leadership. Power and identity were not static but instead were dynamic and fluctuating. Power and the positionality it generated rose and fell on a mixture of internal and external conditions that either served to create and reinforce itself or bring itself down. SUMMARY In virtually all aspects of power, male dominated discourses have dismissed or devalued women s contributions in the American community college. Socially constructed gender roles and hegemony created dualistic thinking about what women and men s roles should be resulting in a combative and polar-based paradigm of power. These rigid conceptions of what constituted masculinity and femininity forced notions about which forms of power were most 153 appropriate. Life history and feminist theory both helped and hindered this debate. By essentializing women and men s roles they contributed to further division while also providing a contextual base for the development of richer, more detailed historic studies. Furthermore, issues of race, gender, and class united and divided discussions of separatism and commonality as people sought to uncover the oppressions of so many. Power and identity were the vehicles for the transmission of community college leadership although traditional models of identity formation were founded in White male discourse. When feminist scholars addressed identity politics they learned to critically analyze and problematize theories of power and identity from without and within. The focus of this study was to explore how systems of power and identity connected for community college women and men. A qualitative research design was selected to examine in rich detail how the experiences of community college women and men experienced and responded to gender inequity. The rationale for this selection of this design and the description of the methods used were presented in the next chapter. 154 Chapter Three: Methodology Research is formalized curiosity. It is poking and prying with purpose. Zora Neale Hurston as cited in Janesick (1998). INTRODUCTION The purpose of this gender-based study was to provide rich descriptions of what identity and power systems meant to community college women and men, and in some cases in the private sector and how those meanings compared. Much of the recent literature on community college women and men has been and continues to be focused on quantifying leadership and gender inequity. More and more studies revolved around traditional notions of leadership viewed through a positivist lens (Boulmetis & Dutwin, 2000). While gendered research has become popular of late, the author of this paper has not been able to find any theoretical IQA study based on feminist theory, the role of hegemony, and life history in a community college inquiry that used a Constructivist/Interpretivist (C/I) framework. Since the purpose of this study was to examine the experiences of community college women and men, their definitions of identity and power and how those systems compared, a qualitative research design seemed most appropriate. Chapter Three focused on the method selection and context of the 155 study. The author of this paper s positionality and the selection of the subjects will be discussed. Finally, the qualitative research strategy and techniques will be explained as defined and owned by graduate students. Selection of Method The author of this paper planned to use a qualitative, dialectic, methodological approach with ethnographic elements. Interactive qualitative analysis (IQA) as developed by Northcutt and McCoy (2003) was the primary methodology used and it involved such methods as interviews, focus groups, life history, story telling, comparative analysis, narrative, and corroboration (Cary, 2002; Denzin & Lincoln, 1994; Gilmore & Carson, 1996; Glesne, 1999; Guba & Lincoln, 1985, 1998; Northcutt & McCoy, 2003). Since qualitative studies have provided more opportunity for in-depth, descriptive, and rich contextual devices the researcher of this study felt that a positivist investigation would not be appropriate (Ary, Jacobs, & Razavieh, 1996; Brown, Amos, & Mink, 1995). Scientifically derived knowledge, while historically deemed superior to qualitative studies, was no longer viewed as more authentic or accurate. Just because the researcher was conducting a qualitative study does not mean that this approach needed defending however readers cannot automatically assume that a particular method was a given (Wolcott, 1990). The emphasis of this inquiry was to further the understanding of the experiences of community college women and men using feminist theory to examine power and 156 identity. The researcher chose a qualitative study that by community colleges standards was not normative namely, an IQA methodology from a C/I perspective (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003). The author of this paper chose an a priori instrumental view of knowledge that reflected it as tentative and problematic (Janesick, 1998, p. 6). Sipe and Constable (1996) and Smyth (1989) similarly believed that certain paradigms presuppose answers to complex problems and by using a qualitative, feminist-based view the author of this paper could negotiate data resolution. For example, analyzing how gender inequities were reflected in asymmetric power relationships (Mertens, Farley, Madison, & Singleton, 1994). It was anticipated that the data generated by the interviews and focus groups would not only find ownership in those graduate students who produced it but would be complicated, filled with surprises, open to serendipity, and often leads to something unexpected in the original design of the research project (Janesick, 1998, p. 60). According to Janesick (1998) a qualitative study supported the theoretical framework; the design of the study, and the way the data would be interpreted and analyzed. QUALITATIVE RESEARCH Qualitative research was never meant to dress up language so that it appeared touchy-feely ; instead, qualitative research served epistemological interests (Eisner, 1991). Yet, the spirit of the Enlightenment with its positivist perspective, offered unambiguous, scientific methods for centuries as a 157 mechanism for truth (Brown, Amos, & Mink, 1995; Crotty, 1998; Ary, Jacobs, & Razavieh, 1996). This Saint-Simonian worldview was based on given facts that were observable through direct experience, far removed from the speculation and abstract reasoning of other paradigms (Crotty, 1998). Qualitative research became legitimized and widely accepted as a methodology when researchers sought to get beneath the surface of issues and explain some of the most enigmatic aspects of the human condition (Eisner, 1991). While Wilcott (1990) dismissed much of the research that educators did as truly qualitative, (or ethnographic as the case may be), the author of this paper felt that the construction of meaning authorized their research as qualitative with ethnographic elements (Eisner, 1991; Wolcott, 1990). According to Northcutt & McCoy (2003) facts were raw data but it was connecting the associations that provided for the organization and linkage of ideas and systems of thinking. Systems thinking referred to the habit of thinking about reality in terms of interdependencies, interactions, and sequences (Scholtes, 1998, p. 57; Scholtes, 1988). This process worked two ways: one, from the specific to the general (induction) and the other, from the general back to the specific (deduction) (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003). Inductive reasoning was one form of qualitative inquiry (Beck, 2003). Charmaz (2000) and Glaser & Strauss (1967) who were on the forefront of qualitative theory stated, [qualitative research] consists of systematic inductive guidelines for collecting and analyzing data that were used 158 in flexible, heuristic strategies (p. 510). According to Hesserl (1931), the founder of phenomenology, the theoretical orientation used to study essences was explained (Patton, 1990). It was based on the study of human experience in which considerations of objective reality were not taken into account (Patton, 1990). According to Patton (1990) phenomenology was based on people and how they constructed meaning making in the context of the world. Northcutt & McCoy s (2003) methodology, Interactive Qualitative Analysis (IQA) originated from the Total Quality Management (TQM) movement. Phenomenology produced qualitative data collection and analysis and was therefore an appropriate strategy used to explore and explain how identity and power for community college women and men shaped their leadership styles. The IQA methodology will be detailed later in the chapter. IQA used life history, focus groups, and interviews to generate data. Focus groups that the researcher would use in this study to produce interview protocols would also identify broad issues called affinities or the building blocks of mindmaps. Affinities, according to Northcutt & McCoy (2003) were, sets of textual references that have an underlying common meaning or theme, synonymous to factors or topics (p. 2). For best results focus groups should not be too heterogeneous in nature. In contrast, homogeneity lent itself to assumptions of similarities across ism s such as race, class, and ethnicity (Mertens, 1998). While focus group members unique 159 and personal differences were equally as important, similar experiences between group members provided an opportunity for faster cohesiveness and trust. One of the most rewarding aspects of qualitative research has been interviewing. The art of the interview has been communication at its best and the vast amount of literature on interviewing techniques since the 1930s provided proof of its popularity and increased refinement (Burgos-Debray, 1984; Denzin & Lincoln, 1994; Janesick, 1991, 1998; Lazarsfeld, 1935; Guba & Lincoln 1985a, 1985b; Merriam, 1998; Mertens, 1998; Metzler, 1989; Mishler, 1986; Salant & Dillman, 1994; Spradley, 1979). It would be negligent, since the author of this paper was a feminist, to avoid the issue of using a feminist approach to the interviewing process. Reinhartz (1992) as cited in Mertens (1998) explained that methodological issues related to data collection provided multiple, in-depth interviews [built] on bonds [where the sharing] of transcripts and interpretations [allows for increased accuracy] (p. 136). Reinhartz (1992) pointed out that women interviewing women might have produced different language than that generated in mixed group contexts. Similarly Oakley (1981) mentioned that researchers invested themselves in the interview process by revealing personal stories and experiences when asked by interviewees as a way of building intimacy and friendship. This was apparent as Chapter IV illustrated. Adler & Adler (1994) explained that feminist approaches to interviewing made room for closer relationship building in an attempt to minimize differences 160 between the interviewer and the participant. For years, the voices of women were silenced in research projects and focus groups allowed opportunities for those women to express themselves who were intimidated by one-on-one interviews. Since focus groups were the first method of interview, female participants had an early opportunity to collectively expose the layers of women s oppression that were perhaps previously suppressed (Madriz, 2000). There were many types of qualitative interviews. While face-to-face interviewing was perhaps the most commonly thought of type of interview, other forms also exist, such as the group interview, mailed or self-administered questionnaires, and telephone surveys (Fontana & Frey, 2000; Seidman, 1998). Interviews have varied from the general to the structured and the information gleaned from the interview can be used for a multitude of purposes (Fontana & Frey, 2000; Seidman, 1998). Fontana & Frey (2000) remarked that an interview could have been five minutes, an hour, a day, or a series of days. In fact, the process of interviewing took place on so many levels, at so many various times, that the idea that an interview took place was potentially unconscious for many people, especially those individuals unrelated to the field of education. Generally, three types of qualitative approaches would be used for interviewing. Fontana & Frey (2000) described these three approaches as, (1) the unstructured interview, (2) the semi-structured interview, and (3) the structured interview (Patton, 1990; Seidman, 1998). The traditional unstructured interview 161 used an open-ended, in-depth style. It was free flowing and spontaneous between the researcher and the participant during observations in the field. In this type of interview the researcher never used closed-ended or formal approaches to interviewing. This approach s aim was to avoid a priori categorization of questions and answers and instead sought greater flexibility in it s pace and design. The semi-structured interview was slightly more structured whereby the researcher had a set of questions about particular issues related to their study but the also allowed for some deviation in the pattern of questioning. For example, during the interview the researcher could decide which questions needed to be modified or adapted for better, richer data. The structured interview used a preplanned format that did not deviate from its conception to its practice. All interviewees would be asked the same series of pre-established questions. The researcher generally tape recorded the participants responses and sorted the answers according to a coding scheme (Patton, 1990). The interviewer controlled the pace of the interview by treating the questionnaire as if it were a theatrical script to be followed in a standardized and straightforward manner (Fontana & Frey, 2000, p. 649). This method was particularly popular when multiple researchers interviewed large groups of people. Interactive Qualitative Analysis used a general interview format whereby the participants generated the questions during the focus group process. 162 According to McCracken (1998) techniques for semi-structured interviewing emphasized that questions were open-ended in nature and that the opportunity for exploratory, unstructured responses remained (Mertens, 1998). They also allowed the researcher to evaluate certain populations based on insight and to get feedback from the participants where there might have been a power differential (Janesick, 1998). According to Wolcott (1995) description was the foundation of interviewing. By presenting the data about settings and events in a straightforward manner the researcher told the story inviting the reader into their world with the participant(s). While interviewing might have appeared as simple question-and-answer it should not be confused with being neutral-free (Fontana & Frey, 2000). Interviewers always had an agenda and those with greater skill had the greater capacity for data gathering as a process between two active individuals where meaning was negotiated and socially constructed (Crotty, 1998; Fontana & Frey, 2000; Zou & Trueba, 2002). Interviewing never went exactly as the researcher had intended. Many participants took over the interview by changing the course of question sequencing and others said very little when a more elaborate explanation was expected. Rarely did interviewees relinquish all control over to the researcher but instead some of them assumed their own pace and direction pushing and pulling against the grain of where the researcher had intended to go. The negotiated power stance between the researcher and the participant seemed 163 not only relevant to the findings but also warranted an explanation of its own. Suddenly, within the realm of socially constructed knowledge there was room for even greater ambiguity as the participants maneuvered within the interview according to their own agendas. The revelation of this situation was a welcome insight for the researcher in that it made her aware of some of her own assumptions, biases and places of positionality. The author of this paper thought a brief description of where she was situated within the research was most appropriate so that the reader might better understand the way in which the order of the study was organized. Meta-normative patterns of research have traditionally revolved around men s lives and experiences. In this feminist study, deviance and interruption from conventional studies were explored. For example, when the researcher listened to women and men s voices she heard dissimilar stories. This process was relevant given the critical nature of this study where power and identity varied for women and men. Just as important were the silences or the words that would be left unsaid by both groups and how verbal absences figured into gendered texts. In contrast, some women use male language to describe their experiences and some men use female language. In other instances, women used what have been generally thought of as accepted masculine ways of leading and men have adopted socially constructed notions about feminine ways of leading. Looking beneath thematic statements towards presumptive ways of using 164 language, internal consistency, contradiction, and individual experiences revealed a mixture of styles, strategies and risk-taking behaviors for both genders. By noticing areas where the researcher became uncomfortable she later journaled as she sought to source out her own blind spots and resistance to the material being presented. Going into the interview the researcher understood the reciprocal nature of question and answer sessions and recognized that it was her responsibility not only to the study, but to the participants as well, that she triangulate, member check, and self-reflect on everything that transpired during the interview. LIFE HISTORY According to Cary (1999) in the discursive relations of power inherent in research, [the interviewee is] in a position of power as a research participant (p. 415). Researchers and interviewees always have a desire, intentionally or unconsciously, to tell a particular version of their story, as a form of resistance within and against the very version of the story they recall in the moment, time and space of the interview. In this moment interviewees create a portrayal of what Cary (1999) refers to as becoming. Life stories are not static but instead are moving, perspectival, and situationally located (Cary, 1999). With the telling of every story there were nuances, new and forgotten knowledge, hormonal, and environmental pressures that inform and shape our memories. Interviewees are thus in a constant state of becoming (Cary, 1999). 165 Triangulation, corroboration, member checking, consensus and contextualization were the methodological tools given researchers to confirm or refute such story telling discrepancies. Yet, in a dual role as researcher and researched was it possible to carve out notions of truth except as socially constructed, location specific, and time bound? It would seem that academic research by its very leanings toward positivism and post-positivism created a sense of entitlement, as a verified and accepted form of discourse within the academy, was problematic. No matter what paradigm one operated under, all research accepted the positivist notion and basic philosophy that research was accurate, valid, rigorous, and worthy. Hence, Cary s (1999) point regarding the normalizing tendencies of academic discourse (p. 416). The academy had whole-heartedly sanctioned research as meta-normative within certain bounds and parameters. Yet many times our selection of methodologies for example, life histories, narratives, story telling, and the like did not fit neatly into the elitism and rigidity of academic standard ways of conducting and writing about research findings. People and their stories were messy (Cary, 1999) and for the researcher trying to sort out this complex web of events, memories, and feelings can be a bit like making every straw in the haystack a needle. Yet, as a researcher, the author of this paper was bound by ethics, protocol, experience, and judgment to contextualize and tell the story of 166 the participants in the most objective, yet ironically and admittedly, subjective way possible. CONTEXT A major research, four-year institution located in central Texas was the sole focus for this study. Employed were conceptual notions about systems thinking which relied on a holistic perspective based on the essential properties of an organism or living system (Capra, 1996; Scott, 1992). However, systems thinking originated out of such sciences as organismic biology, psychology, and ecology which were driven by ideas about quantum physics in the realm of atoms and subatomic particles (Capra, 1996, p. 36). Science, positivism and post positivism were proven to be problematic as a theoretical backdrop for this study however, one aspect of systems thinking did seem relevant as it pertained to the contextualization of this paper. Namely, that the essential characteristic of systems thinking was the idea that the parts of a living system made up integrated wholes for which the integrity of system could not be broken down beyond its essential components (Capra, 1996; Davidson, 1983). While the parts were systems in their own right the isolation of one part from another could never make up the whole (Davidson, 1983). Hence, institutionalized concepts about power, made up of multiple layers interacting in a variety of ways, joined together to create systemic forms of power. Implications that power was monolithic in scope or that particular components of parts 167 interacting in a variety of ways always produced the same kind of power were false. Instead, no single aspect of power could ever be understood as power in and of itself. Rather, it was the unique combination of events, traits, characteristics, behaviors, patterns, and the like that formed power as a living system, which ultimately determined its influence. Power influenced organizational activities in many ways. These influences connotatively suggested ideas of wholeness (Cain, 1999; Capra, 1996; Mink, 1991a, 1991b; Mink, Mink, Downes, & Owen, 1994). Every complex system was based on the behavior of the whole as understood from the properties of its parts which included motivating subordinates, budgeting scarce resources, and serving as a source of communication. Over the years, researchers have emphasized the influences of leadership as based on the activities of subordinates. This emphasis by researchers led to theories about leadership. The first and perhaps most popular, situational theory, was advanced to the contingency theory of leadership developed in 1964 by Fiedler (Bedeian & Gleuck, 1983). This theory explained that group performance was a result of the interaction of two factors. These factors were known as leadership style and situational favorableness. In Fiedler's model, leadership effectiveness was the result of the interaction between the style of the leader and the characteristics of the environment in which the leader worked (Gray & Starke, 1988). 168 The first major factor in Fiedler's (1965, 1971) theory was leadership style. This was the consistent system of interaction that took place between a leader and work group. According to Fiedler (1965, 1971) and Fiedler & Chemers (1974), an individual's leadership style depended on his or her personality and was thus fixed (Bedeian & Gleuck, 1983). Therefore, Fiedler s contingency theory agreed with systems thinking in that the design decisions depended on environmental conditions (Mink, 1991; Morgan, 1997, Scott, 1992). Open, adaptive, and flexible types of leadership were the best fit since they were more adaptable to cultural change than fixed institutional structures (Morgan, 1997; Mink, 1991a, 1991 b; Mink, Mink, Downes, & Owen, 1994; Scott, 1992). Since women s and men s social, political, economic, and cultural contexts have differed, Capra (1996), Davidson (1983) and Mink (1994; 1991a, 1991b) have suggested that systems thinking was based on the interconnectedness of a single entity which was comprised of more than the sum of it s parts. Hence it made sense for the context of this study to focus on the experiences of the women and men participants as they related to historical issues of marginalization, oppression and submission. This is demonstrated through the flagrant invisibility in their works of the critical and cultural model generated by the subjugated oppressed group from its own experiences within a dominant and hostile society (Gordon, 1995, p. 189-190). By examining single entity themes such as power and identity the analysis of smaller systems such as gender, race- 169 based and class-based discrimination can be compared and contrasted. Gender, race, and class as systems unto themselves also contained subsystems. These subsystems operated in ways in which all of them were interconnected and could not be separated from one another without also looking at their theoretical and practical significance relative to the entirety of the whole. By using systems thinking, identity development models, and leadership theory the researcher examined the historical and present current conditions for women and men on gender inequity. It was also important to keep in mind that the study did not only examine the experiences of women and men as oppressed, but to research and write about how oppression was structured and reproduced (Gordon, 1995). It was the reproduction of patriarchal structures that according to Haraway (1988) fortified the concept of feminist objectivity. Mertens (1998) reported that feminist objectivity relied on knowing the time, space, and location from whence one s judgment and assessment could be made. That idea made it more difficult to use current notions of historical accuracy when using modern forms of analysis. Situated knowledge that is, recognizing the social and historical influences on that which we say we know where politically relevant research projects are less apt to perpetuate issues of neutrality (Mertens, 1998, p. 20). Furthermore, the researcher under this paradigm used praxis to study how 170 values, behaviors and attitudes forced him or her to more accurately define what issues were relevant for study (Mertens, 1998). Yet, the author of this paper did not subscribe to any kind of objectivity as she claimed there were multiple realities that were socially constructed by individuals. The researcher did however, believe that a feminist approach involved looking historically backward in order to determine the context in which women and men lived. Mertens (1998) commented that politically focused studies have for the most part produced less bias and distorted results than those studies, which claimed they were value-neutral. Reflexivity and praxis helped the researcher examine and consider the affect of values, beliefs, attitudes, and assumptions on the problem of leadership identity. The epistemological assumptions of the constructivist/interpretivist paradigm became apparent. By conducting focus groups, individual interviews, and reviewing documents, such as historical theory on gender relations, the researcher made observations that led to greater opportunities for growth and empowerment in the community college. According to Olesen (2000) the researcher was a symbolic interactionist working within a constructivist/interpretivist tradition. The author of this paper was sympathetic to critical/emancipatory and deconstructivist currents in feminism that encouraged provocative and disruptive action about assumed, unquestioned ideas regarding women and men in specific material, historical, and cultural contexts (Olesen, 2000, p. 215). It was this political agency that 171 determined the policies, procedures, hierarchies, and routines of the institution (Beck, 2003, p. 43). By examining gender, race, and class-based topics, identity development was revealed. For many women and men their identity development was based on the external environment. Women and men, both individually and collectively, assumed roles and determined life paths in relation to their position(s) within specific contexts. Socially constructed meaning was developed as women and men found themselves in certain settings. It was in this way that identity and power became positioned Darwinism and predetermined existence theories were avoided. It was theories such as these that kept feminism at bay but it was the researchers aim to dispel the irrelevance of the natural order and the status quo (Beck, 2003, p. 43). Patriarchy and the subjugation of women and men were historically based, contextually situated, and frequently viewed as normative and essential. In this study, community college women and men would be asked to define identity and power and how those systems compared. The views and perspectives of the women and men it was anticipated would show similarities and differences when it came to reflecting on their daily contextual efforts. It was paramount that the data collection method be done separately on community college women and men s experiences with participant self-identity selection done independently (Beck, 2003, p. 44). 172 POSITIONALITY Positioning feminist qualitative research did not imply passivity on the part of the researcher. For example, examining intellectual themes and controversy has had influence on many academics even if it has been to their chagrin (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). While feminism was not monolithic in scope many feminists had multiple perspectives and orientations. Feminist qualitative research did however; make problematic women and men s situations and the institutions that framed those situations (Olesen, 2000). Once the problematic was recognized it stimulated intellectual thought, discourse, and action for social justice for women, it also presented new ideas about dislodging knowledge about women and men s oppressive condition, and it provided opportunities for further research or action (Olesen, 2000). Many feminist approaches were couched in race and class-based studies. For the purpose of this study, the author chose to use gender within the community college framework. In epistemological situations of C/I all knowledge was socially constructed where interpretation was historically and culturally set (Kincheloe & McLaren, 2000). The researcher thus had to study the data according to time and place. Researching with a critical eye demanded a hermeneutical process whereby the researcher examined hidden processes, structures, and cultural and social dynamics that insidiously imprint meaning and values (Kincheloe & McLaren, 2000). Placing the researcher and the text in an interpretivist paradigm 173 required that historical situating and hegemonic and ideological forces that connect[ed] the microdynamics of everyday life with the macrodynamics of structures such as patriarchy (Kincheloe & McLaren, 2000, p. 288). Both the researcher and the study participants were agents during the process of this study. Following were brief personal descriptions of the researcher s background and experiences. According to Wottcott (1995) the researcher was never objective. As a White woman and a graduate student in a four-year major research institution it would be impossible for her to separate or distance herself from the data. The subjectivity of the researcher it was imagined would come to the forefront, which created a phenomenological and epistemological blurring of the lines between the participants and the researcher (Olesen, 2000). Immediately, the notion of objectivity raised questions about her study s validity, credibility, balance, and trust (Beck, 2003; Patton, 1990; Olesen, 2000). For example, questions about these issues were raised when Burgos-Debray (1984) published I, Rigoberta Mench : An Indian Women in Guatemala. Did Burgos-Debray s (1984) life cross that of Mench s in anyway when she edited the Mexican version to English? What about Lather & Smithies (1997) work on HIV-positive women? Did they blur unconsciously or consciously, the boundaries between subject and story? 174 In this study the researcher described her positionality in an effort to inform readers of the framework in which she worked. The context of her background, experiences, social process, and assumptions were made public, which allowed readers to understand the multiple influences that shaped her interpretations of the interviews and how she constructed knowledge. The author of this paper had both insider and outsider status. She was a graduate student in an IQA class with other graduate students who all were midlevel professionals seeking to add to their credentials in an attempt to advance their careers (Northcutt, 2003). Students were organized in two focus groups based on gender where they were asked though a guided imagery warm-up exercise to think about the nature of power (Northcutt, 2003). The author of this paper found she experienced similar struggles with issues of power as those individuals who worked in education and the private sector. hegemony were witnessed in both environments. The researcher had White privilege but also by virtue of her biological sex had experienced oppressive conditions. Immersed in statuses that were Challenges to simultaneously privileged as well as exploited created challenges to her ability to construct dual positions that accurately represented oppositional forces. Her awareness that objectivity was an impossibility did not ease the struggle to find authentic ways to participate and observe in a process that required a critical eye. Not only did the researcher have insider and outsider status based on her 175 occupational choice and the selection of her research participants but she also benefited by virtue of her color and was demoralized because she belonged to a subjugated population. The researcher and the participants shared assumptions, biases, beliefs, attitudes, and values that were unconscious as well as mindful. The researcher placed herself both at the periphery and the center of her research, which concurrently enhanced and restricted her ability to determine and depict what were her own personal issues and what were really what the research showed. From the time that the author of this paper was an undergraduate through her doctoral coursework she recognized that gender, identity, and power had been intertwined. As a graduate student her experiences with reflecting about inequities continued to evolve and become more complex and refined generating more questions than answers. Interviews with community college graduate students, faculty, and administrators would ideally provide insight into the increasing subversive and insidious role that gender, identity, and power played in higher education. The researcher would use journaling and triangulation as a method for the examination of her insider/outsider status in this study. SAMPLE SIZE In qualitative research conceptual definitions were used to identify the group of people the researcher wanted to study (Mertens, 1998). While quantitative studies most often used random sampling as a way of generalizing 176 across populations, qualitative research has not traditionally used purposive sample sizes emphasizing the unique position of each case (Eisner, 1991; Mertens, 1998). In this study, the researcher planned to use a particular sample size made up of random sample selection. For example, while the sample would primarily consist of community college graduate students, no distinct individuals within that sample would be chosen. This technique was referred to as purposeful random sampling (Mertens, 1998). The researcher intended to use graduate students who worked in the field of education and the private sector who were also enrolled in an IQA methodology class. The researcher could not generalize about community college women and men s behavior since she recognized that each case and each sample size only abstractly represented the larger group of interest (Stake, 2000). When a researcher designed a study it was expected that she would choose a proper sample size representative of the cases involved (Stake, 2000). For this study, the design would include a particular community college population. Generally, qualitative research used sample sizes that were small in nature. According to Stake (2000), For qualitative fieldwork, we draw a purposive sample, building in variety and acknowledging opportunities for intensive study (p. 446). The selection of a broad spectrum of doctoral students would be chosen for exactly this reason. 177 The researcher used a C/I paradigm, which meant that her samples represented information rich cases that would be studied in-depth. According to Patton (1990) there were several sampling strategies that could have been used in C/I research studies. Intensity sampling, according to Mertens (1998), was a technique for identifying sites or individuals in which the phenomenon of interest is strongly represented (p. 262). This technique required that the researcher be knowledgeable so that they could best recognize who or what the specificity should be. Homogenous sampling was a technique that was used for many focus groups. Groups that were homogenous provided a base line for the study where heterogeneity could not permit dominant participants to unfavorably control the outcome and patterns of the data. Theory-based sampling consisted of the researcher starting with a particular conception of how power and identity under a feminist framework affected those who worked in education. In Chapter Two of this study the researcher operationally defined feminist, race and class-based constructs, analyzed power and identity based on gender, and determined what populations would find these issues relevant. Confirming and disconfirming cases provided an opportunity for emerging theory [which] is always being tested against data that is systematically collected (Mertens, 1998, p. 264). Used together the researcher determined these techniques were most appropriate for her study. 178 PARTICIPANTS A graduate class of community college and private sector individuals enrolled in an IQA methods class at a major four-year research institution were going to be asked to participate in focus groups and interviews. Focus groups were typically composed of a homogenous sample of participants (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000; Mertens, 1998; Patton, 1990). Many of the women and men s voices heard in qualitative research share commonalities as well as differences, which allowed for the rich production of knowledge. Focus group members and interviewees would consist of the following women and men: a) Graduate students enrolled in a methods program at a major four-year research institution designed for those men and women who worked in education or in the private sector; b) Those who have been educated to be made aware of the importance of gender inequity, educational leadership programs, and the IQA methodology; c) Those who were degree seeking in a doctoral program in the hopes of advancing professionally and/or personally. The participants would self-identify as female or male and occupational choice. The selection of the women and men in this study provided for a contextually sameness of environment with exposure to similar sets of circumstances. It also, revealed the unique and distinct experiences that were 179 going to be indicative of individuals leading separate lives. The literature on various forms of ism s revealed oppressions of multiple kinds on many different levels. In keeping with this finding the researcher wished to recognize that sexual orientation, forms of ableism, ageism, and a whole host of other oppressive conditions existed as one frequently intersected with another in complex ways. However, due to the enormity of a study such as this and because gender, race, and class as their own issues were vast and deep in scope, the researcher selected not to look at other ism s in detail. Race and class were examined in the literature review in Chapter Two but will not be a consideration in the presentation of the data in Chapter Four. On occasion intersections of other ism s were referred to but gender was always the presiding focus. Women and men of color and other characteristics would participate in the study and their voices would be heard but in the presentation of the focus group and interview process these differences would not be distinguished from those of White individuals. The majority of the population selected would be graduate students enrolled in a community college leadership program. The Department of Educational Administration at a major four-year research institution provided the participants for an IQA methods class and many of the graduate students who worked in the private sector would be chosen for their interest in IQA methodology. All were contacted and twenty of them agreed to participate. 180 Therefore, a total of 20 participants were identified of which 10 were women (50%) and 10 were men (50%). INTERACTIVE QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS The methodology for this study was Interactive Qualitative Analysis (IQA) (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003). Interactive Qualitative Analysis s theoretical and ideological purpose was to seek balance in research paradigms (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003). Dialectical logic is one of the major underpinnings of IQA (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003, p. 16). For example, below is a list of the ideological dimensions of an IQA study: IQA presumes that knowledge and power are largely dependent IQA presumes that the observer and the observed are dependent The object of research in IQA is reality in consciousness IQA insists that both deduction and induction are necessary to the investigation of meaning IQA contends that decontextualized descriptions are useful and possible as long as they are backed up or grounded by highly contextualized ones, and as long as the process is public, accessible and accountable IQA is favorable to theory, both from the point of view of inducing theory and of testing it The principles of IQA support constructs such as credibility, transferability, and dependability, while highlighting the concepts of 181 validity and reliability through public, accessible, and accountable procedures (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003, p. 18-20). According to Northcutt & McCoy (2003) these seven principles were the underlying basis for what constituted good research. Moreover, they interacted in significant and meaningful ways, which allowed the production of complex and intricate patterns of systems development. According to McCoy (2003) the purpose of an IQA study was to encourage a focus group to create its own interpretive quilt, then to similarly construct individual quilts of meaning: together, the two levels of meaning are used by the investigator as the foundation for interpretation (Chapter 3 page 1). Northcutt & McCoy (2003) used the metaphor of an interpretive quilt when they described how systems were designed. They explained that the quilt was made up of patches, also known as affinities, and that these patches or affinities were held together by stitches or relationships between affinities. By providing this visual explanation of how a system was comprised of elements and relationships the researcher found she had an ideal methodology for the needs of her study (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003). An IQA study prompted the participants to examine these issues with respect to a phenomenon which was important to them by asking the participants the following questions: (1) What does this mean to you? (2) What led to this? 182 (3)What were the results? In order to best visualize what an IQA study looked like Northcutt & McCoy (2003) designed an IQA research diagram. Below is an example of a typical IQA study diagram: Illustration 3.01 183 Typical IQA Research Flow Research Design Focus Group Affinity Production (Open/Inductive and Axial Coding ) Interview Protocol Interviews Focus Group Theoretical Coding Individual Interview Axial Coding Focus Group SID Individual Interview SID Individual Interview Theoretical Coding Combined Interview Theoretical Coding SID Comparisons: 1. Focus group to interview 2. Interview to Interview 3. Across constituencies Combined Interview SID Conclusions and Implications 184 IQA s research flow had four distinct phases: research design, focus groups, interviews, and reporting (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003). The design of the IQA study provided a variety of aids, which defined the groups particular problem areas. Next, the identification of relevant constituencies who expressed an interest in the problem and the determination of pertinent research questions were drafted based on the issuance of the problem statement. IQA then used focus groups to identify the affinities of the system(s) that best represented the groups experience with the phenomenon. between each of the affinities. Using a set of protocols or rules stemming from IQA systems theory, a system could then be drawn that was illustrative and representative of a mindmap or picture of the group s reality. Affinities defined by the group would be used to develop an interview protocol. A comprehensive system diagram developed from the interviews, would explain the phenomenon. The final report allowed the researcher to describe the affinities and their relationships, to make comparisons among systems and individuals, and to make inferences and predictions based on the properties of the system(s) (McCoy, 2003; Northcutt & McCoy, 2003). Following is a brief summary of each of the major stages in the research flow. The research design of an IQA study began by recognizing a problem of interest. Many times the problem was vague yet the researcher acknowledged that a solution was needed. An IQA study took into account that the problem The groups determined the relationships 185 would at this stage be unclear and poorly defined. IQA started with an ambiguous problem and then identified the individuals or groups of people that were most interested in seeing the problem resolved. Once those constituencies were pinpointed the researcher focused on seeing the problem from the variety of perspectives that each constituency would be most interested in. Following the perspective identification process for each constituency was the writing of the research questions (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003). IQA offered a template for the design, which used three general questions: (1) What were the components of the phenomenon? (2) How did the components relate to each other in a perceptual system? And if more than one constituency was involved, a third question to be addressed was: (3) How did the systems compare, both in terms of components, intrasystemic relationships, and inter-systemic relationships? (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003, p. 4-5). After the above research questions were answered the researcher used two criteria for addressing whether the study was necessary: (1) What problem did these questions in their totality address? (2) Was this the problem we should have been addressing? (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003, p. 5). Next, a description of the focus groups involved was presented. 186 Focus Groups A total of two focus groups were conducted, one with women and one with men. Both groups had the following specifications: a) Doctoral students enrolled in either a community college leadership program or those who had an interest in IQA methodology; and b) Graduate students seeking advancement professionally and/or personally by virtue of being degree seeking. Each focus group was primed for the process by the researcher who conducted a guided imagery statement, which attempted to ground the groups in the moment and give them ample time for the consideration of the issue. For example, I would like you to think for a while about being powerful -- about the ability to get things done in your organization or your world. You have known about individuals who seem to be able to accomplish just about anything they set out to do. Maybe at times you have experienced this yourself. You have seen examples of powerful people. You have heard stories of powerful people. You might have felt what it is like to know you are or have acted powerfully. In a few minutes, I am going to ask you to tell me what you have noticed about how you or other women have been powerful. So let's begin. Please allow yourself to be as comfortable as possible. Put your thoughts from the day aside to allow your attention to focus on this topic Close your eyes to increase your state of relaxation and your ability to notice what you know about how you and others are powerful in their environment. 187 You have noticed when some women seem more capable to get things done, to get decisions made, to garner support, or to move an agenda forward. Think about a time when you have been successful in accomplishing something important to you. Especially if this was a challenging situation. If no situation for yourself comes to mind, select someone you know or have heard of and ask that person What were your beliefs about the situation, what were your strategies or decisions, what were the actions you took to accomplish this? Consider a time when you or another woman had to overcome barriers and being powerful meant drawing upon a special set of behaviors or strategies. What were they? How did others participate or not in this scenario? What did this mean to how you experienced power? Consider a woman who has sustained power over time or through challenges. What did this person do that is worth noticing? Look a little closer to detect subtleties of how she did this? Think of times when you or someone else set out to increase her power. How did you or she do this? What are different techniques, strategies or behaviors that contributed to accomplishing this? Review all your recollections up to this moment. (pause) As you have thoughts that do not apply, let them float by. Also, notice that they might have suggestions hidden in them that are valuable, as well. (pause) Recall what an experienced person has or might have told you about being powerful. (pause) Think about what you would tell a younger person about being powerful. (pause) Allow all these thoughts to remain calmly in your consciousness and ready to be revealed. Thank you for allowing these valuable observations and recollections to come forward. 188 Please allow yourself to gently allow your consciousness back to this time and place and when you are ready, open your eyes. Good. Thank you. And now - with all that you remember - and that is all that you just noticed please write down your thoughts on these cards. Write one thought or experience per card. Feel free to record a word, a phrase, a sentence or picture to capture that thought ... and ... Tell me about power. Next, an issue statement was drafted and read to the focus groups to elicit responses on the topic of the study: Please think about the story of your life in higher education and especially as it pertains to power. Reflect on your experiences, thoughts and feelings as a doctoral student and/or a community college employee. Picture yourself going about your daily routine and the events and the experiences that have brought you where you are today. What words come to mind when I ask the question, What does the term power mean as it is relevant to your life? Please open your eyes and put all of those words, illustrations, thoughts, phrases, and the like on the index cards in front of you. Put one word, illustration, thought, or phrase per card. The question is what words, illustrations, thoughts, and phrases come to your mind when you consider what it means to define your identity as a community college doctoral student and/or employee (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003). Northcutt & McCoy (2003) suggested that the issue statement be broad instead of specific so that the participants would have had the greatest breadth of opportunity to create a metaphor, figurative, or allegorical construct. The term broad was meant to imply to the participant that the researcher was not suggesting ambiguity or nothingness but instead was intimating the wide scope of cognitive 189 potential availability. Therefore, descriptive words such as experience, thought, idea, feelings and the like were used in the issue statement. When the issue statement was piloted with community college women and men at the researcher s university, it was found that the purposive-ness of the undefined widened the possible interpretations of the issue statement but this also created unforeseen problems. Many students were unaccustomed to nebulous directions and had difficulty adjusting to be asked to react and communicate in ways that were not direction specific. It was not uncommon for at least part of graduate students success to be based on their ability to follow instructions. The pilot study was intended to be used as a frame of reference. It would serve as the germ of information, which also assisted in influencing the development of the researchers questions. During the pilot questions were directed by the participants to the researcher in an attempt to clarify what the issue statement meant. The researcher speculated that this was an action on the behalf of the participants to do what was historically taught to women and men from grade school to adulthood. Namely, that answering the question right was not only the primary objective but also that absoluteness ensured success. To help make the participants more comfortable, specific directions such as, picture yourself, and reflect on your experiences would be added. Ultimately, adding these directions may place limitations on the participants causing them to further edit or censure themselves. For example, 190 when the researcher initially gave the participants the issue statement it was presented in abstract terms. Later, when the participants appeared confused by the ambiguity of the statement the researcher clarified the directions by making the abstract more concrete. While still in the focus group process, the graduate students were asked to place one thought, word, phrase, or idea on a separate index card. This practice had been referred to as the nominal group technique where each subject individually participated in a silent brainstorming session. The purpose of the nominal group technique would be to get a first impression of the breadth and depth of ideas about the issues at hand from each subjects thoughts without collaborating with one another. Each individual would contribute his or her own thoughts without alteration or censure by others. Next, the cards were placed in the middle of the table. Once all of the participants finished they gathered the cards and began identifying themes or categories of meaning. Then the process of inductive coding, moving from the specific to the general, began. The process of coding involved all of the focus group members who collaboratively taped the index cards to the wall and placed them into similarly themed groups, also called affinities. It was hoped that there would be much discussion and rearranging of the cards by the women s group and the men s group until some kind of consensus could be reached about the arrangement of the categories. 191 Affinity Re-naming and Re-vision After the affinities were identified, the participants used group process to determine an appropriate name for each affinity. The name clearly identified the nature of the affinity, for example: Emotions (Carter, 2002). At this time affinities were divided into sub-affinities, which were also named, for example: positive emotions and negative emotions might both be sub-affinities of the affinity Emotions (Carter, 2002). Once the affinities were named, it became clear that specific cards did not belong in the affinity to which they had been assigned, so some revision would take place with cards being moved from one affinity to another. It was important that the group felt that the affinities they created were an accurate and authentic representation of the elements of the issue being researched. These affinities formed the basis for all further research in this study (Carter, 2002). The affinities were developed into an interview protocol for each group by the researcher (Beck 2003; Northcutt & McCoy, 2003). The women s interview protocol was presented in Appendix A and the men s was presented in Appendix B. Identifying Relationships Among Factors With the construction of affinities complete, the group then moved on to the next phase, which was identifying the relationships among the affinities. This helped the researcher rationalize the system (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). The 192 first step was to construct a group Interrelationship Diagram (IRD) that summarized the group s perception of the relationships between the affinities they identified. Constructing the Group Interrelationship Diagram (IRD) Once the relationships between the affinities in a system was recorded in the ART, the researcher began summarizing them into a singular group composite description (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). This was the first step in a general process called rationalizing the system. The Interrelationship Diagram was a matrix containing all the perceived relationships in the system. This process was known as the hypothesis summary or producing a group composite, the Interrelationship Diagram (IRD) (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). The potential relationships were considered between each possible pairing of affinities, with only three possibilities allowed: for a given pair of factors the choices were as follows: Analyzing all possible pairs (only 3 possibilities; either A B, or B A, or no arrow): As the participants voted on their perception of the relationship between each pair of affinities, the direction of the relationships was noted in an Affinity Relationship Table (see table 2.1). The direction of the relationship had only three possibilities: either A directly influenced B (diagramed as: A B); or B directly influenced A (diagramed as: A B); or there was no direct influence between A and B (diagramed as: A <> B). All possible pairs 193 were analyzed and the cumulative results were tallied and noted on the table (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). Interrelationship Diagram (IRD) The IRD (see Table 1) was a two-dimensional grid used to calculate the affinity relationships determined from the cumulative ART. Relationships were charted in the diagram as reflected in the ART. Arrows faced only left or up. Each relationship was recorded twice, once with an up arrow and once with a left arrow (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). The researcher began recording with up arrows by looking at the IRD s vertical left side column first. During the second round the researcher recorded the left arrow by looking at the IRD s top horizontal row first. Arrows were then added to find the value of delta, which completed the table. To find the value of delta ( ), count the number of up arrows (Outs), count the number of left arrows (Ins), then subtract the number of Ins from the number of Outs to determine the deltas ( = Outs Ins) (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). Below was the composite IRD for the women s focus group. Table 3.01: Example of a Focus Group Interrelationship Diagram (IRD) Affinity Name 1. Character/Personal Qualities Frame of Reference 194 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Double Standard Goal Oriented Skills Vision Perseverance Personal Comfort/Health Appearance Collaboration Tabular IRD 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 OUT IN The IRD was then sorted in descending order of deltas to determine the primary driver and primary outcome of the affinity relationships (see Table 2). Affinities with a positive delta are relative drivers or causes; those with negative deltas and relative effects or outcomes (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002, p. 27). Northcutt went on to say that the affinity containing a positive delta with no Ins was always a positive driver. The affinity with the most Outs was the primary driver or another way of saying it was any affinity with no Ins was a primary driver. A primary driver was a significant cause that affected many other affinities. The affinity with the least number of Outs was the primary outcome. 195 Any affinity with no Outs is always a primary outcome (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002, p. 27). A primary outcome was a significant affect that was caused by many of the affinities but did not affect others (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). Constructing an Interview Protocol Use the Affinities as the Topical Skeleton of the Interview The next step in the IQA process was to construct an interview protocol. Interviews were a critical component to most qualitative studies. Since IQA was a systems approach that was meant to represent the meaning of phenomenon in terms of affinities and the relationships among them it seemed natural that the interview protocol would be designed by using these affinities. The interview protocol was used to confirm affinities created by the focus group and to elicit descriptions of relationships among the affinities. The purpose of the interview protocols was to use the affinities identified through focus group data collection and analysis to inform and shape questions for the interview. The interview protocol consisted of two parts: an open-ended interview and a structured interview (Northcutt, 2002). The content of the interview was determined by the affinities developed from the focus group. Since the affinity with the most Outs was the primary driver meaning it is the significant cause affecting other affinities, the interviewer s first question stemmed from this affinity/primary driver. The interviewer proceeded through the affinities/mind map asking questions according 196 to the structure of the mind map unless the respondent in answering a question alluded to an affinity not in the mind map sequence. If the respondent by answering the question took the interviewer to an affinity, not listed in the natural sequencing of the elements, the interviewer followed the respondent s lead and proceeded to the affinity that the respondent spontaneously moved to. Otherwise, the respondent answered questions regarding each of the affinities according to descending delta order (Northcutt, 2003). Describe the Two Sections of an IQA Interview The interview protocol consisted of two parts, the axial interview and the theoretical interview. Axial Deductive Coding The axial interview was an open-ended interview designed to provide rich descriptions of affinities (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). It was derived from the affinity write-up. Moving from the general to the specific was known as deductive coding. It was during this process that members sought to name, reorganize, clarify, and refine the affinities. The categories or affinities were given titles by the participants that accurately reflected the meaning of the affinity. Categories could be combined or divided into sub-categories. Once an affinity was named, cards may have needed to be moved. This revision continued until the focus group was comfortable with the affinity groups. Through group discussion, consensus should be reached regarding the meaning of each affinity, 197 the major categorization of affinities, and finally, the division of hierarchical systems of sub-affinities. A well-identified affinity had several characteristics. It was homogeneous, easy to define, described characteristics, had relationships to other things, was not a person, place or physical thing, and it had a range of meaning (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). Theoretical Inductive Coding The theoretical interview was a structured interview designed to identify relationships between all affinity pairs (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). The theoretical interview was presented through an affinity relationship table (ART). Determining the perceived cause and effect relationships among the affinities in a system was known as theoretical coding. Northcutt and McCoy (2002) developed a systematic IQA protocol to determine if there was a relationship between each pair of affinities. A formal approach was used by the focus group to examine the relationship between each pair of affinities. If the focus group determined there was a relationship between two affinities they indicated what causal direction by which each affinity affected another. If the focus group determined there was no relationship between the pairs of affinities a symbol of <> was inserted between both factors indicating that the group perceived no affect between one affinity and another. The participants voted on their perception of the relationship between each pair of affinities. This process later facilitated the identification of which 198 factor was the cause (driver) and which was the effect (outcome) (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). Interviews The next step in the IAQ process was conducting the interview. description of a typical interview setting and interview procedure follows. Typical Interview Setting Since the purpose of the interview was to find out what the respondent was thinking. The researcher shared the focus group s definition of each affinity with the participant and then engaged in a dialogue by asking, Tell me what this means to you? The first phase of the interview was relatively open-ended, with the purpose being to encourage the participant to reflect on the personal meaning and experiences relevant to each affinity. The interviewer established a relaxed quiet atmosphere to conduct the interview. A conversational flow transpired so the questions and answers were not contrived (Northcutt 2003; Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). Typical Interview Procedure The interviewer prepared for the interview by paying attention to two areas: content familiarity and logistical set-up. The researcher was thoroughly familiar with the content of the interview and each affinity in it. Not only did familiarity with the content free up the interviewer to listen to the respondent in a more genuine fashion but it enabled the researcher to engage in a more open A 199 dialogue-like conversation. A natural progression through the affinities was ideal and an intimate knowledge of the affinities helped facilitate the interview. Prior to the beginning of the interview the researcher tested the recording equipment, had extra copies of the ART and affinities, and made sure the power source was working properly. The interviewer introduced him/herself to the respondent and provided basic information regarding the study. At this point it was imperative to inform the respondent that the interview would be recorded and gain their written consent to proceed. After appropriate information was gathered the interviewer started with the first question on the first affinity/driver. The interview proceeded with questions following the order in which the affinities were listed unless the interviewee initiated discussion on other affinities. When all the affinities were covered in the axial portion of the interview, the interviewer and respondent took a short break to relax from the first half of the interview and prepare for the second phase (Northcutt 2003; Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). In the theoretical phase of the interview the respondent was given a copy of the Affinity Relationship Table (ART) as a guide. The interviewer explained to the respondent that the next step in the interview was to discuss the perceived relationships between all possible pairs of affinities. The interviewer then proceeded through each pair asking the respondent for an example of each relationship to help add context and richness to the explanation. At the conclusion of the theoretical portion of the interview the researcher asked the 200 respondent for any final thoughts, thank the respondent for participating, and assured the participant regarding all confidentiality guidelines (Northcutt, 2003; Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). Data Analysis Interview Analysis Coding an interview was the first step toward creating a mind map. Documenting the interview by following some general procedures in preparing the transcript allowed for easy access and retrieval of information. Both the axial and the theoretical portions of the interviews were coded. Interviews were transcribed word-for-word however, standard lapses and words such as, um , and uh were deleted from the transcript. It was wise for the researcher to develop an efficient, anonymous filing system to protect the confidentiality of each respondent but that still told the researcher which respondent s text they were analyzing. Both the axial and theoretical portions of the interview contained respective headings and were in bold font. Each line of the interview was numbered to ease the facilitation of finding specific quotes later in the process. The next step was to tabulate and summarize the relationships as described in the theoretical interview. After the information was tabulated in an Interrelationship Diagram (IRD) a picture showing the relationships between the affinities was developed. This picture was called a Systems Influence Diagram (SID). It was a visual representation of the entire system (Northcutt, 2003; Northcutt & McCoy, 201 2002). A detailed description of the interview analysis steps follows. There were two steps involved in determining the identifying relationships among the factors (affinities). An explanation of these steps follows: Axial Coding Once an interview transcript was prepared, the researcher analyzed the text for specific discourse examples that illustrated or alluded to an affinity (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). This was called axial coding. The identified axial codes were documented in an Interview Axial Code Table (see Table 3). Table 3.02: Example of an Axial Code Table Interview Axial Code Table Affinity Transcript Line Axial Quotation Researcher Notes 1. 2. Theoretical Coding The same procedure used for axial coding was replicated in theoretical coding with one major exception: Using a count of each theoretical code was entered into the Combined Interview Theoretical Code ART (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). Because individual respondents may have defined these relationships differently, and may in fact disagree about the direction of a 202 relationship, this table lists both directions for relationships (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002, p. 23). The researcher also identified, through a formal line of questioning in the second phase of the IQA interview, theoretical codes, which illustrated a relationship between two or more affinities (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). Summarizing and Tabulating Theoretical Codes It was very important in this section of coding that the researcher identify specific, concrete examples provided by the respondent from the interview that illustrated the relationship(s) between each pair of affinities. The identification and use of these examples provided the researcher with a more intimate view of the respondent s perspective (Carter, 2002). This was called theoretical coding. The identified theoretical codes were recorded in a Theoretical Code Table (see Table 3.03). Table 3.03: Example of a Theoretical Code Table Theoretical Code Table Affinity Line Pair Number Relationship 1 2 Theoretical Quotation Researcher Notes 203 1 2 351-358 I would say emotions impact career advancement because someone s emotions, whether they are healthy or unhealthy emotions, are going to affect their ability to move ahead. Emotions impact on career advancement/Unresolved stress & fear could hold you back. Constructing a SID from the Interview Data for a Single Interview Once the individual interview data was coded and sorted, a System Influence Diagram (SID) was developed. The SID was a visual representation of the entire system of influences and outcomes as described in the interview. The SID was created by representing the information presented in the IRD as a system of affinities and relationships among the affinities. To construct a SID from the interview data, the affinities were placed in four columns in order of their deltas beginning on the left as follows: Primary Driver, Secondary Driver, Secondary Outcome, Primary Outcome. Beginning with the primary driver, direct Each arrow was drawn from the relationships were connected with arrows. affinity/cause, to the affinity that was the effect. The SID was constructed by working from left to right and top to bottom in a circular pattern until all of the relationships were displayed. This was called a cluttered SID. The next step was 204 to eliminate redundant links. Once this was completed the SID was considered uncluttered (see Table 5) (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). Illustration 3.02: Example of an Uncluttered System Influence Diagram (SID) 2. 1. 3. Primary Driver Secondary Driver 4. 5. Secondary Outcome Primary Outcome Constructing a SID from the Composite Interview Data Once all interviews have been coded, the data from the interviews are summarized to create a combined SID that represents a composite of the individuals experience with the phenomenon (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002, p. 21). Constructing a SID from the composite interview data was similar to constructing a SID from the interview data. The composite data was entered into an IRD and sorted as described above. Once the IRD was sorted, a SID was developed according to the procedures for constructing a SID from the interview data for a single interview (Northcutt & McCoy, 2002). Describe each affinity from the point of view of the group as a whole. The following was a description of each affinity from the point of view of the group as a whole. 205 Composite Affinity Descriptions All interviews were transcribed word for word. Once the transcripts had been prepared, the researcher analyzed the text for axial codes, which are specific examples of discourse that illustrate or allude to an affinity. The researcher then documented the reference for retrieval by recording the affinity number on the line of transcript that referred to the affinity, and by documenting the line numbers and affinity numbers in the Individual Interview Axial Code Table (ACT). Quotes relating to a specific affinity were cut and pasted into the third column of the ACT, along with the line(s) of the transcript that were the source of the axial quote. Once all interviews had been coded, the data from the interviews was summarized to create a composite of the individuals experience with the phenomenon. Axial data was transferred from each Individual Interview Axial Code Table to a Combined Interview Axial Code Table. By combining all interviews into one table, the researcher created a database for the entire set of respondents containing all axial codes for all affinities, with each code containing a link or a reference to the transcript and line numbers that produced the code. The researcher next examined all quotes for each separate affinity. The quotes for a particular affinity were organized into sub-groups. These subgroups contained quotes that addressed a common theme describing that affinity. Multiple quotes were then woven together to develop a composite quote. 206 Pareto Protocol The first step in the composite system was to build the Pareto Protocol, which meant that a minority of the relationships in any system will account for a majority of the variation within the system (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003, p. 11). The Pareto Protocol was used to achieve consensus and analytically to create a statistical group composite (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003, p. 11). Table 3.04: Sample Pareto Protocol Affinity Pair Relationship Focus Group Frequency Class Interview Frequency Total 1 > 2 1 < 2 1 > 3 4 4 0 0 15 0 4 19 0 SUMMARY This study used a qualitative research design called Interactive Qualitative Analysis (IQA). IQA used focus groups and interviews to generate the study s data. The focus groups used in this study to produce interview protocols were a purposeful, homogenous, sample of doctoral students enrolled in a community college leadership IQA methodology class. While race, sexual orientation, and 207 other forms of discrimination were expected to be heard in the student s voices this study focused on gender inequity. Twenty interviews apiece were conducted with female and male students. Each interview was axially and theoretically coded using the affinities identified by the focus groups. The coded interviews were then transferred to affinities and the relationships between them were pictorially represented in a SID. In the next chapter the data from the interviews will be presented in the words of the participants. 208 Chapter Four: Findings Some leaders are born women.2 Badge celebrating Women-Power in Britain, late 1980s INTRODUCTION The purpose of this study was to draw upon feminist conceptual frameworks to understand socially constructed notions of masculinity and femininity and how those affected power and identity within the American community college. Therefore, the research objectives were to: (1) Investigate the meaning of identity systems for women and men community college leaders, (2) How did these systems compare based on the social construction of gender? (3) What were the power systems for women and men community college leaders? (4) How did these systems compare? and (5) What connections existed between identity and power systems and how did these connections compare for women and men community college leaders? This chapter begins with an overview of the community college constituencies. An axial coding of the summary of the factors that comprise community college doctoral student or graduate men and women s perceptions of McQuiston, Liz. Suffragettes to She-Devils: Women s Liberation and Beyond. London: Phaidon Press, Ltd. 2 209 the affinities is presented followed by a theoretical coding summary of how these factors relate. After producing and describing the resulting system, subsystems are illustrated and simplified. Following an overview of the community college constituencies, axial and theoretical coding summaries that comprise community college doctoral or graduate men and women s perceptions of the affinities that make up power and identity are presented. A description of the men s and women s system and simplification of the subsystems follows. The chapter concludes with final system representations of power and identity for each constituency. DEMOGRAPHICS As described in Chapter Three of this study, IQA data collection and analysis methods were utilized to determine what factors comprise gender based on power and identity for men and women in the American community college. Using homogeneous sampling two focus groups were held with a total of eighteen students: one composed of women in mid-career level professions both in education and in the private sector and one composed of men in the same categories on qualitative research methodology during the Spring 2003 semester. The subjects involved in the individual interviews were twenty doctoral students all who either are currently enrolled in an Educational Administration doctoral program or had graduated from such a program located at a major research institution in central Texas in the Spring 2004. The age range for the subjects was 210 between 26 years to 55 years. Fifty percent of the participants were women and 50% were men. Of those, 50% were White, 35% were Hispanic, 10% were Black, and 5% were Asian. Sixty percent were married, 25% were single, and 15% divorced. Forty-five percent said their career goals were to become a community college president with the remainder desiring an executive administrative position other than president. Eighty-five percent of the subjects said graduate school met their expectations. The factors that comprised community college administrators perceptions of gender, power, and identity were used as the basis for the interview protocol. The interview protocol authenticated the focus group s affinities and elicited thick descriptions of each factor. This structure ensured that each affinity was explored thoroughly and consistently. To determine interview participants, the researcher used criterion and convenience sampling. Ten male and ten female community college mid-level professionals enrolled in a doctoral program or recent graduates from the same program were interviewed for the study. The interview consisted of a series of dialogues on gender, power, and identity in the American community college. The interviewer asked questions regarding each affinity to ascertain participants experiences, thoughts, feelings, and perceptions in the context of community college leadership (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003). 211 Upon completion of the interviews, each was transcribed and analyzed for specific examples that illustrated or alluded to a specific affinity. Once data was transferred into axial code tables, the researcher created a database for the entire set of interviews. The following data analysis summarizes the axial code data contained in the database. AXIAL CODING SUMMARY To summarize interview results, a composite description of each affinity as described by community college men and women was created. The following descriptions of the twenty affinities identified by the focus groups comprise community college men and women s collective perceptions of gender, power, and identity. For the men these factors include: Character/Personal Qualities, Planning, Formal Power, Money, Respect, Relationships, Sources of Power, Prestige, Use of Power, and Influence. For the women these factors include: Character/Personal Qualities, Frame of Reference, Double Standard, Goal Oriented, Skills, Vision, Perseverance, Personal Comfort and Health, Appearance, and Collaboration. MEN S AFFINITY DESCRIPTIONS Character/Personal Qualities Community college male administrators use their character and personal qualities to lead others. The debate about whether leaders are born or made continues among powerful men yet all seem to agree that self-confidence, 212 fearlessness, focus, and ethical behavior contribute to effective longevity. Some community college men view power as something negative to be dealt with. Unconstructive past experiences with power exercised as dominance, control, and abuse shape some men s framework of power as something to be avoided. In more cases, however, community college men believe that leaders who have charisma exemplify and model the desirable exercise of power. They are in control. Some community college men are born with power while others acquire it over time. Qualities like power are developed over time because some people may not seem to be confident but once you start talking with them and just treating them as people you find out that they are very confident in their abilities. There are other people that have innate abilities that personify confidence but in reality if you want to get to a real leadership standpoint they have to be cultivated. These traits can be innate or they can be developed over time. More often I would say that those qualities are developed over time as people experience different situations, interact with different types of people, and are in different types of settings. Interviewees addressed the debate about whether leaders are born or made. The qualities of powerful people are primarily developed over time. They dress professionally, are articulate, visionary, and excellent planners. They are in control. Followers can learn some of the principles and implement those to help them become leaders just like those people who you recognize as born leaders. 213 For example, I was talking with my director of financial aid and she is one that believes that leaders are born and I am one that believes that leaders can be developed. Some people have a predisposition to lead but there are also people that never really develop leadership skills. Conversely, there are people who may not have a predisposition for leadership but they work really hard to develop their leadership skills and they rise and become better at leadership. If I had to make a choice between the two I would say that someone who does not have the innate characteristics can be a good leader but I think to be great leader you have to have the knowledge, training, and understanding to be outstanding. They are not afraid of leadership. Powerful men are very self-confident. One of the first traits that come to my mind is confidence. Powerful men are confident in themselves, in their goals, in the vision they establish for themselves and in the possibilities for the organization that they lead. One administrator believed powerful men got their strength from the spiritual world. A lot of the powerful men that impressed me, and it goes back to confidence, got their sense of power from a sense of peace or they had a spiritual connection. I am not saying a religious connection but there was a certain connectivity between their own spiritual nature and the universe. I think qualities like confidence can either be inborn or can be developed. It is the nature versus nurture debate and I really think it is a combination of both. 214 Interviewees saw self-confidence as essential to power. Self-confidence is very important. You can see power in men by the way they carry themselves and the way they talk to other people. You sense their self-confidence. It is a matter of perception. People perceive you the way you perceive yourself. Leaders have a good perception, not a cocky perception, of themselves and I think it influences the way people perceive of them. They are competent and confident that they can see their way through difficulties. Self-efficacy was another necessarily characteristic that male administrators felt showed power. When I see someone that I think is powerful it is someone that knows what they are doing. It is someone that believes in what they are doing, understands what they are doing, and cares about what they are doing. They are not afraid of leadership. They are comfortable with leadership and they wear it like clothing that fits really well. Men in power must believe in what they are doing. Setting and achieving goals and having confidence and a belief in yourself that you can achieve what you set out to do is what it is all about. When I have felt powerful it has been because of my confidence in my abilities or in the abilities of my team. I knew that I had the ability to accomplish something or to achieve an objective. Powerful men keep focused. Community college men accomplish things. A powerful person always has a positive attitude that things can be accomplished. It is about getting all of the pieces to come together to accomplish 215 what you set out to accomplish or what should have been accomplished. It is not about forcing someone to do something it is about getting them to want to accomplish things. One subject pointed out that part of the success of accomplishing things was most effective when male administrators did not take all the credit for themselves. Powerful men keep focused. They chose 3 or 4 important things to work on in the coming year or the coming month. They focus and work on what they want to achieve and they do not deviate from the original goals. Some people work more than others and powerful men work hard all the time. I completed several big projects in Mexico and I recall feeling powerful because I accomplished a big task. You feel powerful when you finish something that no one else has been able to accomplish before. After a while you accomplish a lot and your ambition shows that. One of the best things that I heard from a powerful president is you can accomplish a lot if you do not care who gets the credit. That was a big lesson for me because as you are struggling and you are on your way up you are always trying to achieve and trying to add things to your resume. Powerful people are ethical. Community college male administrators impact others in significant ways. You can be powerful for a while by being unethical but that does not mean it will last. People who are powerful for the long-term are ethical and are committed to certain values and principles that they do not deviate from them. Powerful men have an inner drive to succeed; they 216 mature, learn to relax, take a deep breath and enjoy the success of the people around them. They have the ability to relate to other people. Having relationships with all kinds of partners increases men s power. The most important thing for powerful men is to have relationships with peer presidents, supervisors, faculty, administrators, students and out sources like business partners and volunteers. Even though I might be given a certain amount of power in a position I have been very, very careful to use that in the best interest of other people. Powerful people are those who exercise power with caution and good judgment and always think about the interest of others and not about how that power can serve their own interests. It is not the exercise of brute force, anybody can do that if they have the authority, it is the coordination of things to produce an outcome. Teamwork and sharing success were the key to one male interviewees experience. When I was working at XXX Community College last year I was able to do a lot of things that allowed the sun to shine on other people where I gave them the kudos. I ended up gaining a lot more power that way because they felt good and they felt empowered. I think that involves a process of maturation in men. The real power comes from how much you can pull a team together and let them achieve. The important thing for powerful men is the way they talk and how they emphasize their points. Sometimes his words can be emotional, he may use proper metaphors, or he might describe a situation that leads you to whatever 217 point he is trying to make. It is difficult to describe. He should not be too talkative or too quiet but he should focus on the way he talks so he can make you believe his points. It is mainly the way he talks, not how much he talks, but how he makes his points and makes you believe in them. When I have been in positions of power I have been very careful not to step over the line. I knew I was here to learn lessons and to contribute to society. I was at peace even though the world seemed chaotic. Those kinds of leaders have a focus and sense of peace about them. Based on poor experiences with powerful male s character and personal qualities they described power as oppressive. I think of dominance like patriarchy. Community college men who are powerful are often thought of as controlling. When I think of character I think of someone that can wield power, someone that is dominant and controlling. There are some powerful people that I perceive of as naturally arrogant or maybe even abusive. I think that might be a reflection of their personality or a reflection of the environment they grew up in but I see it as a combination of both. When I think of men in power I think of something with negative connotations. I think of dominance like patriarchy. When I think of someone that is powerful I think of someone that is in charge, who is commanding, and who has authority. I see a second layer of power like the people that are sort of the power on the throne. The people that are able to manipulate the dominant. When I think of powerful people I either think of them as the ones that are in charge, the 218 dominant people, or the people that are more subversive, quiet, and work against it. One male respondent contrasted the above heart-felt feelings with the following, The times in my life when I have felt the most power are the times when I have been the most kind. When I worked one-on-one with people and was in a leadership position that felt flat I felt powerful. When I worked with people in teams I appreciated them and I did not feel like I had to crush anyone. It was very opposite from the Machiavellian way. I think of someone that has charisma and sort of oozes that something. Powerful community college men have dynamic personalities. Powerful men are outgoing and they know how to use their influence among people. They know how to motivate them and they are outright personable. Powerful men know how to touch their followers in a personal way by using their character and connecting with other people s personalities. Their personality and character is what we are drawn to. The personal qualities that I see as necessary for powerful men include empathy for others and care for what they are doing. They have a calmness about them that comes as a result of going through many challenges. Powerful men are very likeable and they talk to us on a first name basis. I am thinking of a people person, someone that can sway people almost like someone who sells things. I think of someone that has charisma and sort of oozes that special something. You 219 have to inspire others and powerful people lead you to get a lot of things done in a short period of time without complaining. Power is gained from a lot of different things like your position and personality. Powerful people use all of their resources. They choose the power they need to use in each situation. I think the times I have felt most powerful have been when I felt like I had charisma and I was caring, gentle, open, and talkative. Planning Powerful men unanimously agreed that planning was essential. Effective planning was attributed to such things as life experience, self-awareness, the ability to strategize, and having the capacity to be flexible when plans need to change. Some community college male administrators explained that certain powerful men used their ability to plan for abusive purposes in an effort to coerce or intimidate others. Powerful men believed that there were extreme differences between the ways they plan and they ways in which powerful women plan. Strategizing about how to reach a particular target and having the flexibility to change directions mid-plan were two behaviors that the powerful men respected. It is like having everything in order to prepare a good meal. Powerful men act with intention. Planning is essential. Powerful men do not just let things happen. A lot of things get done because they plan it and that is the way they want it. Planning is something that should be applied universally whether it 220 be empowering yourself to do something, empowering others to do something, or working as a group to do something. Life experience helps increase community college administrator s effectiveness according to one subject. Planning is an activity you start exercising when you are a middle manager. Before that you do not have too many opportunities to exercise that skill. But when you are at a certain level of the organization you have to prove that you are able to plan. Powerful men must have good planning skills. To obtain power you need tools and confidence is one of them. To obtain confidence you need to meet goals and in order to meet goals you need to plan so it is like a hierarchy of steps that you need to accomplish. Self-awareness is a quality that the male interviewees seemed to think was helpful for powerful men. Powerful men think about where they want to go and where they want to take the organization. Planning is very important. My sense is that in our society men plan a lot more for the formal power stuff. They are taught how to create plans. This is very important. It is like having everything in order to prepare a good meal. You need beer and wine and in this case planning is just another very important ingredient in being powerful. I took an inward look and asked what am I all about and what lessons am I here to learn? When I fail I have to take a deep breath and say, Okay, how did that screw up and what did I do wrong? The failure does not really help my plan for power but it certainly helps my inner growth. 221 Another subject recalled the importance of praxis. So I see these two different plans going on but most men do not do a lot of internal planning with their own personal power and personal development. The one s who do are the ones who are natural leaders. Planning is important depending on how you want to go. I have known people who plan to the nth degree and I have known a couple of people who did not plan. Every leader has to be able to see the end result from the beginning. Powerful community college men must have a vision. Communication skills and having a vision make for successful leadership according to one male interviewee. When you get a position you may already have a vision or you may need to develop one for how you want that institution or company to be. Once you can envision the end result it is easier as a leader to develop the plan that it will take to achieve it. You must be able to communicate your plan to those people that are going to help you get to the end result. Planning gives an individual a goal or a vision that they share with others and that is powerful. Hopefully they bring other people into creating that vision so it becomes a shared vision. The leader envisions the future and shares that vision with people so that is why I think powerful individuals have that ability to really plan. Powerful men seek power because it gives them a goal and a vision that they can articulate to people who will follow that vision or their leadership. 222 Power can be used such that followers are coerced, intimidated, or abused to follow the direction of that powerful person. Some powerful men abuse their authority. There are men in certain situations and organizations that keep people guessing about where they are headed. They continuously change and throw people off guard. I guess that is a form of power. People are always wondering what is coming next so I do not see that as a positive use of power. It is a way of holding power over people by making them always wonder what is coming next. By acting unpredictably they exert a certain level of power. I do not necessarily equate power with leadership. I think those are two different qualities. In contrast another male respondent said, Leadership is about persuading people to follow your vision or your direction because they volunteer and willfully embrace that. Power can be used such that followers are coerced, intimidated, or abused to follow the direction of that powerful person. I see leadership much differently than trying to take people in a certain direction by force. Some job candidates obtain positions before the voting procedure even happens. Sometimes the voting procedure is manipulated so that everything will go towards getting the right person in the job. Your dream can turn into a nightmare and that nightmare can be a monster. Some powerful men plan while others do not. One interviewee reflected on his personal experiences with planning. When I get this Ph.D. I will 223 be second in my group from home to get it. The first person to get his degree was XXX01. He got his medical degree. Our planning was very different though. For example, XXX02 s planning consisted of the idea that all he wanted to do was just go to work. I have a nineteen-year-old son and the first thing I tell him is, If you don t know where you are headed how do you know where you are headed? My life plan was directed towards achieving something beyond graduating from high school and going to work at the factory or getting a day job. XXX02 s planning was very different so I do not know if their lack of planning meant a failure to achieve more or whether their planning process was to achieve exactly what they have. Another subject explained that fantasy without strategy often results in disillusionment. People would like to envision something that they would like to achieve but then they never sit down with pencil and paper and put it together. Then when they confront the monster they have no idea what they are facing. The lack of planning in any endeavor squashes anything they want to achieve so it demoralizes them. This keeps them from achieving more or achieving what they could have. Their lack of planning kept them from realizing their goals. The monster is the Ph.D. You need to understand my situation. Just because I say, Hey, I am going to go to school, does not mean that just because I envision something and I am going to confront problems that you will understand. If you start planning to get to a goal, you are married, you have kids and you are going 224 to quit your job to live off your savings but you do not plan it right, this beautiful idea of coming back to school, gaining personal enrichment, and trying to obtain a degree to get a better life can turn into a nightmare. Your dream can turn into a nightmare and that nightmare can be a monster. Your lack of planning might include not taking others into consideration. It might not be concrete. It does not mean it is going to work but I think planning reduces the probabilities of failing. It is not that you are going to eliminate possible errors but that you are just trying to increase the probabilities of your succeeding. There is a famous saying, People that fail to plan, plan to fail and I think without planning you have nothing. Some male administrators had firm opinions about women s demonstration of power versus that of men. Women tend to be more secretive and it offends a great deal of men because it is viewed as sneaky and self-serving. Powerful men plan differently than powerful women. I have had jobs and have been advanced because I was doing a good job where I was and somebody noticed it and put me somewhere else. Usually it was to either fix a problem or to do something different than my predecessor. I think most people who get somewhere do plan. There are those that do not plan in great detail though. I think that applies to both men and women although I have seen more women that are planners and plotters than I have men. Men tend to be more blatant in their planning. Women tend to be more secretive and it offends a great deal of men because it is viewed as sneaky 225 and self-serving. One difference that I have seen in men and women is that men tend to say this is wrong or this is right and if you want to disagree with me that is fine. Women want everybody to agree even if they do not agree. There are some men that take that as being manipulative. Another male interviewee felt the difference between a manager and a leader revolved around their financial talent. From an administrative point of view planning and being able to manage money are the two most important things you need. If you keep the finances okay and if you are able to envision a future and move the organization towards that you are going to make it. Maybe that is the difference between a leader and a manager. It gives me a target to shoot at. Powerful community college men need strategies. Powerful men must know how to execute a plan. Planning is important because it means strategizing about how to prepare for a specific project or outcome. The way to go about it has been through connections, through touching the right people by using personal attributes to reach to those people. Planning involves connecting with people that are influential who can help me obtain my goals so I can accomplishment a particular project. To be powerful and to maintain power you can never, never do anything without a detailed plan. You need to plan. You need to have a target to shoot at so whatever you are doing you need to have it planned out. You need to know 226 where you are going and what you want to achieve so you can know if you got there or if you made progress or not. That is how I interpret the planning stage. If you want power you have to plan for it. I think there are opportunities that come and you have to be ready to take them. It is just like getting a doctorate degree. If you want to have the positional power of a president or a vice president of a college and you do not have a doctorate you are probably not going to get there. A leader gives people a concrete concept of where they are going and the various stages that are involved in getting to that point. They create an environment where power can be used positively and effectively to bring people along. They explain how and where people fit into the vision. One thing leads to the next and planning is the essential portion of it. You do not want to be strict or rigid in your planning because that can have a negative affect but if you plan, add flexibility and have alternate plan A, B, and C that helps the necessary variable that I call confidence. The ability to think on one s feet also seemed important. There does need to be a certain amount of spontaneity and flexibility within your planning for the unexpected and the curves that life throws you. There is a part of planning where you have to go with ambiguity. But you even have to plan for the ambiguity. It is like a destination that you get to by many different roads. Depending on what is important to that individual they not only can get there different ways but their plan develops in different ways. 227 One participant noted the unique opportunity that North America offered in terms of giving a multitude of individuals the chance to become successful despite past mistakes. Some people develop their personal power and while they are doing that they create a plan to acquire formal power and external recognition. You can plan for both. You can go to any bookstore and find books on developing your career network, or doing this or doing that to get yourself from point A to point B. In entrepreneurial America you can start a business and create a business plan. You could have gotten B s in high school and dropped out your junior year but if you can create a good business plan you can be successful in the eyes of the world. Flexibility and focus were also relevant to men s success. Men s planning seems to center on, How do I create a bigger paycheck or how do I get a better title at work? I think they leverage all those other things like relationships, networks, and money. They leverage those things in order to keep feeding that plan and keep the planning moving forward. I tend to do that and that is why I got the job at XXX Community College. I love planning. To plan well you have to be strategic thinker. Powerful men are not only about planning but also about the ability to have a plan that can mold and change with future. Once I have identified what I feel like I can achieve that helps give me some organization. It gives me a target to shoot at. It helps me to understand whom I need to 228 incorporate into the team or what I need to strengthen within myself in order to achieve my goal. That is how I see the planning stage. Formal Power Community college male administrators desire formal power. They understand that if they do use their earned right to formal power that someone else will take control. The majority of powerful men agree that while humility is an asset to leadership that an affluent appearance sets a climate of respect. Some male administrators complained that while they had formal power they were not given the guidance or authority to fulfill their job responsibilities. Having the capacity to hire and fire people seemed to resonate with powerful men as a way to exercise and demonstrate their formal power. In the men s opinion, community college women needed to be able to prove their aptitude for leadership despite having a formal title. I have earned the right to have it there. Men who have formal power feel they have earned the right to use it. Community college men describe aspects of formal power as they see it. Formal power is a tool to accomplish given tasks. It can be misused but if you use it when necessary to get the job done it works really well. Formal power is obvious. For example, when powerful men sign their name on important documents they get certain results. I do things like that because I have accomplished something. I have earned the right to have it there. 229 Community college men believe formal power is more compelling than informal power. While informal power is very important because it is a way to get things done most men want formal power. Because Western society is a democratic environment when you have formal power you can get through the bureaucratic procedures and complete certain objectives much more easily. Another respondent concurred, When you have informal power sometimes you cannot finish things. Formal power is very important for men. In a similar train of thought as seen in the women s affinity description of Character/Personal Qualities community college men explain that if powerful men do not seize leadership that someone else will. I have seen that most organizations have a leader and if the people with formal power will not lead somebody else will fill the vacuum. It is a rule. There is going to be somebody who does it. It is more efficient if the person who is supposed to do it does it. If somebody is filling a gap, depending on how low you go, not below a vice president or a chief of staff then that can easily fill the vacuum and nobody gets very excited. But it is when you get below that it is almost like circumvention of the authority. There are some men who get formal power undeservingly because they do not earn it. Instead they use their connections with other powerful men to get into those positions. They use different kinds of persuasion combined with due diligence, planning, and strategizing to get there. There are many ways that people are able to get power but it all comes down to their ability to plan and 230 strategize. Powerful men have to have some kind of character and personality to get them to places of formal power. I think of Foucault when he talks about the look about controlling people with the gaze. For powerful men appearance is everything. While Foucault regarded the label of prophet or provider of truth for both himself and other academics as an impossibility this male interviewee seemed to suggest that most community college men who are powerful tend to view their role as leader with a sense of humility (Hendricks, 2004). You know that old saying, Walk softly but carry a big stick? Even though powerful men often have the nicest car and the biggest house they walk softly and wear their power very lightly. They are not all caught up in themselves. They are sort like yeah, as far as the formal power thing, that is nice, but you know it is like the earning the Ph.D. at U.T. The piece of paper you hang on the wall, yeah, that is nice but do I run up and down the street throwing the doctoral title around? No, but I do put the Ph.D. credential on the e-mail down at the bottom. Do I get together with my family for the holidays and lord it over them? Do I talk about nothing else but my accomplishments? If you really have power I do not think that you throw those formal power things around too much. The people who do throw the formal power things around, it is not like we do not like having the formal power things around because we do, but the people that throw them around a lot are the ones who have really big formal power but really small personal power. 231 Several of the male interviewees described how powerful show they have formal power. Formal power in a church setting is very important. In the Hispanic culture if people are powerful in the church they can cross over and be politically powerful. They use the power of people because politics is about the masses. Spiritual power in certain cultures does cross the line to political power. I think formal displays of power are everything. Formal power is shown in the way men dress, the watch they wear, the clothes they wear, and the way they comb their hair. Formal power is in everything. The suits men wear, the Rolex that they must show, the shoes that are expensive, and the car they drive. I think of Foucault when he talks about the look about controlling people with the gaze. The scary thing is the formal power that men display is a game they play 24-7. It is something they cannot give up. I think that powerful men think of formal power as something deeper like when it comes out of an insecurity. I wanted to be like Solomon and ask God for the wisdom and knowledge. Community college men believe positional power often equates to responsibility without authority. Men think a certain position will give them a level of formal power. Visible power is formal power. The most visible power you can get is positional such as being the manager, director, vice-president, or president. Formal power means men are in a position where they have a certain level of authority. People report to them, they have certain responsibilities, and 232 they are granted a certain amount of power by their position. I would say it is primarily positional power that I would equate with formal power. One participant clarified that he thought men could acquire power as they matured. There is also the power you get during the maturation process. Sometimes people say, This individual is going to be promoted to manager and you say, No, he is not the right one but when he is in the position and doing the job you say, Well maybe he was the right person. When they are there by virtue of a position they dress and speak differently so formal power is like maturation or an evolution process. You give them more and more power as they are getting involved. Most powerful people have some degree of formal power because normally they are put in a position where they are given it. Now that discounts those people who are exercising power and do not have the position. Formal power is the authority that has been granted to men by their position. Another interview subject claimed men who had formal power automatically assumed responsibility for their actions by virtue of their position. People s perception of a man with formal power is based on the image that men are putting out there. I think that for me that really is the highest form of power I could obtain. Formal power is authority that is given to you by virtue of your position. It is where a man directly affects people. To get formal power a man needs to have both informal power and persuasion or influence. Men tend to assume the authority that comes with their job. 233 One male respondent could not have disagreed more. Responsibility and authority or formal power go hand in hand. Unfortunately, they put you in situations and do not give you any guidance. That has happened to me several times. In fact it happened to me in my current position. I was pulled from being an Assistant Dean, which I had been doing for about a year and a half, and was made an Interim Dean. My boss just put me in that situation and did not give me any guidance about what she wanted me to do. I can remember talking with the president and asking them what they thought the expectations were for this position and I remember that they said, It is up to you to define. That was a difficult situation. I was trying to work and grow in the position and I remember being in the President s office saying, Hey, I cannot handle it. I do not know if I can do this because I did not know if I was doing a good job or not. I was not getting any feedback and I did not have anyone there to tell me what I needed to do. I would work on whatever the issue was that day and rarely did I have the opportunity to stand back apart from many of the issues I was being bombarded with to say, Okay, now it is time to formulate a vision. It seemed like I was so bombarded with managerial type stuff and paperwork I could not look up to actually provide the leadership that I needed to do. When this power was bestowed on me I wanted to be like Solomon and ask God for the wisdom and knowledge instead of 234 the riches and the wealth to lead people. It is like having the responsibility without the authority. That does not work. A similar feeling of frustration was described by another male interviewee when he said, I have been in situations where they say, Okay, I want you to do this, this, and this but they do not give you any authority over the people. If you are going to put me in a position you have got to be there with me. I was in the military and you cannot send someone out to war without giving them the proper tools. Many times the people that give you formal power by virtue of a position cannot go back. I want to see more than just your title. differently than women do. Men use formal power Several interviewees pointed out the differences between men and women in regard to formal power. Men are more eager to seek positions of formal power than women are. Men use formal power more naturally than women do. Powerful men are like, I have the position and for women it is like, I know you are a nice person but show me that you are really capable and powerful. I want to see more than just your title. With men we take it for granted. If a man is the vice-president he should be really good. With women, maybe it is unfair, but with women we say, Is she a director, let s see? People who are new to power do things just for the sake of doing them and it offends everybody. I have seen it in everything from teaching assistants to college presidents. I have seen women go more out of their way to exercise their formal 235 power to prove that they have formal power. I have seen men do it but not as much. Women seek power so that they can influence others but not as many women seek positions of formal power, as do men. Then suddenly one male respondent used the analogy of formal power in the workplace as similar to that in the home. You could even apply the concept of formal power to a family situation in terms of men and power. If you do not use your formal power you lose it. Men with formal power have a direct influence on other people s lives. Formal power is not necessarily a display of power but rather an execution of it. It is an employment of power. Formal power means having a direct influence on people you are supervising. When men in power have an agenda to follow and production levels to meet and then they realize that certain individuals are lacking the effort to succeed it is frustrating. You could have a dean, who is in fact the leader of the school but then that tells me it is more about manipulation than the exercise of power. The power to hire and fire resonated with many of the male administrators that were interviewed. The president that I did my internship with showed his level of formal power by his decision to fire people, which happened from time to time while I was there. He got to make the ultimate decision about whether to let someone go. When someone was hired he could influence that decision but that 236 decision went to the board who signed off formally on all hiring and firing decisions. You are going to walk in and affect someone s life directly by whatever decision you make. The organization gave you that formal power. An organization gives you that formal power to hire and to terminate someone. If you hire someone and thereby increase the company s revenues you have made a better life for yourself. When you terminate someone you are also affecting someone s life. Formal power means you are going to have to terminate that individual if given the opportunity. That is formal power. That is the way I interpret it. One male respondent made it clear that male administrators not only need to be aware of the influence they have over others but they need to visionaries as well. Someone else has given you the power to make decisions that will affect someone else. It is difficult to distinguish between formal power and informal power because they mingle together. Formal power is a process in time. As you get more power and perspective your formal power increases and you have to exercise it appropriately. They are more concerned with how they are interacting with people and how much positive change they are bringing to the world or to the organization. You must see possibilities. If you do not use your formal power you lose it. Awkwardness with formal power normally occurs in people who are new to having power. 237 Money Community college male administrator s reaction to money was varied. Most acknowledged that having money meant increasing one s power but a few explained that having a sense of one s inner power was more important. They were in the minority. Money was an indicator of influence and authority. It also was a sign of whether a man had achieved success. Interviewees thought money was not a gender issue and that both sexes equally desired its accumulation. Money is a measure of a man s success. For community college male administrators having money determines a man s worth. You can find some examples of people who are powerful and who do not have money but that is not the standard. Usually powerful men have money or access to it especially in this business driven society. I think money is a measure of a man s success for most men including me. I have thoughts of measuring my success by what I will make but I can say if I am comfortable, am not carrying debt, and have some nice things, making lots of money does not interest me. This respondent s comments about money were not the norm. Most seemed to place a high value on what money could do for them. Some powerful men have a nice car or own a ranch but you do not find them even when they are among their friends saying, I am the most powerful here. But they do have the final word because money gives them that authority and power. Money comes with authority. If you have the authority that means 238 you have the money to reward or punish people. As president you give things like training, salary, and the ability to promote or fire so to be powerful means you have either money or access to resources. You can exercise authority through money if you have enough of it. I think money comes with the position. Unable to conceive of being powerful without money was a more consistent theme among interviewees. Money has no gender. Some community college male administrators think there is a difference between how men and women view money while others do not. Across the board both men and women think money is essential to being able to act. Women are more task oriented. Men are more superficial. Men are more concerned with looks and what they have. There are some women like that but the majority of men are more superficial. I do think men are superficial and that women are deeper. I do not think there is any difference between men and women when it comes to money. Money has no gender. Everybody loves money and the more you have the more you want. This world functions off of money. Powerful men who have money are influential. The general consensus was that money was a necessary factor in being able to do one s job. Powerful men have money or access to the resources they need. Money is something that people will obtain in any kind of power position. Money is going to be involved one way or the other and it is just a matter of how powerful men use it and show it. This world functions off of 239 money. Look at the presidential candidates. The most powerful position in this country is President. Some would argue that that is a bought position. Much of the reason we are intrigued with movie stars and athletes is because they have a lot of money. If you have kids you know the influential power they have over your kids. Your kids might not even know them other than seeing than on TV. Money is essential to influence others. If you have more resources you will get more power because you can buy support from people. For example, if I give people new facilities they definitely will support you and your decisions more. The simplest thing is that money can get things done. Different types of professions are radically different. You can have someone in a well paying job that does not have a high level of power that makes far more money than someone else in another profession who has extreme power. I have heard individuals say, I only want to go to a vice-president level because they think to be a president they have to be a member of or connected to one of the powerful families in town. Their idea is that the president must be associated with a rich, powerful family in town. I cannot imagine too many men that are powerful that do not have money especially in today s society. Everyone expects you to fill a lot of needs. When you get to a socio-economic level you need money to do what you need to do. Anyone can influence people but to get a massive following I think you have got 240 to have some money. It is the money factor that does that. All in all, I think most leaders have to have a little capital somewhere. You orchestrate what you are doing and money is a player in this orchestra. For some community college men money is a secondary issue. In contrast to the above some powerful men believed that while having money was important it was not the sole motivator. Money is one of those things that come with power but it is not a source of power in and of itself. You orchestrate what you are doing and money is a player in this orchestra. It is a player. It is not the player. In the civilian world I have seen most men demand money to do the work. I have taken a job that paid less because I thought it was a better job. All of this is jaded by XXX years in the military. You get paid the same if you are a lieutenant, which has nothing to do with what your sex is. There is no difference from a money standpoint. If you have the position and the rank the money comes as a secondary issue. One interviewee commented that having lots of money did not necessarily translate into having influence. Men in power should not work just for money one should work with it just like you work with individuals. When I am going to the mall I see the guy standing on the corner with the sign saying he does not have anything. Even though most of us feel that we want to help what could 241 that guy really say to affect you and get you to follow him? He does not have much. He does not have any money. Anyone can be a leader. You do not have to have money to lead but you do have to have influence. Most people do not follow other people just because they have money. When I say matured I do not mean age. It has nothing to do with age. You will see people who have those things as well but they are really deriving their power at a deeper level. That is why you see in an organization someone who does not have the title but they have more power and influence than someone who does have the title. They are deriving their power from a deeper level than that materialistic surface stuff. The men that I admire the most are the ones that do not use their money as a measure of their power. They use other important ways to show their power like their achievements, their character, and their personality. People are much more important to me than money. This respondent thought that good moral fiber and a sense of integrity carried more weight than money. When you go into a bookstore a book can look really good and have guilded edges and it is crap inside. Appearances can be deceiving. While most powerful men grasp at the external indicators of money some understood the falsity of measuring quality with appearances. To make money was an unspoken goal for the men in the program. They wanted the financial rewards that went along with being in this program and moving up in the community college world. 242 When you go into a bookstore a book can look really good and have guilt edges and it is crap inside. The same is true with men and women in power. I have seen people who dress the part. You can look like you have power if you go and buy enough clothes that look like it. If you talk to someone and all they see are the material manifestations of power like money, a title, a car, or a nice house you are seeing where a man level of personal power is located. That is as far as he has really progressed and matured. Outside appearance is the superficial as opposed to the inner power. Money comes and money goes. Power is about status and symbols. If you want to have a building on your campus or you want to recruit more faculty or staff you want money. I have been around a lot of people with money. Some of them showed it and others did not. In the United States you have got to flaunt money. That is not in tune with me. I think that says it all. Money equals power. Money comes with formal power. The more money you have the more power you have. In our materialistic society money is an indication of power and it can be used in a powerful way for either good or for evil. The accumulation of money and wealth in and of itself can be a tool of power. I think it would be foolish to not acknowledge money. It is a form of power. It is important to have money. Some powerful men openly showed their desire to accumulate money. There were a few men in my class that talked about making a lot of money with 243 their degree. At least one individual talked about money quite a bit in terms of this degree leading to a position where he felt like he would make a significant amount. That came up quite a bit. Men like to show what they have got. It is a source of their power. I want to be a powerful person who has money. This particular individual asked presidents when they came in to speak to share what they were making in salary. That is not something you would normally ask someone even in the program. I might ask it individually or get a ballpark figure of what presidents are making but I would not ask them to share that information in front of the whole class. The majority of people do view money as a part of power. People that have money do not necessarily see the money part of power as a must. You must use power appropriately. I think that says it all. Respect Powerful men openly acknowledge the importance of the relationship between being respected and having the authority to do things. Respect can be derived from a variety of sources such as spirituality and the wise displays of authority. While some people respect others solely for their titles others respect powerful men for how they behave and treat others. Community college male administrators had strong ideas about the differences between men and women as they pertained to respect. In some instances powerful men were left without a strong sense of self when they based their ability to be respected on the accrual of exterior goods. 244 Respect is about people s reputation that is what they live and die by. Powerful men believe being respected is essential. To be a successful and powerful man you need to be respected. I would say getting respect is part of what you get with prestige. Men definitely thrive on getting respect from others as a part of power. They expect that. I think respect is key. Respect is about people s reputation that is what they live and die by. Powerful men will do anything to defend or hone respect. It becomes their lifeblood. Community college male administrators thought without respect it would be very difficult to get anything accomplished. Powerful men have to live a certain way. They have to defend that respect and do everything to keep that respect going. You need respect from your superiors, peers, and subordinates if you want to be a good man. In order to maintain a certain aura or level of power they have to be respected. Men become more powerful if they are respected. I cannot imagine being a leader and trying to exercising power and not wanting to be respected. Respect comes from the wise employment of power. People do not respect the bad employment of power. They may acknowledge the ruthless employment of raw power but I do not think they respect it. If they really are powerful then they develop respect for themselves not for their external accomplishments. In the long-term powerful men are respected. I derive a lot more respect from people who are centered spiritually. Some community college men prefer spiritual power. I can tell from being 245 around those people that they have an inner source of power. They have looked inward and they have progressed beyond those material things. I really respect people like that. That does not mean that I disrespect the college presidents who have built buildings in the last four years or have outward signs of their power but I have more respect for the spiritual growth and development of a person who has gone beyond that and is deriving their own power from a deeper sense of themselves. Once the respect is gone the power is gone. Even powerful men who are respected can lose their power. Maintaining a strong sense of ethics as a visible form of integrity seemed essential to powerful men s success. You have to be respected in order to be powerful and we have seen a number of cases where presidents lose confidence with their board or their peers because they mess with the money, have an affair, or struggle with ethical issues. People start losing respect for you. There are various ways of losing confidence. For example, if you make mistakes with money, relationships, or the government. That is more true in the public sector like in education, government, or the church where everyone is expecting you to be a respectful individual. You do not give someone respect. They earn it. Behavior was an excellent indicator of whether a man should be respected. People in power command respect because of the actions they take and the decisions they have to make. You respect that individual whether you agree with 246 them or not because of the way they carry themselves, the way they exercise their power, and the way they have empathy for others. They earn the respect. You can look at their trajectory and say, Oh, that s a good individual and you respect that individual whomever he is. No matter what his status is or what he does, you respect him because he respects you. There are individuals that for whatever reason did not have the opportunity to gain status or make money but if you sit down and start talking with them you find out they have this world of knowledge about life and relationships. That is what I search for. I am like, Wow, that is pretty cool so that individual has my utmost respect. Mentorship and sharing a vision were important components in gaining respect. Respect is something that is earned at an individual level. Many of my mentors are very powerful otherwise they would not be professional mentors. Most students respect the mentors. They are respected because of their professionalism, knowledge, personality, the way they communicate, and the different types of resources they have access to and that helps students move on. They give all kinds of help to their students. I look at respect as how powerful men interact with people and how they integrate their learning journey with those around them. We are back to the XXX s sense of a shared vision. When people value your opinion, when they ask you for feedback, or when they come to you to make a decision that is because they respect you. 247 A title alone did not bring respect. I remember when I was doing some work on the border I was able to complete a big international project and after that I was often consulted or sought out for advice because people respected what I had accomplished. Respect is a part of influence where it can lead you to other opportunities as well. People will always respect someone who has accomplished something whether they have money or not. A person can have great positional power and no respect. You have individuals that have a world full of money but have no knowledge. The only thing you have got going for you is the money and that is what your world is all about. Therefore you know you respect him as a human being but not with the kind of respect that someone earns. Another male interviewee rallied that respect came with good character not formal titles. When I was in the military I served as an officer. There were officers with stars on their shoulders that I had absolutely no respect for even though they were my bosses because they never earned that respect. They might have to do it because they are the bosses so they use their formal power but that is all they have. Once you are functioning on only formal power then it is not a well functioning unit. An individual who is not respected may not be because they abuse power or they are not ethical. Then slowly their power diminishes and they resort to extreme measures to try to hold onto the manipulation. Once the respect is gone the power is gone. 248 You cannot sit on the fence without getting hurt. Powerful men want to be respected for different reasons than powerful women do. Powerful men accused powerful women of having ulterior motives. This is a gender bias but most men would rather be respected because of their fairness and women would rather be liked. They are radically different concepts. I want to be respected because of my fairness and my competence. I had a couple of experiences with women who wanted to be liked. They did not want to make a decision that was going to force them to choose between one side or the other. Sooner or later you have to go to one side or the other. They wanted to go up the middle. You cannot sit on the fence without getting hurt. I understand trying to make everybody happy in relationships but it comes across as unprincipled or wishy-washy or weak. Women are not held to the same standard that men are. In the personal arena people expect much more of women than of men. For example I have heard things in class like so and so is having an affair. I have heard of a number of people talk about who is having affairs and they say, Well, that is none of my business. As long as he does not make a big mistake it is okay for men but it is not okay for women. We expect more from women. The dishonest exploit the weak. It is that simple. Community college male administrators are sometimes disillusioned. There are different reasons why people are respected. People can respect your power. People can also respect 249 your cold heartedness. Fear is not respect. If you are not respected you do not have real power. You have authority and fear but you do not have power because people do not respect you. When I felt the most powerful I did feel respected. I think of respect with a negative connotation but people can also respect your genuineness, your honesty, and your caring. For those powerful men who viewed having material things as sources of happiness others were left questioning their sense of emptiness. We have been brainwashed by society to respect material things as sources of power. A lot of men walking on this planet and trying to make it in this world tend to respect those outward signs first. Hopefully at some point in their lives, they could be fifteen or fifty years old they will mature into this, Oh, wait a minute, is that all there is? It is sort of like a mid-life crisis thing. In their peer group they have the nicest house, the biggest car, the best job and they fill every room in the new house with new furniture every year. The get everything they can possibly buy but then they feel empty. That is a crisis of power and respect for self. I have achieved all of this. I am successful in the eyes of anybody but ugh, is that all there is? They are struggling with that respect issue. They are not worried anymore about other people respecting them because they have gotten that but they turn their thoughts inward and say, Do I respect myself? What they find is Geez, I am as successful as I can get but what do I really have? That disillusionment happens 250 to people all time. I have a background in XXX so I work with people in a XXX format and I see my friends and my family struggling with that. When they reach the level where they question their own respect then you see where they really are in their personal power. You have to be wise person to understand the balance there. Powerful men must use good judgment. When powerful men step down from their positions of authority and collaborate with their staffs it builds a sense of camaraderie. Most of us respect people who treat other people well, who use power to benefit others so power and respect go hand in hand over the long haul. As a supervisor, leader, or president if you are going to come down a notch and really talk to folks that in and of itself is going to draw a certain level of respect. For example, when I go down to advising or registration and I help I am really doing an advisors job, a support staff person s job. Many times they have told me, XXX we really appreciate you coming down. It really shows your support and we just love it when you do that. I do not have a lot of time to do it however, when I do get the time, I try to make that happen. One male respondent cautioned against misleading subordinates who might confuse collaboration with friendship. You do develop respect that way however, what you have to be careful of is that many times when you open yourself up you cannot really be sure how that other person is going to react. You cannot be sure if that person is wise enough to understand exactly the relationship 251 that exists. Even if a leader is coming down a notch and even though it seems as if they might be friends he or she has got to make sure not to cross that line as a follower. It happens all too often. It puts a leader in a position that he does not want to be in because you might have to put that person in check so to speak and you do not want to do that. You have to be wise person to understand the balance there. We can sit here and talk but know that the ultimate decision is going to be left up to the leader. I think most leaders see it that way but I am not so sure most support staff do. Relationships Community college men understood the importance of relationships to sustaining power. While some powerful men openly recognized that relationships could be used for negative gains more advocated the frequent use of compromise, having strong personal relationships with friends and family, and honest communication to the development of real and lasting power. One interviewee detailed how his professional power did not carry over to his home environment. Another elaborated on the hindrance that being female, of another race, or of a specific faith could impose on those seeking power. In contrast, other powerful men rallied that in order to be in a position of authority community college men could not afford to be too discretionary in their choice of relationships. People that wielded the most power knew how to attack. Community college men know how important influential relationships are to obtaining and 252 sustaining power. I have worked with many powerful people such as governors, mayors and ambassadors from Mexico. They seemed to position themselves with the proper people by using their personality and not stepping over certain boundaries. They knew how to accommodate each other. How much power do you wield through those relationships and how you develop those relationships is really key. I remember observing how powerful men would interact and how they handled themselves. They knew how to touch the person they were trying to reach by using their personality. This was a way of orchestrating how they were going to achieve their goals. Powerful men used their personality and their character to form relationships. They understand how other people are influential, they understand their own power, they study other powerful men to see what they are like and try to reach them. I believe that to get to power you first need influence. By influence I mean that that is where your personality and character come first. You get power and then you get money. As a leader I cannot provide influence or leadership for what is going on in your department if I do not know what is happening so it is vitally important to develop a one-on-one relationship with each person. It is a whole lot easier to get someone to do something as a favor to you and because it is of mutual benefit than it is to try to make somebody do something if you have the authority to make them do it. There are a lot of people that need to do things that you cannot make them do. 253 Once powerful men solicit others ideas they must make the final decision. You need relationships for the information that comes through those relationships. Relationships give you the information that comes from knowing other people. You have to be able to say as a leader, Okay, I have heard what everybody has said and this is the direction we are actually going to go. You can say that only after you have sat down and evaluated what everyone has had to say. They you rely on your strength to stand up and say, This is what we are going to do. Power is very fleeting for men who do not establish relationships. They may be able to exert a certain amount of power for a period of time without establishing relationships but I do not think that lasts very long. One interviewee insisted that while positive relationships were ideal in terms of exercising appropriate power he also felt relationships could be used for abusive purposes. If people are interested in influencing and using power in a positive way that requires developing healthy good solid relationships with people. I read a book that really changed the way I look at power. It is called The 48 Laws of Power. It is very Machiavellian-based and it rocked my world. People that wielded the most power knew how to attack. The importance of relationships depends upon the type of organization you are trying to wield power in. With formal power you can make someone do something. With an informal relationship people will do things because you ask them to. Success is 254 often equated with a certain measure of power, influence, and making a difference. Another male subject admitted that having healthy relationships with family and friends served as a restraining influence when he might be tempted to misuse his power. On the flip side my friends and family keep me humble in terms of reminding who I am and where I came from. That then impacts my reluctance to look at power as something to hold onto or something I could take and use for the wrong purpose. It has a positive influence but it also has a restraining influence. I think people tie the power sources in class with influence and how much power exists. Okay I need you on this. Powerful men know relationships take time. Part of it is that relationships take a huge amount of time. The powerful men that I see do not always show up for work early or stay late but they do when they need to. Sometimes they call all their chips in and say, Okay I need you on this, I need your extra time, or I need your input. They will ask people to do things that are above and beyond but those people are willing to do that because they are aware of the time that has been invested by that leader. When leaders model exemplary behavior others are more likely to want to go the extra mile. I am the trash thrower. Some community college men believe professional power is different from personal power. When powerful men leave the office their status changes. Professional power will give you better positions, more wealth, and more prestige but at home that game is out. I am Dad. I am the 255 trash thrower. I am the father. The power is now gone. Power outside of the professional realm is a little different. A relationship is just that whether it is with your children or your spouse. My spouse and my children are co-laborers in this mission to obtain professional power. At home you are a servant of your children and through that mutual respect and collaboration you get where you need to be. Powerful men often take that power home where it does not work. On the home front many powerful men are brought down to size. Powerful men need to have support from family and friends who will help them. They can give you suggestions and help so to be a powerful man it is very important to have their support. I think you can have power at work but not at home. I do not see power on a personal level. I see friends as friends, relatives as relatives, my children as my children, my spouse as my spouse. I put a very thick line between work and everything else. It keeps you sane and it keeps you in marriages. The support that I get from family and friends enables me in many respects to keep doing what I am doing. One participant admitted that his daydream cast him in a less visible role. All of us from time to time would kind of like to drop off the scene. Sometimes I fantasize about trying to keep a low profile but then there are things that drive me and I think the expectations of my family and friends to succeed keeps me going. Family and friends are so important. Not only does knowing the right people within the educational community count but you must also have good 256 relationships with people outside education. The more relationships you have, the more friendships and networks you have. You cannot walk around as if you are King Tut all the time. While some powerful men believe their power comes from God others attribute their power to their ability to work with others. In order for people to feel comfortable enough to come talk to you as a leader many times you have to come down a notch. You cannot walk around as if you are King Tut all the time. Communication must be open but at the same time you have to have a delicate balance between the leader and the followers because not only do you have to make people feel comfortable enough to talk to you but you have to be able to stand back and piece everything together. They take the time to develop relationships plus they do not always use their relationships to get what they want. They utilize the relationship to give other people what they want and the power that comes back to them is ten fold. Powerful men understand and use the art of compromise. Having good relationships is more powerful than if male administrators used their hierarchical position to go around and take things from people. They are givers as well as takers. One guy I worked with is the kind of leader that never bludgeoned anybody over the head with the fact that he was the boss. His whole attitude was really good with the relationship piece. He focused on how he could help people do their job better. How can I help you be more effective and how can I remove 257 barriers that are preventing your success? He was a Theory Y sort of person. That really resonated with me and I have tried to emulate that in my life. One male interviewee attributed his strength to God. I strongly believe in God. All power that we have be it professional or at home should be under and subdued to the power of God. We work within the power structure that God has established for us. Yesterday I started a group at church where we talk about the authority we have under the power of God. It is not a popular viewpoint to say that God is the master and you are a servant. I mean what powerful man would say that? You cannot be a good leader unless you are a good servant. If you are a good servant and you do what is asked of you, you obey and do the best you can then you will be a great leader because you know what it is like to be a good servant. I espouse to the servant-leadership model. You cannot get anything done unless people are being brutally honest with you. Powerful community college men value honesty. A male administrator was convinced that open communication made him a better leader. Today I met with my staff and there were some people there that normally do not participate. I wanted them there because I told them that I was thinking about having them as a permanent part of my counsel. I appreciate the fact that folks do not just sit around and not say anything because they might be intimidated or they are not sure how their supervisor will react to them being honest. Those are the types of people that I do not want 258 around me. I want people that are bold enough and have enough courage to say what they need to say so that if there is something wrong with the processes or programs we can talk about it. Not only do I rely on them to tell me but I need them to come up with a plan and try and fix it. I value and I appreciate the candid talk. I need people that are brutally honest and since they were doing that I think I am going to include them as a part of my counsel. I do not think they would be as open and honest if we had not developed a prior relationship. You cannot get anything done unless people are being brutally honest with you. I do not want them to feel intimidated or like they cannot come and talk to me about certain issues. If you are from a different religion, gender, or country it is a barrier you have to overcome. Powerful men understand the importance of developing relationships with a variety of players. Relationships are very important. Relationships bring you closer to those that are in power by giving you more confidence when you have completed a project or a task. They give you more credibility and access to powerful people because you obtained a goal or accomplished objectives. To get power you need to have a good network because no one gets anywhere by themselves. I cannot think of anybody who is in a powerful position that has gotten there on their own merits. Merits and strengths may open doors and facilitate their ascending to power but it is other powerful 259 people who have enough confidence in that person to give them the opportunity to reach another level. One participant believed that without strong relationships sustaining one s power would be next to impossible. Relationships are necessary because no one gets to that powerful position by themselves. You need help from people. Everybody needs somebody else. Relationships are important to being able to exercise power. You need relationships in every direction like with subordinates, peers, and with people who are above you in the hierarchy of the organization. Some people get things done because they know the proper people or they have the support of the right individuals. A lot of brilliant individuals have failed because they did not count on the support of people. The first thing about relationships is the importance of networking. That is a huge, huge skill. Relationships and interpersonal skills are significant. If you can work with people you are going to have appropriate relationships like people who can give you advice and money. The standard for powerful men is that they are stable people and they have appropriate and positive relationships in many different arenas. The more positive relationships a powerful man has the more likely he will be able to accomplish things. At first you talk about relationships as a friendship network but I think they are about the relationships you have with the people that actually work with you. Having many relationships will make you 260 more resourceful and powerful, which means you can get things done as you wish. You can expect to go in the direction you want to go. So the more relationships the more likely you are to be a powerful man. One interviewee pointed out that powerful men cannot afford to dismiss relationships with some people while nurturing others. Powerful men develop relationships from all over so they cannot be picky about which groups to befriend. If they do not like someone they still have to find something in common with them so they can share things. Powerful men develop relationships with all kinds of people and groups so they cannot be picky. I think relationships serve very different purposes. Education is a business in that you need to know people like donors, advisors, and visiting faculty from different institutions. You also need to have relationships with government and non-government people. In business if you know 5 or 6 key individuals that is enough. You can focus just on them. In education powerful men need to know people in very different settings. A lot of things get done out of relationships. This respondent felt that gender, religious affiliation, race, and ethnicity could be obstacles that would need to be addressed in the pursuit of power. Since this is a society driven by men it is easier for them to have proper relationships than if you are a woman. Most of the people in business, education, and government are men so it is easier to establish relationships. Okay, both of us 261 are men, so what do you need? If you are from a different religion, gender or country it is a barrier you have to overcome. Relationships are important. They can help you or they can hurt you. Relationships are key to getting things done whether they are with your employees, your family, your boss, or with other institutions. Powerful men depend on a number of different relationships to ground them. Men in power have some sort of support group because not any one relationship will cater to all of their needs whether they are spiritual, emotional, or professional. Powerful men need to have a variety of relationships so they can see life from different perspectives to help them grow. Relationships can help you see trends that are coming and where you may be making mistakes. They also show if you are headed in the wrong direction. Sources of Power Community college male administrators get their authority from various sources including God, role models, and power by association. While some interviewees claimed their sole motivation was a spiritual connection others rallied that money inspired them. Stories of unethical and unscrupulous behavior were told with dismay while other powerful men relayed the best methods they had discovered for preparing for leadership positions. Power can come from the darn-dest places. Community college men s sources of power can come from a variety of places. Sources of power come 262 from a man s personality and his ethical, judicious exercise of authority. It also comes from how influential you can be. Power is having the authority to persuade people, or at least the perception that you can. In the XXX Workshop that I developed you will find women, like men are all over the scale in terms of where they derive their personal power. Cultural expectations and socialization patterns often dictate how men are raised. A lot of men in our culture are acculturated as to what they are supposed to do. I think there is a real limit on each level of personal power and that a lot of men get stuck in one level or another. I see presidents who get stuck in that trap. Their conversation is all about how big of a building they can build on their campus, or how much money their foundation raises. What they are trying to do is communicate, I am powerful because of this, and this, and this. The next couple of phases of personal power are more of a looking inward and getting away from those external, tangible things and really developing your own personal power. Power is a matter of being wise and understanding enough to know where power can come from and it can come from the darn-dest places. Men get their power from God. Some community college male administrators claim their power comes from God. Some community college men feel their source of power is based on a spiritual connection. The essence of power is knowledge. The biggest leaders we have ever had whether they be Jesus 263 Christ, Elijah Muhammad, or whomever have never been rich. They just had this massive amount of knowledge and I think that is the essence of power. One subject explained, I get my power from God. Prior to knowing God it was as if I did not know who I was and what I deserved. But I understand now what I deserve and that I have a right to be whoever I want to be. When you come into that knowledge that you have the right to be whatever you want to be it is at that point that you take control of your life. This subject believes that having a relationship with God gives him more control over his life. Another participant does not see his relationship with God as a religious affiliation. I am not a religious person but I am exactly what the word of God says. I do exactly what the word of God tells me to do but I do not call that religion. If He tells me I am supposed to be victorious in every situation that I encounter then I am going to make sure that I do it with excellence. I really believe that and when you really believe that then that is what you are going to become . In a different situation one interviewee initially said he thought his power came from external sources but he quickly reverted back to God as his main motivation. Externally I think that power comes from position, money, or the family name. Personally and ultimately I think it comes from God. I have a very strong faith in God and apart from him I cannot do anything anyway. God decides where I am going and what I am going to do until ultimately that is where 264 my power comes from. Beyond that my power comes from the relationships I develop with people, networking, and trying to help other people out. It does not come from my money. I do not have a lot of that. When I see men who are powerful I look beyond those tangible things because that tells me not who is powerful but who is successful. Success is determined in the eyes of the beholder and Western culture has very materialistic attachments that show someone is successful. When I see power it is not because of tangible things. It is because I am deriving power from an inner source where I move up the scale onto a new spiritual level. Another male interviewee felt a sense of redemption when he chose to work in education as opposed to business where he could have made more money. Answering what he felt was a calling from God meant that he wanted a different kind of power. Men get their power from God. The security and confidence that comes from doing what you want is meant to honor a greater deity. That gives you a great sense of accomplishment and direction that what you are doing is what was intended. I am a computer scientist and could be making a lot of money if I had decided to continue working in business but you have a calling in life. My calling was in education. I knew I was called to teach, to be a mentor, and to lead people. I think that was a calling from God so I feel confident in what I am trying to do. Everyday I wake up and I do what I think is my calling. It all interweaves together when you have that deity. Direction and a sense of 265 accomplishment that what you are doing is what you were intended to do can be very powerful. Instead they just flat lie. Some community college men use their positional power for unsuitable purposes. Leaders have two sources of power outside of small groups. One of them is positional power by virtue of their actual authority via their job. The other is people allow them to use their personality to execute their power which is normally the bigger part of the power source. I think the formal term for it is referent power. Another kind of personal power can be seen by one s position, title, money, or possession. typically accepted and what they are attracted to. Several powerful men described their experience with community college men as unscrupulous. Some men with positional power have no other power because they are unethical. They do not consider their subordinates or the greater good. Instead they just flat lie. Some powerful men use it for self-serving purposes and then all they have to fall back on is a positional power. They are forcing not leading. They lead by fear, pushing, forcing, and coercing others. In the four community colleges where I have worked I have yet to see a president that I would consider a leader. They all have had positional power because they did not have the ability to relate to people. They would not consider the greater good and they had virtually no concern for the people under them. In the military that gets you dead. You control and exert your authority over many That is where men are 266 people. Sources of power come from your position where you can fire, promote or demote people. Their Rolex shows that power. Powerful men believe that having money is one source of power. Interestingly, some of the same powerful men that said God was their biggest source of power also claimed that money was the biggest source. I feel money is the biggest source of power. That is why dress is so important. That is the way powerful men show their power. Their Rolex shows that power. Their car shows that power. Those shoes show that power and money is the key. They have to flaunt it everywhere. So there are two sources of power I can buy you and I can sell you. Do not forget it. Power does come with that old saying, Money is power. Money cannot buy happiness but it can buy a whole lot. Money does make you powerful in a capitalist society. A different participant commented that when men get their power from their intelligence they are stereotyped. Some powerful men s source of power comes from their intelligence. He is probably a computer guy, a money guy and he is probably charming too. I think of the classic sort of Shakespeare art types like the powerful fay brother who has the intellectual power but not the brawn. Power is not synonymous with money but it is where you have decision-making power. You have access and influence over other people. That is the way I see power. 267 When knowledge leads to money however, the stereotypes disappear and suddenly it becomes okay to be smart. Sources of power means solving the problems, which goes back to knowledge or wisdom. If you have the wisdom or the knowledge you can figure out how to get the money. If you have got the knowledge or the wisdom you can figure out how to make people work together. It is the knowledge that gives value to money. It is our understanding of how financial institutions work that places value on a piece of paper, which we call money. People are not presidents by mistake. For powerful men preparation is everything. Powerful men prepare to lead. Someone in authority entrusted that they would carry out whatever they needed to do with excellence. Before you get to the position that is going to give you formal power you need to exercise other kinds of power like the power of being an expert. For example, I am thinking about a particular individual and in the early stages of his career he said, I want to be a college president so everything he did was heading toward that direction. His Masters degree, his Ph.D., and his job were all in alignment pointing toward becoming an expert in higher education. So when this particular college was trying to find a president they said, He is the perfect individual, his background, his experience, his abilities and his knowledge. He was perfectly prepared for that position. 268 If you have the interpersonal skills, the background, the education and the traits that make people admire you, you are going to make it. There is no greater power than to teach somebody because now that person goes out and becomes successful. Now you have an ally and somebody that respects you because you took the time to mentor them. That is what this whole project is all about. Relationships are a very important source of power. There are different sources you can get power from. You get power from knowledge. The more you know the more power you get. Power by association is how most women get their power. Community college men understand power by association. Powerful men explain that power by association comes from being connected. There is power of association. When people are empowered by being seen with the boss or in a community college environment there is this implied sense of power that this person might be able to pull some strings with others. The XXX program would be an example. We may be perceived as having some additional power by our association with that network as opposed to somebody else down the road that does not have that. One interviewee felt the way men use power by association was very different than how women use it. Power by association is how most women get their power. In the male world of power men want to get through that phase very quickly. You want to downplay it and not make a big deal about it because if you do it can have a lot of backlash on men. I do not think it has as much backlash on 269 women because it is much more acceptable for women to gain personal power this way. It also seems more acceptable for women to have conversations about power by association but in a male world men really look down on each other when men do that because it is like being one-upped all the time by somebody. While this participant had a negative attitude when it came to men using power by association it seemed more acceptable to him when it was from specific sources. It is important to get power from relationships that give you support. Friends, family, peers and subordinates can give you power. The astute person is sensitive enough to see the places where power can come from and then they give power back through mentoring others. People also derive their power from other people. Associations and networking are so important. One community college male administrator recalled an experience he had networking. One thing we learn in the Block is that we need to make a friend everyday. I just made a friend when I went to Houston and now at the end of the month we are going to be talking about economic development in El Paso. I mean that is just one friend. We had lunch together and we decided, Hey, let s do this. If this event goes through the Chamber of Commerce will be involved, the college will be involved, the city of El Paso will be involved, and now you have a collective group of people working with international companies to discuss economic development. That is power. 270 Having role models inspires powerful men. I am a big believer in getting close to people that are where I want to be in life. For example, if I want to be a president I want to get close to people who are presidents because they are not in those CEO positions by mistake. They have learned what it takes to get there and the wisdom that is so important to sustaining their power. I hear a lot of people say, I want to be just like him. They admire that kind of person. Another source of power is referent power. Everybody respects him, believes in him, he is a very well rounded person and he is nice. It is the fear that if I do not do what they tell me to do I am going to get fired. While some powerful are motivated by fear others just want to work hard and be a team player. One interviewee thought working with others brought the greatest feeling of satisfaction. Understanding that different personalities can work together gives people a sense of accomplishment. When people work together to build an organization or achieve a goal men feel powerful. I think character comes into play because you do not have a powerful position in class where we are all equal. That is where you have to use your persuasion; personality, integrity, and credibility. Then people want to follow you and believe that you are giving out the proper advice and ideas so they can follow your suggestions. When people like you they treat you like friends without really being friends. You are my boss, not my friend, but I love you like you were my 271 friend. The environment where we grew up was affirming and pleasant. That can help develop a person s power. While community college male administrator s personality can range from self-assured to obnoxious working hard is a behavior that all powerful men must do. Some people are very confident in themselves, they know where they are going, what they want, and create a sense of power about themselves. There are people on the other side who are not very confident but instead are on the exterior arrogant, loud, and intimidating. They too create an aura of power about them. It comes from within. A lot of individuals who are hard workers are powerful and if you combine that with other important traits or characteristics you are going to make it. Usually people do not get power without working hard. It is like a credential, you need to work hard. One respondent speculated on why some powerful men despite the odds achieved success. For some people their sources of power may come from a time when their self-esteem was damaged. It is the fear that if I do not do what they tell me to do I am going to get fired. I have seen a lot of that in the last few years. Prestige Many community college men described how having prestige made them feel a sense of well-being. While some powerful men liked having prestige others seemed to shun it. They seemed leery of the flattery and visibility that having 272 prestige would often bring. Instead they sought what they thought were more authentic sources of feedback about their job performance. A couple of community college men explained that men use prestige as a way to hold others in positions of subordination. Still others noted that some powerful men are ridiculed because their status exists only because they have a formal title. In sharp contrast was the story recalled by one powerful man about another in which he vividly and poignantly described this man s rise to power. Love me or hate me I mean no harm to anyone. Community college men unanimously agree that power brings prestige. Men like prestige. You could get any position and if you do it well have some degree of prestige. You see that in the Boy Scouts. Seriously. Men definitely want prestige with power. They expect it. Men like the prestige they get from power. It gives them a lot of influence and access. Prestige gives powerful men a feeling of personal wellbeing. It makes them feel very good when they accomplish something. Prestige can be viewed as a good thing. It can be used because you did a good deed, completed a project, accomplished something, or just for recognition. One subject was almost incredulous at the prospect that his colleagues might be including him as they described the importance of prestige. Prestige can also be abused. Some men just want it for fame so they can get other things that they do not necessarily deserve or need. This group of people that you have interviewed are letting themselves be defined by money and popularity. I do not 273 let anyone define me but myself. The Ph.D. does not define me, this university does not define me, the money does not define me, nor does my religion define me. I define myself. As long as I am happy with myself, as long as I am true to myself, I think that will come across and people will understand. Love me or hate me I mean no harm to anyone. Another interviewee delineated how he felt about prestige. I am not going to let external things define me whether it is a degree, whether it is socioeconomic status, or the accumulation of things. I define myself. I think it is a game. You need to have money and prestige because people will gravitate to that. Prestige might help facilitate your work but I think too many people fall victim and become prey to searching for prestige instead of just doing what they know is right. You cannot discard prestige. It is a component that you have to take into consideration and a factor in the leadership formula but it is not that important. Prestige should not carry that much weight in your decision and your decision should not be based on the money or prestige. There are powerful people who have prestige. There probably are a lot of men and women out there who are very powerful and we do not know them because they keep a very low profile. They do not try to broadcast the power that they have. In our government at the local, state, and federal level there are a lot of powerful people doing things that we are not even aware of. That makes them powerful but there are also people in positions that have prestige. 274 Another man wanted to ensure that there would be no confusion about his take on prestige. I am not interested in prestige and visibility if that is what you mean by the word respect. I would like to be recognized for doing a good job and accomplishing things. I would like to be acknowledged because it gives you feedback about how you are doing. But to have the accolades or plaques just for flattery really does not interest me. I would only want recognition if it was very genuine and sincere and it was not something I was seeking. It was something that came as a natural course of events for what I accomplished. One community college male administrator indicated that the reason some powerful men like prestige is the obsequiousness that he felt it brought. There are some powerful men that really enjoy prestige because they think it makes everyone around them more deferential. Some prestigious men feel like those around them cannot challenge them because people are a little bit intimidated by their prestige. Sometimes they make you feel like you do not quite measure up to their standards or like you might say or do something that would disappoint them. You cannot underestimate prestige. One male subject recalled a story that a close friend had relayed to him about her experience with prestige. I had an interesting conversation last night with someone who works at a community college. She got a promotion and all the administration did was change the name of the title. She just went up on the chain. She has no new responsibilities and she has no more money but she has 275 more prestige and it changed everything for her. Five years ago my community college friend was just a counselor and everyone loved her. Now she is a powerful person and everyone says she is a big old bitch. It tells you how important prestige is and how titles can be everything. So much of it is smoke screens. It was like when she turned 50 they had the biggest party for her and now that I have more prestige she is not waiting for another party. It was so interesting. You can never underestimate the power of titles and prestige. It is powerful and I just think about my friend. She got no more money and no more actual duties. There are better sources of power than the watch you wear. Good respect can be much more powerful than fear. I do not want my employees to fear me. I want to be their mentor. Some of the male interviewees encouraged others to let prestige follow good behavior instead of forcing it for its own sake. If you just do your job everything else will follow. Prestige comes to those men and women who do a good job. Do not look for prestige, do not look for money. If you do your job, treat people with respect, pay people a decent salary, and listen intently all those things will come to you because you are orchestrating it. That was a part of leadership that was reinforced in this program. Prestige is very important. Prestige comes from a proven track record. While some people may get prestige by having a certain last name most people need to earn it. The process of trying to obtain prestige gives you a positive track 276 record. Prestige is an earned thing. Prestige adds to power. People will base their first impression on what they have heard about you. What they see dictates how they are going to treat that person. I could care less what title they have. Some powerful men measure their level of prestige based on external things while others gauge it by the contribution they make to the organization. This respondent equated prestige with money. When men talk about prestige they are referring back to the material manifestations of power. They are going back to the house, the car, the salary, and the title. I do not do that and I am not like most men. The younger generation put less emphasis on prestige and power. They could really care less about a person s title. They are more about the value of a person to the organization and I tend to be more like that. An example of more honorable prestige, according to one community college male, could be seen in the following, What is prestigious to me is what kind of contribution a person makes to an organization. I could care less what title they have. You could be a secretary who is considered one of the most prestigious in the organization because he or she has tremendous influence and contributes a lot. I see a lot of prestige in that. When you use the term prestige though I think most people do not think of that. I would say they are thinking in terms of the title. 277 They are the laughing stock. Not all community college male administrators think prestige equals power. In contrast to the above respondent s answer regarding prestige this subject went the complete opposite direction. I think most powerful men are prestigious. Some prestigious men do not have power. I think about the leader of homeless people. He must be very powerful. He can do certain things but I do not think he is a prestigious man. At least most people do not think he is prestigious. I think that person is prestigious but the majority of people will not think he is prestigious. Prestige comes with doing a good job. One interviewee recounted the embarrassment he felt when he noticed that some men had the formalities of power but not real power itself. Men who have a formal position and are not up to it may think they have prestige but they do not. They are the laughing stock. There is a college near here that is very much a case in point. They have the title but nobody really thinks they are doing a good job and it is almost an insult. That is not a powerful person. The fact that you hold a position is only going to give you prestige in a superficial sense. True prestige comes with holding a job and doing it well. Prestige is one of the results of being respected. You do not respect somebody just because he does a job. You respect somebody who holds a job and does it well and that is at all levels. Americans like their cowboys. Community college men believe having prestige makes them status symbols. One interviewee was alone in his theory that 278 prestige equals rugged individualism. Prestige is necessary. Someone once said, Americans like their cowboys. It is something about those cowboys that people like. Of course men in power want prestige. Prestige comes with power whether it is good or bad. People might not like Bush but there is something about him that just exudes leadership. Whether this respondent was implying that Bush was a cowboy remained to be seen but in either case the respondent was convinced that Bush had that special something. More respondents seemed to believe the following, Any number of things could catapult a person to a prestigious level where they are able to influence others. With money, access to resources, knowledge, and authority you must use your prestige wisely and not take it for granted. Prestigious men feel and act powerfully. Prestige is vitally important if you are going to get people to follow you. When asked for an example another male community college administrator recounted the trajectory of a specific chancellor as he ascended to power. Chancellor XXX s position has a lot to do with how people view him. There could be any number of people in that position and that is not meant to discount the job that he is doing, he is doing a phenomenal job but what is it about him that has made him so successful in that position. He is Chancellor of all of the technical colleges and the entire community college system. That is a lot different than being a president from a community college. It is who he rubs 279 shoulders with. This guy is on the phone with the governor all the time. He sees not only community leaders but also state leaders. Those are the kinds of people he is rubbing shoulders with. That is prestige. When you get to that level and notice the type of people he is associated with you say, Oh, my God! For example, we went out to lunch with him when he came to speak to the class and someone from the governor s office rang his phone. That is prestige to me. Use of Power In this affinity community college men seemed fervent about how they viewed women used power. Crabs and rats were the metaphors used to describe how community college women used their power. As has been consistent in other affinities the abuse of power was elaborated on as were the fortuitous reasons for helping others use their power for the greater good. Important networking connections served to increase men s access to and use of power. Using power seemed for many men the key to realizing happiness. It is like the crab in the bucket thing. Community college men and women use their power in a variety of ways. Power is a tool. Powerful men use power to advance an agenda. People have power to advance a mission. I have an agenda. You have an agenda. It is just who has the most power to achieve that agenda. The use of power is to set an agenda. There are some people who use power to their advantage but those people are not in power very long. It is like you get what you get and you are off. Powerful men are stable and have an 280 agenda that they have sold to the public. They use their power to fill the steps of that agenda. One subject called for the appropriate use of power. Power has to be used appropriately. Money, skills, knowledge, and authority are all tools and you need use them to get what you want especially if you want to advance your career or move the institution forward. When people use their power for bad things I do not think they last too long. You can use it but if the goal is not ethical or good you are not going to have a lot of opportunities to use that power so that is not a wise decision. If you have noble motives use all the power you have to accomplish or fulfill those objectives. If you want your organization to become better and you have money or the ability to inspire others just do it. It varies by individual. One male participant dejectedly described how a formal boss had abused his power. I observed and have been a part of organizations where individuals have used their power for selfish reasons. I can think of a case where an individual would point out flaws in other people as a way of discrediting them. This person was a manager so he was in a position of power and had influence over people. He tried to make himself look better than everyone else. He tried to make other people feel bad about themselves or like they were not meeting his approval. They were always striving to get in favor with this person and measure up to his standard. They just wanted to be liked by this individual. 281 In contrast another interviewee said, I have seen people use their power to advance other individuals and promote people. They give them credit even though the person in the position of power was really the one behind the scenes making things happen. They were more interested in other people getting credit and other people being recognized for their efforts. That is the kind of power that I like because if you are in a position of power and you have the opportunity to advance other people, help them grow, and reach their potential that is what I want. The first individual did not use his power in a good way. I saw people around him become sort of diminished. I never saw them reach their potential. I saw them on guard all the time. This person made things worse not better. In comparison to the individual who misused his power I saw other people really respect the second guy. They were eager and enthusiastic about working for him. They really sensed that he had their best interest at heart. Sharing the credit ranked very high in terms of the high esteem community college men felt was possible. One interviewee seemed almost hostile to what he felt was the almost relentless onslaught of non-stop oratory commanding him to work selflessly. At other times his focus drifted to his working relationship with his female boss. Many times male administrators state the same old rhetoric of using our power for the better good. If you want to be a community college president you must have a vision but there is a big difference between how a man is going to 282 accomplish his vision and how a woman is going to do it. Currently, my boss is a woman and a vice-president. I have also worked for a woman president so I have had some experience when is I say that women do not seem to be as up front as men do. It is important to demonstrate that you have power with the intent of being up front, showing your prestige and caring enough to let people know that, Yeah, I am the president. Men do that and women tend not to. Women do not serve with the intent to exude their power. Closely related to the above was what one interviewee said about the differences between how men and women use power. When men get a little power we want people to know who we are and we want to dress like our position requires. Women do that to a certain extent but in terms of exuding power, women chose communication over radiating authority. Men do not have to say too much. We understand each other and we understand what it takes to get things done. My boss is a woman and I am a man and so we talk a lot. I would like to look at us, as being really good friends but my boss will talk more about an issue than what I actually need. That is just her style. I am more of a, just tell me what I need to know, and bam, bam, bam kind of person. I am going to go do it and get it done. I do not want to talk about it a lot. Then there was a return to the old favorite theme of powerful people and abuse. Women do not see the need to exude their power. Maybe their lack of desire to be bold is based on something innate. A woman can be a leader without 283 letting the whole world know about it. Power can be dangerous. I have seen men abuse power. Sometimes the abuse is very subtle but I have seen it. Men who have evolved and matured in their own personal power get beyond the point where they will really abuse the power of their position. There is a saying, Power corrupts, absolute power corrupts absolutely. The more powerful someone becomes the more likely they are to abuse that power unless they have matured and developed on their own where they do not feel a need to display power in order to wield it. Women would do the same thing in some cases although people would argue that women do not abuse power as much as men. Another interviewee was very clear about how he thought powerful women used their power. In my experience, which comes from a XXX background, women at all levels do use and abuse power but they do it in different ways. For example, when I have seen women abuse power they usually do it to advance themselves. If they wield power they do it to advance their own cause. Women s personal power is derived from association so when women use or abuse power it is in the relationship arena and it tends to detract from other people s relationships. They sort of empower themselves by monkey-ing up other people s relationships. Women do not generally force feed their own advancement. Instead, they reduce others to lift themselves up. It is like the crab in the bucket thing. Crabs do not let each other out of the bucket because every time one of them starts to climb the other crabs want to 284 reach up and pull them down. I see that happening much more in women. Men do not do that as much. When men are using and/or abusing power in order to advance themselves they are just climbing like hell to get out of the bucket. That is men s perspective. They will focus on that and they will be more likely to reach up or sideways to latch on to somebody if they are going to use those power networks or relationships in order to advance themselves. They are more likely to worry about grabbing onto somebody above them who can pull them up than they are about reaching up to pull somebody else down. I see a total flip-flop between how men and women use power. Powerful men work for the better good of their organization or their country. Powerful men use their power for a multitude of reasons. Men use power for different reasons. Powerful men work for the better good of their organization or their country. They work for the benefits of all people. Some powerful men work on only a small scale and sometimes they only work for their own group. Some powerful men might only work to get more money. Powerful men use their power to get certain things. People will disagree and people will agree with whatever action you take. The way you use your power should be by making informed decisions and justifying them. Not justifying in a bad sense but just so that you can answer to not only yourself but to others why you made that decision. I think that is as much as you can do when you use the power. Next, a 285 community college administrator felt there was a lot to be learned from those powerful men who had preceded him. You have that ah-ha moment. Powerful community college men believe they should use their power for the greater good. Power comes with networks and with money. It comes with sharing experience. I have had mentors and bosses that used their power financially and when you see the direct impact money has and then you take away the money you see how men often work. If you talk with powerful men and they give you inside information or their personal experiences that took twenty or thirty years to accumulate you have that ah-ha moment. You come to see that you really did not have a problem after all. I think the use of power should be applied to something that will benefit the whole. But even when you use your power to help the community you sometimes discard the few. Using your power can mean taking a stand that is going to help the underrepresented. You do not really want to jeopardize the whole either and that is a big balancing act. Try to balance it all and do what you think is right. Powerful men use power for a variety of reasons. Psychologists say that when you put rats in a cage and you give them alternate stimuli some of the mice will get a treat, sometimes they will get shocked, and sometimes they will get a treat and a shock. There are powerful men who use their power for good things and others that abuse it. There are powerful men who abuse power and there are powerful men that use it ethically. 286 It depends on the character of the person in power. Newspapers are full of people that abuse power. The ones that do not abuse power do not normally make the newspaper. It is that simple. Men in power show how quick and exacting they can be. They show they can swipe someone away with a flip of their wrist. Whether you abuse power or use it wisely is a character issue. It is not a gender issue. I have seen women abuse power. I have seen women do it well. It is an ethics and a character issue not a gender issue. Likened to a scientific experiment one interviewee compared powerful men to rats. Psychologists say that when you put rats in a cage and you give them alternate stimuli some of the mice will get a treat, sometimes they will get shocked, and sometimes they will get a treat and a shock. The psychologists said that the one that was most powerful was the one that randomly reinforced. Sometimes the mouse would get nothing. Sometimes the mouse would get a treat. Sometimes he would get an electrical shot and that was the most powerful form of enforcement was that randomness. I feel like sometimes that is the way powerful men exercise that power. They show you that they can be kind one minute and evil the next. Another subject explained that his relationships with other powerful men enabled him to use his power for his own purposes. The use of power is a tool that needs to be modified. A lot of my personal friends are congressmen and presidents of colleges. Through my association with these people you start 287 establishing a network of power. Could I use that power? Have I used that power? Yes. For example, a person is going to apply for a job at a certain place and they give me a call and say, Could you please call somebody? That is a use of power. Would I recommend somebody that I would not want to work for me? No. One subject thought he got his power from a being a member of an outside organization. There is an organization of Hispanics here in XXX called XXX Association of Chicanos in Higher Education. I was the president that of organization in XXXX. It is a statewide organization where basically if you are a Hispanic professional, you teach at a college or university, or you are an administrator then you join it. Congressmen and presidents are very well associated with this group. As president of that organization you get to know a lot of powerful people and because of your association with them you become very powerful as well. The whole purpose of life is to be happy and content. Powerful community college men believe they use their power for a variety of reasons. Men use power to uplift themselves. Sometimes men will use it to help others, to persuade them, or to motivate people. Powerful men that are not looking to obtain money may use power for their own satisfaction and to gain respect. For some men money is not a concern because they already have it. They get to a point where they do not need anymore. The prestige and recognition is more 288 important than money and that is what power brings. It makes them feel satisfied. Using power is a way to get respect and feel a sense of accomplishment. It makes men feel better about themselves. One respondent equated having power with fulfilling his life s mission. The whole purpose of life is to be happy and content. Many powerful men feel complete and happy when they use power. It makes them feel good. Using power is a way of fulfilling their life mission, which is to feel good. I think using power is what it is all about. Unfortunately, many men see power as a necessity to be happy. Not all power is good. You do not need money to be happy but most men equate it with being happy. There can be good displays of power. People can show how magnanimous they can be and come and do wonderful things. Others seemed to derive enjoyment from how extreme they could be. I always feel for powerful men how they use their power is a game they play where they show one moment how giving they can be and the next moment they show how vicious they can be. When men use power they show both sides of it so you know you can be on either side. One side is all the nice things powerful men do that people do not feel but there is also that other use of power where men abuse it. 289 Influence Community college male administrators liked speakers who openly discussed their own struggles with power. Powerful men understood the impact influence has on others. leadership and influence. For some the term power was synonymous with Powerful men who were non-white expressed frustration with a lack of role models, which resulted in mixed feelings about how they should exercise their own influence. Using influence to inspire and motivate others was critical to being an effective leader. Interviewees understood the seriousness of measuring their words and how those words could be misinterpreted. There is no need to be ashamed. Community college male administrators impact others in powerful ways. Powerful men have a lot of influence. I have power through my character and personality. I have gotten power through my job position much like other powerful men have gotten their power. Men obtain power through their positions meaning they have authority and control over a group or a project. That gives men the opportunity to excel or fail and is where they use influence to persuade people to follow their ideas or goals. Sharing personal struggles and triumphs was very appealing to some community college men. Some of the speakers that came to class were really influential like those who emotionally impacted me versus those that did not have 290 the ability to get real. What I mean by that is they share their personal experiences and they understand that many of the things that we will go through in trying to become a community college president are things they have already confronted and overcome. There is no need to be ashamed. Really good speakers do not feel a need to hide their experiences and as a result they share a lot of their own hurts. They may have gone through a divorce as they were pursuing their career or they may regret the fact that they could not develop a close-knit relationship with their children. Sharing those kinds of challenges has more impact than when speakers only talk about the data. One interviewee was bored with speakers who just presented data. When you are listening to a speaker many times they are going to give you just the straight research. There is no mix of who they really are and many times those people come across as being really dry. I really like it when people can step up to the plate and share their personal experiences without anything to hide. Because for me as a leader those are the things that I really want to hear about. I am going to get the knowledge and I am going to do the research. I can read just like you can. Another subject commented on how much he liked hearing about overcoming difficult times. I think influence can be very powerful. You cannot make people do a lot of stuff but you can influence them. For example, powerful men influence people through their networks where they twist people s arms. 291 Men in power use their social group to make people want to do it. I can put something together just like you can but it is how you actually cope with many of the challenges that you went through that I want to hear about. Because when I hit that same wall I want to know exactly how you reacted and how you got through it. In almost all cases powerful men know how pungent their influence can be. Men in power can motivate others and get them to see what they can do. Powerful men use influence in their position. If they can influence someone it is very powerful. They use power and influence to do all kinds of things. For example, they can either turn networks against people or make networks beneficial for people. It is such a powerful system. When you have formal power you have influence. You have the ability to change, open doors, close doors, and open pathways. The speech that powerful men give is the most influential thing they can do. If you can get someone else to talk about themselves first you can get to know them. Listen to their speech. I want to make use of what I have learned in order to influence more people. I think sharing is very useful and important. I will influence people by talking to them about what I have learned and by behaving and performing in ways that show they too can be successful. When there is mutual respect between individuals and each one admires something in the other person you want to emulate that. 292 You have to lead somebody. Powerful men affect other people in ways that entice them to follow. To be a leader you must have followers. The definition of power and leadership are almost the same because leadership means influencing people. You cannot lead people who do not want to follow. You have to lead somebody. A leader is someone who influences people. Influence exists for men in power. You can determine the amount of influence someone has by the deference that is shown and the respect that is given. Power is the level of influence you have over people. If you have a lot of influence you have a lot of power, if you have a little influence you have a little power. The amount and scope of influence that you have determines the amount of power that you have. Power, influence, and leadership are all synonymous. You cannot be a leader without influence. You cannot be a leader without power. In the powerful women I have seen there is similar, but probably not to the degree, of sway. We all struggle. Powerful community college men influence others. Powerful men who are non-Caucasian are ambivalent about how they fit into the leadership schema. I had very limited role models in my ethnic community. When someone from my ethnicity makes it in the sense of, Oh wow, you graduated from such-and-such a school or You got elected to whatever position that individual, like it or not, is influencing a younger individual. The reason is you see someone that looks like you, talks like you, and has a similar background so you think, if you can make it, I can make it too. By the same token, as you 293 mature, you start asking, Am I going to be influenced by someone just because he looks like me or has my background? That kind of broadened by horizon. Other powerful men quickly recognized that their power gave them the authority to hire and fire others. Some people have a direct influence on you. For example, they fire you, they influence your life, they hire you, and they influence your life. In my Block there were individuals that had a significant influence on my life. I think I had some influence on other people s lives as well. Does that translate into power? To a certain extent it probably does in that it is mutually beneficial. Through influence you can also start a conversation or form a friendship and you listen to that individual s life and you see that there are more common points than anything else. We all struggle. Community college men explain that influence is power. If you are a man you might say, Hey, they feel the same pain in relationships, they feel the same happiness, and triumphs and whatever so you learn from that. It could get to a point where it is unhealthy like when you idealize or worship a person. Power in the business world is influence. Influence might be derived from relationships and networks that you develop or it might be derived from your own internal locus of control where you take control of a situation and you make it manifest like you want it to. Influence is an intangible measure of power. You want everyone motivated and inspired. Powerful men have a unique capacity for influencing others. In organizations and teams people think 294 so differently. You do not want every single individual thinking separately about what they should do. People on a team need to be aligned to the same goal sharing the same principles and ideas. inspired. There are some people who have the unique ability to influence others. You talk to them and suddenly people are committed or inspired. In order to be a powerful man you need the ability to influence others, to make others do what you want them to do, and what you think is good. If you do not change You want everyone motivated and someone s mind when you talk to him or her you are not going to accomplish a lot. Understanding how influence can go awry powerful men must be cognizant of what they say to others. Men in power know that they have to be very careful about what they say because it could be misinterpreted if things happen that you did not intend to happen. You have to measure your words more closely and you have to consider that somebody might act on something that you thought about. You might have expressed a thought and it may have just been an off-handed comment and people do it. One respondent interpreted influencing others as pre-meditated and selfserving. It would be rare for me to go out of my way or to establish a I am not relationship with the purpose of influencing another individual. comfortable with that. I feel like that has connotations of premeditation. I would 295 like my influence to just come out of who I am and the kind of trusting relationships that I develop with people. I would not consciously interact with people thinking I wanted to influence them. One interviewee described how he thought others he worked with viewed him. You develop respect for people that are influencing you and impacting other people s lives. When they do something powerful it has a real hold on you. When I was at XXX Community College, other than the president, the dean of students, and one VP I can think of no other individual that had more influence than I did. I had tremendous influence in that organization so I was doing things that were reflective of a much bigger title that I actually had in the organization. WOMEN S AFFINITY DESCRIPTIONS Character/Personal Qualities Community college women administrators use their character and personal qualities to demonstrate their power. Particular attitudes, beliefs, behaviors, values, and personality types are some of the factors that distinguish powerful community college women from either those women who do not feel powerful and from men as their polar opposite. Traits such as confidence, strength of presence, honesty, and integrity define powerful women s character and attitudes such as carpe diem, a sense of self-efficacy, and collaborative work is best frame powerful women s demeanor. Valuing such things as diversity, empowering others, and accountability were universal themes for women in power. Behaviors 296 consistent with these values, attitudes, and traits reinforced and solidified community college women administrator s place in executive management and when deviated from contributed to their downfall. You either take the power or you do not. Community college women agreed that powerful female administrators must use their personality and behaviors to seize control to go the direction they feel is right. Part of what makes character and personal qualities powerful is how they are associated with the values that the woman holds and that it is okay to feel powerful. The president I worked with during my internship was a very powerful and amazing woman. She was true to her values. She believed that promoting diversity was an important component of community power and everything she did was part of that. It was not just words or something she paid lip service to. It was something she lived and breathed everyday. One of her other values was to treat people with compassion. She had written a lot on this topic and her character exemplified that. For example, one of her vice presidents was doing some reorganization and the vice president had a lot of part-time people so he was going to make a full-time position out of all of these part-time positions. He called all the part-time people into a meeting and fired them all. He has since resigned but the gossip on campus is that the job for his family was too much. I suspect that this behavior did not fit with President XXX s values. I know the personnel director was also fired because people were 297 not treated with the kind of respect and compassion that that president thought they should be. That is what makes her really, really powerful. She will do research before going to meetings like I have never seen before. For example, when she was preparing to go to a faculty senate meeting she read all of the minutes from their meetings for the past year before she went in to find out what the issues were. That is powerful and it says a lot about her character to care as much about something as menial to the president as the faculty senate. When a woman comes into that situation and she can acknowledge that she is doing a good job that should build confidence just like the recognition that if she does not do a good job that that is okay too. It says I am going to be able to do this regardless if I actually know what to do at this point. When I think of times I have felt powerful it has been when I have owned the authority I had been given. I valued the ability to do things, not necessarily to lead people, but the ability to get something done and as a result value my internal strength, my willingness to go out and take risks and to say, You know what? I am going to go out and engage in this and I am going to engage in it right out there in front of everybody. I think character is something that comes from within like knowing that I am in a position of power. Character and personal qualities have something to do with intelligence, being able to think through a problem, present a solution, or articulate something 298 in a way that you feel people can hear. People value what you have to say based on the personal qualities of powerful women. There are a lot of things in society that take away our power very early on in our lives and that continue to drain us throughout our lives. Power was not something that was bestowed on me. I think it needs to be taken. If you do not take it somebody else will. You give up your power if you do not take it yourself. I have felt the most powerful when I have taken control and said, No, this is the way we are going to do it because I am convinced. That does not mean that I do not listen to people around me. It is just that when the decision is mine I grab the power and say, Okay, I am taking this power and making this decision. I have made the biggest mistakes when I have not done that. I have felt the most powerful when I have had the conviction that what I was doing was the right thing to do. I knew that this was where I was going and the power was there because I took it. She would fire people. Valuing diversity was one of the key principles that female community college presidents decided was vital and if other administrators could not model those values they would be terminated. Communication is most important followed by understanding people and relationships. You have to be able to listen and attend to the needs of others as well as inspire and motivate them. Often women will not get involved or if they do they will not participate unless somebody sort of opens the door for them first. 299 Women might start to feel confident and that is usually dependent on the person who started the whole process in the first place. They should recognize that everyone at the table has strengths and try to maximize on those. When you are a meeting you are not going to say you bring a lot of expertise because of such and such and you bring great organization skills to the project but as the person managing that meeting you have to be keen to those strengths and tap into each individual s resources. The thing that sticks out in my mind the most in terms of powerful women is how they understand other people. Powerful individuals are comfortable interacting with men and women. They are people s people. They are individuals who understand other people and the concept of reciprocity. Powerful women understand that they serve people so they create a sense of community. Women s power is relational. It is very down to earth. They try not to force it. Powerful women share power with others, are inclusive, and give power back to their staff. Maybe that is why I am having a hard time thinking of any powerful women because the ones I work around do not keep all the power to themselves. They diffuse it back to you. Women in power are able to relate to people and get them excited about stuff so I see power as a relational type thing. In essence you are giving up part of yourself because you are creating an environment where people experience their power through your power. I am able to portray the self-respect that I feel so that others can in turn respect me. I have 300 felt the most powerful at times when I was in control enough to give other people power. She not only does what she believes in but she walks the talk and people are held accountable. Women community college presidents must exemplify the characteristics and behaviors they expect from others and hold people responsible for their actions. Powerful women are respected, confident, and authoritative. They attract followers. People want to collaborate with powerful women. Women in power need to be able to take people along with them and influence situations. Despite not seeing many examples of women in power one woman commented that she had at times felt influential herself, When I have felt a sense of power it has been because I am making something happen. People are buying into my vision and getting excited about my ideas. But I still have not had a lot of good role models. I am 31 years old and have not observed a lot of women in power. I do not see powerful women in colleges or universities. In my position there do tend to be a lot of women but I just do not think of power when I see them. This female administrator understands theoretically that there must be powerful women in colleges and universities but her yardstick for measuring their power seems different than the one she uses for men. I know that women must have power but I see it very differently than I do for men. I have seen more powerful men than I have seen powerful women. I think that has do with the 301 structure of organizations and who is in charge. For example, who gets appointed and who gets hired. It is sad to say and maybe it is a reflection of society, but I do not know that I can say that I have seen a woman who is particularly powerful. Maybe there just are not enough in educational institutions. She concludes that collegiate women do not normally occupy visible positions of power. I think the women themselves are missing. I just do not see them in the positions. For example, in a university or college setting most of the professors with power who have very important positions are men and they tend to be older white men. She draws a similar conclusion when she rallies that powerful women presidents must work with faculty members who may be resistant to change. There are often initiatives as an administrator that you have to take forth and create enthusiasm for. You have to garner support and a lot of faculty, especially the old timers, do not want to change. The implication is that as an administrator she may personify innovation and transformation but that she could not always expect community college faculty, or any community college employee group for that matter, to embrace and assume responsibility for her initiatives. Another female respondent used a colleague as an example of the type of leader she hoped to avoid emulating. I wish I did not stereotype but in my organization there is a vice president and she essentially runs the corporation. She is a very bright lady. I have gotten to know her well and have a lot of respect for 302 her regardless of how she dresses and how she might communicate at meetings. I have a personal relationship so I can see beyond the physical appearance. But if you came into the corporation as an observer in a meeting or even if it was me and I did not know her and I saw her in jeans being very casual I would not see her with that same sense of respect that I would see a man. Clearly, the type of behavior that this woman administrator values revolves around professional appearance. She is dissatisfied with the image that her colleague displays even though she openly acknowledges her personal respect for her co-workers contributions. Later, the same female administrator contrasted what she had said about her female co-worker with an example of a similar interaction she had with a male colleague. Once I am having an actual exchange with a man I am not going to listen to him just because he is a man. I will not be convinced on a man s perspective just because of the way he looks. Well, initially, that might sway me. Initially, she explains that she would not give a great deal of credibility to a man just because he was a male or because of how he appeared but then she reneges and admits that his appearance might be a factor for consideration. A third community college woman described how she had been successful in doing what she believed was right. As a woman administrator you have to consider how you are going to assert your leadership to accomplish what you need to accomplish. I have been very successful in doing that through 303 interpersonal relationships and finding out how I can make the interaction mutually beneficial. I help people become passionate about the ideas that I have and in turn that makes the situation successful. The guys join each other at the Tavern for a beer after work. The qualities and personal characteristics that powerful community college women have are very different from those that men have. I am ashamed to admit this but I have a higher standard for women. I want them to be nicely dressed, very articulate, very professional, intellectual, and ambitious. If I see a man I do not really care how he is dressed. I am looking for what the men are saying rather than what they look like. Most of the vice presidents in the corporation are men and I can tell you that they are not all articulate and they are not always well dressed but I see them in a different way. It is more important how a woman first appears than what she might have to say. When asked about whether she thought powerful people were born or made she responded, There is not much theory out there that says that women have powerful characteristics innately or that they were born leaders. All the research around born leaders that I have seen suggests a myriad of male characteristics. At the risk of not having a whole lot of theory to support it I would suggest that innately we all have the ability to feel confident and take risks. Most of the theory that I have read up to this point says a powerful character is innate but men conducted most of that research. The research states that men are 304 powerful because power is conditioned into them and it is conditioned out of women. The female interviewee believes that men pave the way for women to get involved, It is the man who actually gives power to the woman or opens the doors to opportunities for her. I see it even now here in the program. Often it is a man who opens the door and then the woman goes in and the man will support the woman by saying, Oh, yes you are doing a good job, but it is always the Yes, you are doing a good job that makes the woman in that role feel like she is doing a good job. But it also makes the woman feel like there is a possibility of not doing a good job and that always keeps her off balance. I would like to think we have got some kind of androgynous perspective where truly we all have powerful characteristics. Then we can move toward this sense of power, authority, and leadership that allows us to function as leaders not just as a male who is very task oriented or a woman who is very socially oriented. The interviewee went on to describe the differences in the nuances of power between men and women. I see power as used by women as different than as used by men. For example, here where I work I do not feel that women feel a need to show their power or that they exercise power in the same way as men do. Here women use power in a very understated way. You see many more men whose power is demonstrated by their character and personal qualities in a public, calculated way. 305 There are times when I use my physical being to gain power in situations. For some women community college administrators their presence may be the best indicator of their power. When I think about my personal qualities I think about perseverance, the ability to articulate ideas and thoughts, and the ability to collaborate and build on what some people call social capital. The times I have the felt the most powerful have been when I have had a challenging situation and I have been able to identify how both parties might be able to benefit. I was able to help negotiate or mediate a situation successfully that was difficult. In other contexts the power of one s character and personal qualities may be much more physical. The powerful women I have noticed persevere and are persistent. They have had obstacles but they said, Well, okay that is an obstacle but I am going to go ahead and move past it. With each success or failure powerful women took that learning experience and made it part of who they were. They said, Okay, I can face the next obstacle or the next barrier. I look at women who have overcome obstacles as examples of power and ways to derive power. I think some women got their power from their childhoods, from the way they were raised. They had things they had to overcome. For example, maybe they were poor, maybe they came from the wrong side of the tracks, or maybe they had to live up to the expectations of their parents but they overcame that. There are always communities of people, associates who have information you 306 need who also provide you with support and what I call making a way out of no way. They can give you examples of how they overcame obstacles. While some interview respondents felt a sense of self-efficacy about developing their power another woman indicated that it had taken a man to give her a sense of her own capability. At one point I think I felt powerful but that was several years ago. It has to do with my background because I do not have a high school education. I am originally from XXX. I moved to XXX and I would go around from place to place looking for a job and nobody wanted me. I finally found a job at a community college and I have been there for 30 years. A man at the college where I now work gave me a chance when no else wanted me. In every situation I have experienced there has been a man there. I am wondering if it is because men still have more power than women? While this interviewee indicated that she felt some sense of control over her professional life now she clearly was uncertain about whether she could have gotten her present administrative job on her own merit. Other community college women felt they had been able to acquire power through perseverance. What I see most often is not necessarily assertiveness but more persistence for women in power. Most of the powerful women I have seen might not get what they are reaching for immediately, and certainly not through the good ole boy network, but more through persistence. Powerful women just keep working at it and they will get a little closer, and a little closer but it is the 307 persistence that gets them success more than anything else. The reason I felt powerful was because I worked really hard. I went from a part-time clerical position to an administrative position. I have always said that I have had to work harder than anybody else to get to where I am now or to get whatever it is that I want. The pieces are all there from the get go and we develop them. When powerful women second guess themselves and let others make decisions for them they frequently regretted their decision. When I have not taken the power and let someone else take it for me there has always been this voice in the back saying, No, you really did not want to do that. But you did and you made the mistake and then it takes more to regroup. You knew you should have gone another way but you did not and now you have got to clean up that. You have to move forward. Nothing scares her. Powerful women come across as very confident and authoritative. Women in power are not authoritative like a dictator but like somebody that can admit when they do not know the answer. With a strong sense of confidence they can say, I do not know this because but I do know A, B, or C. They tend to have confidence whether or not they know precisely what the answer is to something. They had the confidence to do whatever was necessary. You can see a powerful woman from across the room who is really in tune with herself and has overcome a lot. 308 Powerful women are able to function in a group and maintain their own identity. They come into a room and people just sort of pay attention to them. I remember a study I read about that revolved around a series of photographs. People looked at these pictures of other people sitting around a board table and at no point did they ever chose the woman regardless of whether she was sitting in the chair at the end of board room where the president would sit or where the head of the committee would sit. That is a harsh example of real traditional power but the other kind of power that goes with it is her presence. Powerful women in class had strength of presence. It went beyond looks. It was the way a person worked the room. In other contexts the character and personal qualities of powerful women may be attributed to their physical appearance. Once you are aware of yourself you can learn how to make your presence better and enhance all of your qualities. For example, one of the women guest speakers that came to class was very powerful as evidenced by her resume, her work history, and her professional career. She occupies a very powerful position yet she is very quiet and calm. She is a very comported person. I could sense that these women were pretty powerful and you did not really want to mess with them. You could feel their confident demeanor. It is a combination of appearance, body language, and communication. They must be articulate, very critical, and intellectual. That sense of comportment is something that I see frequently and have asked myself, 309 Gee is this a quality that women need to have in order to ascend to positions of power? Powerful women speak very thoughtfully when they select their words. They come across as warm and in control of the situation. They are articulate not air-heady. They are solid and do not say bad things about their school or other people. They do not gossip. Power in women is measured by how they conduct themselves. Powerful women can come into a room and command attention. That has a dramatic impact in determining that this might be someone who is powerful. I guess it is their essence that comes out. Women s power is internal. It is an intangible thing that you can sense. Powerful women have more internal power than external power. Power is an illusive thing. Frame of Reference Powerful community college women described frame of reference as a worldview or an orientation. One s frame of reference could also be called their paradigmatic perspective. Some of the components that made up the women s frame of reference included dealing with stereotypes, struggling with institutionalized patriarchy and racism, and combating the victor role women place on women. I have had blonde jokes thrown at me for years. Powerful community college women have been pacified and patronized based on old hierarchical paradigms. From a gender perspective I think women are always denied the 310 power that is given to men. In addition, I do not think men and women share the same frame of reference. I think power takes all kinds of different shapes and forms and women have more power than they realize. At one time I think men s personal qualities were more appreciated than they are now but I do not think that is going to remain the same. Old ways of doing things are beginning to change and people are starting to see that women leaders can affect change in very positive ways so there will be opportunities that will be better appreciated now and in the future. I do not think the opportunities are the same but I think that is changing too. In past years the way a male would pursue a goal was more appreciated than the manner in which most women pursue goals but I think that is changing. There is starting to be much more appreciation and support for the manner in which women pursue goals. For example, if a powerful woman is straightforward and open about how she sees the world then other people can understand where she is coming from and respond according. That is very powerful because you have to know yourself really well and be vulnerable to people. You can say these are my values and this is what is important to me. Most of the powerful women I have noticed put a lot of emphasis on relationships, communication, and collaboration. Powerful women seem to be focused on these aspects of what is important for them to gain success. Women pursue goals more collaboratively, more cooperatively and bringing everybody on 311 board with them is important to them. Men pursue goals more to compete and to gain prestige. I have always viewed power and gender as women being able to exploit certain things. I do not mean exploit in a negative way. I mean it as a positive because I have been patted on the head for years and told, Oh, honey you don t have to worry your little head about that. While many community college women feel like they have been seen as one dimensional in terms of having to abide by a set of prescribed male defined rules they could not be more multifarious. I can play different roles and I think that is part of the gender thing. Women are able to play different roles depending on the situation. So when it is dealing with older men from a different era I know how to deal with them and when I need to deal with the younger men from a whole different environment I can handle them too. I have always felt that I can direct where I am going. A sense of capability seems to guide many powerful community college women. When I think about power it reminds me of self-efficacy and the ability of people to produce the outcomes that they want. My work is about how students form ideas about producing outcomes and about their beliefs about whether or not they can succeed. To that extent I get into institutions and organizations, which shape my belief in myself and my ability to do things. More out of anger than anything else I developed this view that I was capable of anything and a sense of I have got to prove something. I have had that feeling for 312 more years than I ever care to admit. That view combined with some of the other skills that I have acquired over time has amalgamated into an awful lot of success in my life. A belief in one s self combined with an understanding of one s outlook can greatly enhance community college women s sense of power. One interview respondent stated, I know that you can learn how to do this and I expect you to learn how to do this. If you do not learn it then six months from now we are going to have to find a position that fits you better. What I am essentially saying is, Clean up your act or I am going to fire you but it is from a different frame of reference than I just said. My belief is that I have more power if I communicate it in the first way than I would in the second way, which was too strong. You can go into all kinds of theory about whether you are controlled by achievement or power and the whole idea that women look for socialization but I never did. Intelligence and a spiritual component seem to define what makes many community college women feel powerful. I should have this sort of super macro worldview but when I think about the thing that makes me feel the most powerful it is some intellectual ability. My frame of reference is spiritual. It is very difficult for me to separate intelligence and spirituality in my frame of reference. It is a belief in, a trust in, and an understanding that I have this physical being, this brain, this mind, but it is also connected to something that transcends all of that. I do not really understand what it is exactly but I know it affects everything I see 313 and do. I see not just what is in front of me but also that which may not be obvious to other people. Seeing is the most powerful quality that I have. No man is ever going to tell me what to do. Critical moments experienced growing up shaped powerful community college women s frame of reference. Where power is concerned my frame of reference is really based in two different worlds. For example, I watched my older sisters growing up when women were expected to do traditional things and then I had my own peers and the expectation that women were going to get the ERA. Of course, we now know it did not pass. I was raised in a time where I had a foot in two generations. My sister is twenty years older than I am and consequently her options were very limited. The expectation was that she would go to school, get married, have kids, and maybe get a job but it was secondary to getting a husband. When I was coming up it was a whole different generation though. What growing up in two generations did for me was give me an advantage because I can see whomever I am dealing with in different ways. Institutions like the family, the media, and religion all shape your ideas about self-efficacy and what you can do as a woman. Even if the messages they are sending you are not explicit you still get them and they inform what you should do with your life. Another female respondent described her own journey with defining moments that fashioned her outlook on power. I have a blended family of five girls and I will be damned if they are not all going to have their own education, 314 their own income, and their own ability to support themselves. They are going to pursue whatever it is that they want to pursue at whatever point not because a man has an impact on them. They are going to have that independence because I brought them up that way. This interviewee commented on her upbringing as well, I had several crystallizing experiences when I was young. One when I was ten, one several years later, and another a few years after that which all reinforced for me a particular framework about women and self-reliance. I saw the double standard when my brother moved in with his girlfriend. My dad said, Oh, he is having a good time but when I moved in with a guy my dad said I was being taken advantage of and I was a blah, blah, blah, blah. So I grew up with this, Well, no man is ever going to tell me what to do sort of attitude and I am going to do exactly what I want to do which has gotten me into trouble now and then. I have struggled with feminism all my life. I grew up in a family that was very patriarchal, even a little bit misogynistic I suppose but certainly very male oriented. Women are in the kitchen and women do this and women do that and men do this and that so there were huge battles at home when I refused to do the laundry or I refused to learn how to cook. There were sad things too because I refused to learn how to sew. I wish that I had now because it is a good skill and I fought my mother, not because I didn t want to spend time with my her, but because I was pissed off at my father for telling me I had to do it. It does not matter to me how they see the world but knowing that there are differences 315 between how we experience the world is the key. Power is letting people know what your frame of reference is, helping them to understand what theirs is, and working together through collaboration to figure how to set goals and get something done. They could have a million dollars and sleep on the floor. Ethnicity and race are as important to powerful community college women as is gender. Americans live day by day. We are very comfortable in our environment compared to people who live in the Middle East. Those people do not care. They may be very wealthy but they are not very materialistic. Acquiring material items are not their concern. Their concern is with family. They could have a million dollars and sleep on the floor. They do not have to have the Lexus or the castle. I think Americans are very materialistic. I am not globally aware and those guys know everything about American citizens. The ethnicity piece has been the most difficult for me to overcome. There are cultural issues and language issues. In my experience White men are the most oppressive. It is even different between White women and Hispanic or Black women but not as different as between a White professional man and a professional Hispanic woman. When you have two women, one that is White and one that is Hispanic, there are still differences but you have the commonality of being women so that makes it less challenging than it is with a White male. It is very hard for me to put myself in a box. I see that as white patriarchy. Because 316 once you do that then you start sorting and then I get a label and you get a label and I do not learn anything from you. Not only did race and ethnicity cause community college women to feel isolated from the mainstream educational process but so did self-imposed restrictions and constraints. My life and the things that have taken place all reinforce that sense of being an outsider. What I did was develop a lot of skills in working with groups and moving in and out of groups without ever being totally a part of whatever it was that I was involved in. I would call that detachment. There are different levels of involvement and in most cases I have determined my degree of involvement. That has made it easier for me in some ways to go into virtually any group, male, female, or combined and function. While I was a part of the process the group did not psychologically embrace me and I always felt like I was an outsider. It did give me some of my power because that slight degree of objectivity and probably that little bit of that attitude that said, I am not really part of this, or I am a part but this is not who I am. I am not going to live or die for being a part of this. I have other things going on and I am not internal to this gave me some degree of power because it manifested that sense of I am here, I can do a job but I am not going to fall apart if this does not work out. It is not going to define me. At the end of the day I have to say it is a man s world. Powerful community college women recognize the improvements that women have gained 317 during the last fifty years but males continue to dominant the educational landscape. Some of the transformations that have been occurring in our culture since the 50s, 60s, and 70s have offered a much better understanding about how people appreciate working and how their work environment should be. But even so, as I have grown older my whole frame of reference has changed. I see that women do not have the same agency or power that men have. Amazingly enough in education, which is a field full of women, men still tend to be heads of departments, the heads of divisions, and the heads of the heads of the heads. The interviewee is frustrated with the fact that while significant gains have been made for women there continues to be a disparity between the amount of formal power that men have been able to obtain versus that of women. The speakers that come to class are older men from a different generation where women are concerned. They try, God love em, to not have a patriarchal mentality but that is part of their psyche, who they are, and they way they were brought up. It is astonishing to me in a profession that is as traditionally female as it is, that men somehow float to the top and I do not think that is an accident. The only problem is that men are looking for women who are more like them. What the older generation of men believe and how they behave is not good or bad it is just the way it is. The powerful woman sitting around them table with a bunch of powerful men is not going to be very feminine. Those women have a different aura about 318 them. I think they have to lose some of their femininity to fit in. Hillary Clinton is a good example. She is not the most attractive person. She is very outspoken and aggressive and she is right in there with the guys. Janet Reno, the one with Parkinson s and glasses is another good example. When men get past a certain age you know they are not going to change. They are what they are and you need to exploit that or you get angry about it. If women are confident and have the skills that a powerful man would have then they can succeed. Then again I do have to say it is still very much a man s world. Seemingly unable to reconcile the unequal balance of power between the sexes one of the interviewees commented, Women have to negotiate their own spaces within organizations. It is a very gray world. She recognized that it was the responsibility of community college women to navigate and claim the rocky terrain of disproportionate power distribution. With a sense of bitterness she replied, This is just not fair. It is not even close, its overt discrimination. Another woman whose frame of reference is also that it is a man s world has a little different take on how women should cope with the inequality. Some days it does feel like it is a man s world and women will never ever be able to penetrate it and other days when we have little successes it feels like women can be just as successful as men. It has been a blessing to have a foot in both generations because when I talk to younger women who do not have that they say, I just don t understand these older guys and their view of women. I have learned 319 for the most part that older men, God love em, just cannot help it. I think it is still very much a man s world but I would never want to be a man because of the way society socializes them. I think it is cruel. I think males are crippled by the way they are socialized so while I may not have access to the same legitimate sources of power that men do I would not want to be a man. I prefer to work a little harder to get it. At the end of the day I have to say it is a man s world. When you encounter sexism you have to call it what it is. Powerful women need to assume responsibility for their place in society. For the most part if you decide you want something you can have it. I do think that women have to confront obstacles but they have to find a way to get around them. At some point in your career somebody has to confront head on some of things that create those obstacles so when you encounter sexism you have to call it what it is. I think powerful women have to believe that it can be done and they have to discard the whole idea of victimization. This subject thought women s focus on inequity was misdirected and that women were instead to blame for their own secondary status. I think we get so many messages that say we cannot and we will not but when we disempower people who stand in our way I believe we can do it. It may take a little longer than someone with more privilege or more choices but I think that if I really want a thing I can overcome it. I think people need to be in charge, have some agency in terms of recognizing their position on the planet and then go about the job of creating opportunity for themselves and removing barriers. 320 Double Standard Unspoken expectations for women that do not apply to men frequently cause women to second guess what the rules are. Expectations such as dress and behavior are always changing and women are supposed to shift and moderate their conduct to either compliment or conform to male created norms. On occasion, women blame each other for behavior that they perceive contributes to the gender conflict. I do not think I had worn a skirt for ten years. Community college women understand that good looks can help them professionally but they want to be respected for their work instead. Before I came to XXX I do not think I had worn a skirt for ten years. I came here and people were wearing dresses all the time and short ones with high heels. That is tough for me. Just the amount of time you have to take to dress affects the time that you are going to have to do other things. I mean from a business sense you can call it opportunity costs. You automatically increased your opportunity costs on a non-essential. Well, it is not a non-essential in this society, but I would perceive it as a non-essential in terms of work. The double standard that women feel exists in relation to dress takes too much time and detracts from their work. I got to see a very different application of that good-looks-gets-you-somewhere kind of concept when I came to XXX. It was like, Oh okay because not only did I find good looks get people places and 321 it opens doors for them but it pisses other people off. I am an athlete so aside from it not being good for your feet to wear high heels I would just never be caught in such attire. As a guy all I have to do is get up, wash, put on wrinkled clothes, go in, and just hang out. Nobody says a thing about how the man is dressed and yet a woman spends half an hour to 45 minutes every morning doing her hair, her make-up, and getting the right clothes on which can never be unpressed. My husband used to say to me, You are good looking, use it to your advantage and I refused. I do not want to be able to get into some place because somebody thinks I am cute or pretty. I want to be able to get into some place because people believe that I have got the intelligence to do the job. I want to be accepted on that basis. If I want to be assertive and aggressive, I am going to be assertive and aggressive. Powerful women often threaten men. Powerful women should not seem too male, too aggressive, or too assertive because then they are perceived as bitches. You could be seen as wanting to be male. I am extremely extroverted and border on being aggressive or at least that is how others see me. That is not how I see myself and usually once people get to know me they do not see that anymore but that is the first impression. One interviewee acknowledged that she used her wiles to strategize her positionality. In some sense I am political. I will do whatever I need to do as long as it does not cross an ethical line in the sand. If I need to play a game that is 322 fine but I do not think women are always invited to those games. I am sure there are some women that have their own kind of game like maybe they go to the salon or something. It is probably farer and fewer between though. In an effort to explain why some men are having difficulty coping with many women s ownership of power one subject commented, Men are seeing their world change a little bit and that may be affecting them in a negative way that is far greater than what women are experiencing by seeing positive change. Negative change is going to hit you harder than positive change. Positive change is something that you were hoping for and you got. Negative change means something has been taken away from me. I hear a lot of conversation about that. A reoccurring theme was for interviewees to blame other women for their inferior status. I do not want to blame the victim but essentially when women communicate they will say things like, I m sorry. It is not really an, I m sorry it is just a way of transitioning in conversation. That contributes to the whole notion of having a double standard. It continued when another respondent said, When women are task oriented and serious about what they are doing they may be called bitch. I have been called a bitch a number of times for being serious or for being insensitive. I have been labeled as unapproachable and not just by men but by women too. I have long thought that if I were in a man s body I would never get that kind of labeling. 323 When I first started working at the community college I wore the high heels and the suit and I was actually ridiculed by the other women because I looked the part. Women contribute to the double standard. When I hear a woman president speak I just expect a lot more than I do from a man. I expect to be wowed. If a woman speaker does wow me I think a lot more of her. I have more respect for her than I would for a male president that would come in and wow me. Society is changing but I think women are still expected to do all those quote womanly things. Women are meant to be pleasant, they have to be smiling, and they have to be friendly. There is a huge double standard even though I have been around people for years who say there is not one. I see some women who take on male characteristics. I do not think that works very well. It is like you cannot be something that you are not even if you are trying really hard. The women in power that were the most successful were not the ones that took on male characteristics. There is this assumption that while you may be a nurturing, wonderful, loving, warm n fuzzy kind of person because you are a woman you cannot handle certain things. I do not know how many times I have produced work and it has been referred to a man in terms of him having the final say. Sometimes I had to let a man take the credit for inspiring the work even though it came straight from me. That happened a number of times such that eventually I started saying, I have done this work. Bill did this part, John did that part, but I am the author. 324 Then afterward I would get called a bitch. It is presumed that women are not able to handle the pressure. They are not seen as stable enough. Women presidents have less opportunity to fail. If they screw up one time they are gone. I really think she would still be in jail now. The motivation and consequences of powerful women s actions are different than they are for powerful men. My perception is that powerful women do things for different reasons than men. My assumption is that men are more motivated by money and women are motivated by helping people. Both are motivated by accomplishments but my perception is that men see things like title, hierarchical advancement, and money as accomplishments whereas women see things like changing the world and making a difference as important. The double standard is always at play. One interviewee described witnessing the double standard at her workplace, I see it when I am in meetings. When you hear a female speak and then a man speaks you hear the man essentially repeat what the woman just said. Somehow people interpret what the man said as, Oh, my God, what a novel idea! When men speak people tend to listen more. There is something about having a woman come in and totally impress everyone that just made me have a tremendous amount of respect for her. I wanted her to come in and impress me. In class every other speaker was a man so it was like ho-hum. I did not have as high of an expectation because they were a dime a dozen. 325 Someone that is observing an exchange at a meeting might assume that a man is more authoritative even when he is repeating in different words what the woman just said. There is this double standard that we do not quite understand where women are just as knowledgeable as men. There are gendered rituals in the ways we communicate. For example, women will ask questions if they have them. Women are not going to pretend like they know things when they do not and men downplay the fact that they do not understand something. Women will dismiss their knowledge and skills while men will pretend that they do not know a whole lot. I do not think that the double standard is ever going to go away. One woman administrator explained how she considered breaking into the men s fraternity. I once considered taking up golf because I thought too many deals are made on the golf course. I think a lot of deals are made by the good ole boys network. Men group together and play golf or they all go out to lunch together. So I have learned how to play golf and you invite yourself to lunch with them. You find ways to enter because men have their own unspoken secret support system. Powerful women have to learn how to penetrate that fraternity of men and change things around. Some women interviewees remarked that they thought the double standard had gone underground making it more difficult to deal with. It is just there but you cannot prove it therefore you cannot do much about it. There are just some assumptions made from the time you come to the planet. For example, I read a 326 story about one of the first black billionaires who died not too long. He was in stocks, trades and banking. He was a jerk but he did something amazing in the face of a lot of racism by building his own company. When he died his company went to his wife who did not have the same leanings and thinking that he had so his company did not do as well. The problem was he had two daughters. Now if he had had sons I think he would have taught them how to run the company but because his immediate family consisted of women he did not even think enough of his wife or his daughters to give them the tools that he used. He failed to give them his philosophy because they were born with vaginas. I do not think he ever realized how he had really truncated his own legacy because he had this view of women as not being able to do the same things as men. Men do all these kinds of protector things, which make it look as though the woman does not know what she is doing, that she is incapable, or that she needs help. For example, everybody was in class one day and one of the guys pulled up in a truck that had a whole bunch of boxes of paper. He said, Hey guys we have got to go and unload the truck. I did not even think about it and I got up and went out to help. I was probably the second person down there so I just got in the truck and I started handing these big boxes out. One of the guys came up and said, Oh my gosh, what are you doing up there? Let me help you down. So I threw a box at him and said, Here catch. He truly did not know how to react. He did not know what to do so he sort of put the box down, got up in the truck, 327 and I just started handing him the boxes. I thought, Well, if you want to get involved then go ahead and then afterwards I was getting out of the truck and he said, Oh here let me help you. I got out of the truck and said, No, here I will help you. It totally blew his mind. He just did not get it. It was not that I did not want somebody to be chivalrous it was just that we had got a job to do. In another example of the double standard when one male community college president got arrested for growing marijuana in his home a woman explained, Men can jump around to place to place to place. There have been presidents here who say, I have been here, I have been here, and I have been here. A woman could not do that. If that president had been a mom with two teenagers and a husband she would have been really raked over the coals. I really think she would still be in jail now. If she had tried to find another job in a community college forget it. It is a very small world but for this guy it did not have to be as punishing. I bet he already has another job in some community college. One woman interviewee incredulously described an example of the double standard she witnessed in class in an odd twist of blaming the women themselves for their own predicament. In class yesterday it was announced that the management team needed to clean up the room and put away the coffee and the food. So when class was over guess who ended up putting away the coffee and the food? Myself and another female. I did this without even realizing what I 328 was doing. On the other hand, all the men were outside in a group discussing their presentation. The men decided that all the women would do the writing, proofing, and editing and that they were going to be in the presenters in the limelight. After I got the Coffee-mate, finished cleaning up, and walked out of the classroom there was this little circle of guys who were conducting business while the women were cleaning up. Later I questioned one of the guys and asked him why he did not help us when his name was on the list for the clean up and he came up with some excuse that I cannot even remember. If I do not buy what someone is saying I am not going to listen to it. themselves. Go and learn the damn golf game if you need to. If learning to play golf means women are getting savvier about what tactics to use to break into the men s network then they need to do so. Sometimes the double standard causes you to alter what you have to do in order to get past obstacles. You have to sometimes take on tactics that allow you to survive in a good ole boy world or in a male dominated world. Things like making sure your skirt is not too short, that you are a serious person and you are not overly made up all the things that are distracting that cause people not to focus on your intelligence and your ability. When asked what powerful women should do that is different from men one respondent claimed, I think powerful women have to be much more controlled, calculating and comported to be accepted than men do. I think it is So the women did it to 329 okay for men to be a little off color, a bit less polished, and that is okay if they have all of the other stuff too. I do not think it is the same for women. I think that women have to get savvier about power and insist on being part of the game that men play. Go and learn the damn golf game if you need to. I am not saying it is right or wrong I am just pragmatic about these things. Some women felt in order to keep up with the men they had to prove themselves. It is also interesting that the expectations of women include having to prove themselves more. They have to work harder or maybe it is just the way we perceive of it because women have not been in the workforce as long as men. The women I know try to do that to make up for their sex. There is a double standard where women have to work harder to gain respect. It is really interesting to watch when women take the lead because unless there are some men in the group who are very comfortable with themselves as human beings they will interject, help, or overshadow the woman s efforts. And then the men ask, What is your problem? like it is our fault. People often ask me, What the hell is your problem? I just think it is all so silly. Some women felt that focusing on gendered differences was unnecessary. Men tend to inculcate assertiveness and aggressiveness in their gender and accept it as appropriate behavior. In so far as it is acceptable and recognized that might be gendered. I just think it is all so silly. I think that women should be able to be assertive and aggressive if they want to. 330 Maybe masculine qualities have been under the domain called male for a long time or they have been more reflected on and authorized for the male side of humanity more than they have for women. But that does not mean that women cannot be assertive and aggressive. I think we have to reframe it and say humanity human beings can be assertive and aggressive. One interviewee felt the focus on women s issues only served to increase the conflict between the sexes. I have issues with some feminists or critical theory pedagogy because they base their paradigms on those traits that they say are gendered. I feel that many feminists ways of analyzing gender is part of the problem. For example, since so many community college male leaders will be retiring soon the next generation of women can expect that they will be supervising. It will be their responsibility to make sure that more young women move into leadership positions. Oh, boys will be boys. Male presidents receive different kinds of treatment than women presidents do. We had a male president that was caught growing marijuana in his house. He got thrown in jail and then he was put on probation. If that had been a woman president with a family she would have been in jail for much longer. I am convinced. But in his case the feeling was, Oh, boys will be boys. I know he sent a letter out to other presidents in XXX saying, Please, I am rehabilitated, please hire me. Somebody is going to hire him. 331 Men tend to get away with doing less if there is a standard that women have to do all the work themselves. Usually men have lots of people to help them. I know of a man, for example, that has his secretary do things for him like pick up his dry cleaning and get gifts for his wife. I do not know if his secretary gets him coffee too but she runs errands for him whereas women presidents would never ever, unless they were in a dire emergency consider asking their secretary for those kinds of favors. I see a double standard when colleges hire a male president. They often see his wife as an added extra bonus. She can entertain visitors, cook, buy groceries, and take care of everything where as a woman president may have someone to do those kinds of things for her but even then it is less likely. The man has a wife to help do some of those kinds of things and the college might think a woman president would not be as good because she might have a spouse who is working. Goal Oriented Powerful community college believe having a goal orientation is essential to their success. For many women their goal orientation was derived from their upbringing. While reaching goals is not always easy it contributes to a strong sense of self-efficacy. It is about women accusing women. Some women feel other women are to blame for their secondary status. Being goal oriented is very difficult for 332 women. As a woman it is more difficult to be career focused because there are all of these societal expectations that have been prescribed to you like you are supposed to get married, raise children, be the soccer mom, and sometimes act as the trophy wife. I am not the soccer mom and I am not pregnant every two to three years. I think powerful women that have goals and ambition can be seen as a kind of turn-off. They are seen as too driven. It is about women accusing women. I think women do not want to see other women succeed. It is borderline psychotic. It is a neurosis. Powerful women s goal orientation comes from their family s influence and in some cases goes beyond driven. My goal orientation came from my family. They were very hard working and driven. We did not have much but they would set out goals for us and the expectation was that you did everything you could to meet that goal. My family came from a farming background. My Mom and Dad did not have a whole lot of land but my mother was the powerful one in the family. She was the matriarch. Mom had five children and she only went up to the eighth grade. Her goal for her children was to make sure all of them got a minimum of a high school education. Mom was the one that managed the money, made us go to church, and signed us up for school. She taught me early on that you need to see where you are going and then you work toward it. My Dad went out in the field and did his thing. Having four brothers who were always in positions of power contributed to my goal orientation. My 333 mother s goal was to push her kids through school. Her reasoning was that I needed to get a college degree because I would never be able to tell what in the world was going to happen to me. For example, I would not be able to predict if I would get married or divorced. My brother and I were very fortunate because later she realized, Hey wait a minute which meant that she changed her mind. She said, You really need to get a college degree. She was way ahead of her time. I was the first female in my family to go to college so that was a big thing. She was pretty proud of me. This was a time when issues like this were not talked about. She was just really visionary in her goal for her children. I listened to her and that is the reason I pursued an education. I am hugely goal oriented. I come from a very goal oriented family. Being goal oriented is something that is within a person because once you meet the goal that is not the end, you set another goal, and then continue to do it over and over again. Goal orientation means putting something out there and saying, I know I can get there. Then as soon as I get there it is like, okay, what is next? It is borderline psychotic. It is a neurosis. Powerful women need to be prepared to develop enemies along the way because many other women do not want to see them succeed. Having an awareness of the social dynamics that go with being powerful can help women be more effective. I think being goal oriented is a combination of your experiences in life and how you were socialized. Those differences in socialization show up 334 in the differences of what is expected for a woman versus a man about what their job should be. Society teaches men from the very beginning to be career oriented. They are seen as the providers so that is the major difference that I see in terms of gender. Sometimes very traditional men do not want to see women succeed. Men who are traditional have specific views about what a woman s role should be in society. For women I think their issue with other powerful women is based on jealousy. Powerful women need to be prepared to develop enemies along the way because many other women do not want to see them succeed. I think being goal oriented is very important but you have got to be aware of the social dynamics that sometimes go along with that. If I am really goal oriented myself then I can help motivate other people to meet their goals. It is powerful for a woman to be able to lead by setting an example for other people. I know what I am doing. Community college women have a sense that what they are doing is right. Do I think you can be a leader without having goals or do I think as a female you can be powerful without having goals? That is a real challenge because part of the nature of that sense of power is a magnetism that relates to a feeling of I know what I am doing, I know where I am going, or I know what I am about. The essence of power is not I am a powerful person because I am really strong or I am a powerful person because I am going to get 335 that money for the college but instead comes from having the sense that I will know what to do in a given situation. Being goal oriented is about personal satisfaction and ego. It is very much ego-driven to say otherwise would be dishonest. Powerful women do set goals and have high expectations for themselves. That is what makes being goal oriented so powerful. If I am a proponent of education and I want my vicepresidents to have a Ph.D. but I do not have a Ph.D. I am not communicating the importance of that in the same way. Being goal oriented is sort of a practical way to get something done. It is a way of expressing vision and saying, I see that this is possible and if we do this together we can get it done. People see a woman who has power and high expectations of herself at a higher level than what they would expect of their own persona. That is very motivating to me. Having goals drives me and almost becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. If you are action oriented you have got to be balanced in everything that you do. The purpose of intention is that thought process changes or alters the universe in a way in which it moves in your favor. Powerful women can help increase their odds of being successful by giving back. I am very goal oriented and am a big believer in intentions. I believe you think about doing something or reaching a goal and somehow that thought process changes or alters the universe in a way in which it moves in your favor. 336 The idea of giving back is why my cousin goes to law school. She does not necessarily go to law school because she wants to be a lawyer. She does happen to want to be a lawyer of course, that is her goal but she knows that she will go back to serve the community. The scholarship money that my cousin gets, the support that she receives, and the goals that she has have to do with the fact that other people have some expectations of her. The goal is not solely a selfish one but it is one that will make her family and the community proud. My cousin is going to be the first to obtain a law degree. My niece is getting a medical degree to become a doctor. Not only is that her goal but she also knows that it is kind of a family or a community goal for her to get that as well. I think powerful women are goal oriented. They have to be. But it is not an individual journey. If you do not know where you are going you end up somewhere else. Women in power must plan to reach their goals. Powerful women have to have a plan. They are very good at organizing their lives. It is like looking into the future and knowing where they want to go and where they want to be whether it is based on short-term or long-term goals. That is an important personality trait in successful people. For example, when I was in junior high school and went to Sunday school we talked about goals and even then one of mine was to be a president. Goal orientation is like a compass thing. If you do not know where you are going you end up somewhere else. If you have a goal that you want to reach 337 then you want all your little goals or your sub-goals to lead up to the more important goal. I think goals are very important. I have lived my life by establishing goals and have been very successful in most of the things that I have done as a result of that. So everything I do begins with an idea. First, that I can do it and second, that if I write it down in a journal it can become reality. To me when you articulate that and you put that out in the universe then it will happen. Most of your goals have to be channeled towards your larger goals. Otherwise you just go through your career and do random things. I do not really know how you are going to get where you are going if you do not know where you want to go. There is no way we can plan and identify those things that are essential to us if we do not know where we want to go and what we want to do. You have to have short-term and long-term goals and along the way be prepared to be told no a lot. You have to know where you are going and how you are going to get there. My conception of human flourishing is that you have got to adopt some goals. The goals have to matter to you and you have to reach most of them. You have to have a sense of where you are going. When I left home at age 15 to go to XXX from XXX I went because I did not have a goal or a plan. I knew that there must be something better for me out in the world. Skills Powerful community college women must be articulate, people s people, and resilient. They need to be able to delegate, share the credit, strategize and use 338 time management skills effectively. An awareness of self and one s environment combined with consummate analytical skills greatly increases the likelihood of a powerful woman s success. Sometimes they are just waiting for you to shut up. Powerful women need excellent communication skills. Women need exceptional communication skills. They need to be able to collaborate and bring people together much more than men do. I think communication and writing skills are extremely vital. You need to be able to express to the people you are leading how you see the world and then the followers can decide if they want to follow you. That is powerful. When women become presidents many of them think, When I am president I am going to do it this way or I am going to do it that way. They have a vision in their mind of what they want when they get to be president. That is a good thing except it leaves out other people that might have other ideas about how to make it better or more efficient. I think being able to articulate your ideas is probably the most critical skill a woman can have because when we talk about the double standard people are not always listening to women s ideas. Sometimes they are just waiting for you to shut up. Part of the problem for women includes their limited communication skills plus the thinking that goes behind it. Thinking, a command of the language, and having the ability to articulate are the cognitive aspects of skill development. I think that language and ideas are very powerful. If you cannot articulate your 339 position on some issue or some agenda then you are not going to be able to be persuasive in getting things done and getting objectives met. When you are able to articulate to a group of people in a simple way, This is where I see us going, this is how I see us getting there, lets have a dialogue about that that is so powerful. It empowers people and the leader. The whole environment is powerful. That is more powerful than anything done individually. It is important to get people on board and into a common vision. I do not care what your agenda or philosophical paradigm is I just know that I can tap into some common elements or similar concerns. I am always aware of my audience. I have diverse members in my audience so I know I need to appeal to different ways of thinking. So I am going to pull out as many tools and systems of inquiry as I can to reach as many people as possible. I can communicate. I have worked to develop good interpersonal relationship skills, to be a good facilitator, good at managing conflict, good at motivating and inspiring others, and good at identifying the potential in others. I am sharp and quick on my feet in that I can say exactly what I mean. I use my thinking skills, language skills and my ability to articulate a common agenda to bring everyone to the table. Communication and exploratory skills are really important. Women are much better at these skills than men are. It is one of things that help them acquire power. Having the ability to be exploratory and understanding the elements that 340 make up the problem will increase women s power. If you have the ability to articulate your thoughts and your ideas you are able to garner power a lot easier. I look at Condoleeza Rice, while we have ideological differences; her ability to articulate her thoughts and her ideas is remarkable. That is a key piece in terms of her being listened to and being brought on board for an administration. Administration is seeking someone who can articulate ideas and I think women cannot get very far without the ability to articulate and organize. Sometimes you have to call a spade a spade. Powerful women must say what they mean and mean what they say. Powerful women have to have skills. Skill involves being able to know when to let people go and do the work and let them have the intellectual capacity to do the research. Powerful women need to be politically astute and keen to nuances. The skills I have always had include diplomacy, patience, and the ability to find a means to an end and still keep everybody on board and collaborating. I became more collaborative and had more opportunities to learn how to help team members bond and share a vision. I think organization is right up there with articulation and the ability to conceptualize. I think this has to be learned through exposure to mentors and learning from people who have been there and know what works and what does not work. I think exposure to good skills is critical and I think we learn best from other women. Women will often find out what the landscape is all about and then 341 they will decide who they want to be friends with. Then they will network and discover that their power does not come from themselves it comes from their connection to other people. That is true to some extent for both men and women. Because successful women have to work in a man s world they have got to feel comfortable working with men and the men working with them have to feel equally as comfortable. Powerful women have camaraderie with both sexes. Not all women are able to do that. Men understand the importance of professional relationships and who they need to move and shake with. What the men have not done is open up their network in any way. We talk about this ole boys network like it is this place where guys go hang out and play golf. I think of the good ole boys network as a group of people getting together with common interests. Women in power are very good at using their female skills while working in a man s world. Women make men feel comfortable to work with them. I can get into people s space and make them very comfortable which can change the dynamics of a situation. It can empower me or them or both. If there is someone that I see as a threat I will set out to befriend that person, to form a partnership with that person. Through collaboration we can both become stronger. I have always believed that you can accomplish anything as long as you give credit to other people. You can continue to get people to help you do what you need to do if you share some of those successes. They should 342 not always take the credit for accomplishments even though they might have done all the work. That may be part of being politically savvy so that you give credit to others. People skills are important. The powerful women that I have seen are able to talk to one person one way and another person another way. For example, the president that I worked for has a way of working with people such that every person feels heard. Her board members are all farmers except for one person and she talks to them like they talk to each other. She does not patronize them but she knows the names of their families. Another time she was very frustrated with her landscaping people. The lawn maintenance person that told me the story said she had mentioned that sometimes you have to call a spade a spade and sometimes you have to say when it is an f---shovel. Apparently, the president went and talked with the landscaping people and she said the lawn was an f---shovel and she used that word. But this was a group of maintenance workers. They talk that way amongst themselves so she had the skill to know how to use the right expletives that meant something to them rather than using other words that she would with a different group of people. She could get things done and she did. They understood what she was saying. She talked their language. If women are going to just sit there, isolate themselves, be quiet, and good little girls they are not going to get anywhere. People are not going to notice you. I like to collaborate and I like to share. I am a very open person. To me that is 343 empowerment. I recognize that for other people these qualities can be very threatening but they work very well for me. You can be the smartest person in the world but people are not going to pick you out. It is the one that draws the most attention to herself is going to be successful. Good skills for powerful women include being able to laugh and socialize. When I worked in a rural area I went to this tiny coffee shop where the youngest person there was about sixty which was a good ole boys club. The oldest was 89. You talk to those old men differently and you allow them to talk to you differently. I did not supervise any of them but they were kind of the power people in town and they did not talk to me in a condescending way. You have to have the people skills to know that if an 89-year-old man is calling you sweetheart that is different than if your 40-year-old custodian that works for you is calling you that. There is power in having the skill to know the difference. If that person is a control freak it tends to mean trouble. Being powerful means having staying power and letting people be self-determining. Stamina is an important element that is missing in a lot of people s sense of power, authority, and leadership. It is difficult for women in particular because we never talk about it. We talk about the long hours and the tough work but we do not say, I think I need to train to do this. I am going to sort of work myself into this level of work. Having the ability to endure effectively so we can work at a high level over time is very important. 344 You have to have endurance. Endurance is a skill because it is not just staying power in terms of I can go out and run 15 miles it is endurance in terms of I can do anything for five minutes or I can do anything for 20 minutes. It is this sense that it is possible to maintain a tough situation over a specific amount of time. No matter whether you call it persistence or determination it can be trained. I am very confident. Powerful women have a strong sense of self and they are confident. They do not let anyone else dictate their identity. They create their own identity. Powerful women have strong, loud personalities. They have to be outgoing and assertive. You do not have to be the most important person in the world but when powerful women come into the room they command the space just by their personality. You cannot be shy and timid. They need confidence and they get that by being prepared no matter whether it is for a meeting or a presentation. One respondent felt that it was women s fault they were not more powerful. I do not agree that women are not the dominant class and are not told the secrets to power. I think for some women that is true and they get caught in the victim mentality. Those women do not have a good sense of self. Women are not assertive enough. They are too obsequious and they bow down too much to the institution or the hierarchy of powerful men. I am fortunate in that I was raised to believe that I could accomplish anything that I wanted to accomplish and so I did not see that I was ever 345 disadvantaged. Similarly, many of the women guest speakers that have come to class often had to navigate professionally during an era that was difficult. They had to make choices and do things to become president that I am not sure the younger women will have to do. Women have engaged in this push and pull of I am getting into the men s arena and then we hit the good ole boys network and the glass ceiling. That happens because women move into the men s territory and the men do not want a come back into the women s territory so it is not even. I am using the word territory to describe women s historic power as being located in the home and with their children. Yet when women do assume power many people blame them for their leadership style. Most of the women presidents that I have come in contact with are very controlling. It does not matter whether you are working for a man or a woman president if that person is a control freak it tends to mean trouble. The women presidents that I have interacted with are very controlling. I have issues with that because I think to be a good leader you have to be able to let control go and delegate. Based on my observations of women presidents as controlling I do think I would want to work for one. I am not going to change my mind. I know myself. I know how I work best. Women dive in and work like crazy and then wonder why it is not working. Working hard may not be as effective as working smart. Powerful women need a strategy and/or political recognition not just a political astuteness 346 but a strategic view. Every time I go into a situation I have to look at what is going on and have a strategy to address it. I need to be asking such questions as what is involved and how important is it to develop a strategy? Powerful women have a strategic process in their heads before they engage. In many cases they do it without even recognizing that they are doing it. Powerful women write strategic plans constantly and take into account what stakeholders are going to be involved. As president you have to let people try some new things out. I think it is good to have vision and know where you are going but I think you need to be flexible enough to let the whole team participate. I have not seen that come through here. Women dive in and work like crazy and then wonder why it is not working. Some of that has to do with being able to pace the work. Women presidents do not have the flexibility to let things go. They almost never say, You know that might be a really good idea. I have not seen it. There are community college women that are not like that but they are not presidents. Giving everything away is a big mistake that women make to try and be powerful. They work 80 hours a week but there has to be that balance where you take care of yourself. I do yoga when I get stressed. I have the skill of selfknowledge and time management to be able to say no but yet prioritize and do things that need immediate attention. The other side is the social one where you serve as a coach and a cheerleader. I identify with those roles. I am balanced and 347 holistic. I think I get people excited and I have a sense of humor. I am very enthusiastic. People know me for my energy. The other thing that makes women very powerful is getting a lot done. Good time management skills and attending the events that they need to attend are vital but so is having balance so you know when to say no and reschedule yourself such that you do not give everything you have away. Having good analytical skills is not unlike being able to play chess. Powerful women need to have a macro and a micro view of their world. Women need a big broad sense of the universe. It is sort of like the eagle and the scorpion where powerful people can look very broadly at any given situation and then reframe it to look at the situation very minutely. Somehow having the ability to bridge those two perspectives should be a universal skill for anybody in power. People who can do that are able to establish power because they can see what is going on beneath them by looking 10,000 feet above the situation. Probably only 2% of the population is able to engage in that and I think it has something to do with having analytical skills. Having good analytical skills is not unlike being able to play chess. If you play chess you know how amazing it is when you can move everything around and you can checkmate. But if you do not know how to play chess the game makes no sense in terms of who moves what and where. Women have to have analytical skills. They have to be able to look at themselves critically and accept 348 what they find. Then they have to look at other people critically and accept them as well. In any good analysis you want to be able to come up with a conclusion. For example, you need to be able to say, Here is the good, here is the bad and it is bad or It is great and women have to be able to make conclusions about things in terms of their career, lives, and looks. I think power requires consciousness. Powerful community college must be fully aware. At the top of my personal list is intuition. Intuition is a skill and I believe it is a concrete one even though it seems abstract. You have got to be really intuitive. There has to be a strong trust in your intuitive level of understanding and real credit given to that in the environment. One very intuitive man asked me, Did you notice and I said, What are you talking about? That is not the case only to find out later that it was hugely the case. There are some very intuitive men. I knew a politician who was amazing at picking up on things and then acting on them. I know some very intuitive men but for the most part they do not seem to act on it. Related to intuition is the ability to act on it in a positive way. Positive is the key word because you can pick up on your intuition and say, What the hell is the matter? and now you have just ruined any chance of being able to move further into finding out about it. Organizational skills are critical. If you believe in the expression poweris-knowledge or knowledge-is-power you have to have some method of filing information away. That is where organizational skills are going to be critical. I 349 have a great ability to read people and situations and I believe it has to do with being a woman. Based on my life experience I have known very few men that have that same ability. There are some out there but I think it comes more naturally to women. We trust it more. Whether you chose to act on your intuition or not is a whole other thing but just having that radar is important. Powerful women know that they are powerful. They know what their position is, they know what their choices are, they know their options and they understand that it may take them a little longer to get where they need to get but they are totally conscious of how they are viewed and how they view the world in their own growth. I do not think all women are powerful because I think power is self-defined. There are women that are at home changing diapers right now that are powerful. By powerful I mean they have choices, they are conscious, and cognizant of their position on the planet. Powerful women must be knowledgeable about what they are doing. It is very powerful for women to know stuff. I think men sometimes get away with the talk whereas women have to have the substance. Women have to know their stuff whether it is just intellectual skills or skills to just do your job. When I think of powerful women I think of women who understand their own development. They know where they have been, they know that they do not have to be what they used to be, and they know that they can be something greater if they decide to harness, collaborate, and tap into their power. I think powerful women 350 understand that. I do think that there are women who are not powerful and will never be powerful because they are not conscious. I think power requires consciousness of some sort about what one is able to do and knowing what your potential is. There are some women who have pretty much bought into whatever is being sold in terms of who they are and what they can do and once you buy into the messages that you get on a daily basis and you decide to let others define you I think your power is lost. You have to be able to reclaim yourself in a sense and in the face of a lot of stuff that tells you being powerful is not possible. It is possible but consciousness is I think the key to power. Vision Without vision community college women cannot be powerful. Having a vision is essential to obtaining personal and professional success and being able to communicate that vision and get others onboard is the difference between being a leader and being a follower. Ed Asner is the quintessential male boss. Community college women may be powerful but that is not the same thing as being respected or having a worthwhile vision. Vision is especially critical for women because a lot of times women do not have examples to model. For example, Ed Asner is the quintessential male boss. He had a lot of power and they gave him a hard time but he was not really respected or liked. He did not really have a vision beyond 351 his own little sphere unlike Mary Tyler Moore who always reached out to others. When I think about directive power Ed Asner is the one that comes to mind. One woman administrator described how her schooling experience impacted her family. I am a first generation college student and my brothers and sisters and my nieces and nephews look at me as a powerful person. When my niece heard I was coming to XXX and getting an apartment it intrigued her. She said, You are always doing something with yourself. I explained that I was not just doing it for myself but also because I wanted to be a role model for her. But somehow it is not working for them. They do not have the drive. If you do not have the drive you are not going to get anywhere. The interviewees sense that she was not affecting enough positive change in her niece s behavior and thought processes carried over to a larger worry. I worry that the State of XXX is going to be a minority-majority state by the year 2015. When I think of all the Hispanics that are not going to be educated it scares me. That fact is why I am doing this program. I do not want to contribute to the projected statistic of uneducated Hispanics. I am not going to be one of those Hispanic women that never got an education. From here on I will be able to encourage other Hispanic women to do something with themselves. It is very disappointing that even my own sister who is a year older does not see the value of an education. Somehow I convinced her to go back to school at XXX University this past semester. I asked her if she had enrolled for the spring 352 semester and she said, No, because she thought it took too long to get a degree. She is 53 years old. I said, Your goal should not be to go because you want a degree it should be that you want an education because you want to do something for yourself, for your own personal improvement. In a similar vein the interviewee failed to get support from her mother-in-law as well. My mother-inlaw was not too happy to see me go for my doctorate. I told her that once I was through this program I would do something else for myself because everyday is a learning experience. Well, they are just going to have to adjust. Community college women feel like they take more issues into consideration than their male counterparts when they decided to go for their doctorate. Women are better at vision than men because they take everything into account. For instance, I have talked to the men in class about getting into the program and they were more concerned with issues such as how they were going to balance a job and going to go to a full-time doctoral program. The men have a completely different vision for completion. Some women, if they are like me, feel like if they have to give up their family to get a Ph.D. They either will not come to the program or they will not continue on because family is very important to them. I am not sure that men would think family was as important. That is not to say that it is bad or good it is just that I think women want to have all the pieces in place as they work towards the vision. When women feel 353 like all of their ducks are in a row then they can move toward the vision. The perseverance thing comes in when those things are not quite in place but we still move forward anyway. That is where the, Well, maybe I can t take 15 hours this time, I ll just take 12 because I have to do something with my child for this semester comes into play. Women are more likely to do that so it might take us a little longer to achieve our vision while men take more of a straight path. Men are more of a direct shot from A to B. Women take a little more of a circuitous route to get from A to B. It does not mean that one or the other is bad it is just different strategy. Some of the women in class now were like, Wow, you know I have got the kids and my husband and I have got to find a place to live and how am I going to afford it? The women were focused on all of the other stuff in the vision. So before they decided to come to this program all those other things had to be taken into account as part of the vision to get to the end. In their mind, if all of those they were not all going to get taken care of, I am not sure that some of them would have said, You know, let s put it off for a little while. And some of them have. It just was not the right time. A couple of years ago when my kids were still young there was no way I was going to be able to do this but I do not know that men would have made that choice. I do not think the men would have done that. They would have said, Well, they are just going to have to adjust. They do not say that in a callous way 354 but women take into account more things than men tend to do in their vision of where they are going and how they are going to get there. I am going to open up a caf or a bar in Mexico. Vision means being able to articulate what you see and communicate that to others so that they buy into it. In terms of vision I believe it is critical to be able to take that vision out of my head with the full faith that it has value and people will see it. I have taught entrepreneurship for years. It is like building a business plan. What I teach involves taking an idea and building to such a point that someone else could implement it. If people like what they see they tend to buy into it. They tend to be the implementers of the process. Then you get people in who want nothing more than to sustain that picture over time. That is vision. From an entrepreneurial perspective you go nowhere without having a view of where you want to go. We know from studies based on skill acquisition that not everybody can see that broadly. A good example is Stephen Covey who has a thing in his book, First Things First, about the difference between urgent and important. Some of the things that you have to do everyday are urgent but if presidents get stuck in urgent tasks that is not near as powerful as if they are focusing on what is most important. Almost anybody can be trained but I do not think everybody starts out that way because it is an environmental thing where you need other skills in order to be able to develop that big picture. Students that come into my class they at the 355 beginning of the term say, Oh, yeah I am going to open up a caf or a bar in Mexico and one of the first questions I ask them is, What color is the wall? They look at me like I am from Mars and so we leave that question alone and then the next week we start talking a little more about it. I ask, Now I actually want you to describe the place as you see it and then describe how the money will flow into and out of the business. They struggle with that hugely in the beginning because they have not thought it through in any kind of big way. The success of any business is being able to say, I have this picture of how things ought to be and I am going to take it out of my head because it is so clear. I can see the color of pink on the wall and I am going to take it out of my head and put it down on paper. Once I do that and convey it in clear enough words you will be able to see the autumn gold color that is on that wall. That could lead to I am a good painter and all of sudden you start having people buy into what it is that you have done. Okay this is true North. Powerful women need to communicate their vision but allow others to determine how best to get there. When I have felt powerful it has been based on a sense of self-confidence and knowing. Knowing that my ideas are good ideas, that they will make a difference, and then seeing that what I have suggested actually happens reinforces my sense of self-efficacy. When that occurs over time it builds confidence and a sense of, Hey, I know what I am talking about. 356 People want a guide. It is a compass rather than a map. I am not going to micromanage and give you a map. That is not admirable power. If I give you a map and say, I want you to go from point A to point B that is fine but if I give you a compass and show you which way is North and give you a vision, Okay this is true North I need you to determine with your compass the best route to get there. That is power in a positive way because I am developing that person as a leader unto themselves. People get to problem solve and they learn more along the way. I could micromanage and say, Okay here are the steps 1, 2, and 3 and that is power but I think it is more powerful to have a vision and a compass and let the individual navigate their own way. That strikes me as empowering power instead of directive power. My ethical and philosophical disposition is to create conditions and foster institutions that are freedom expanding for everyone. We value freedom because it allows us to do something in the world either for ourselves or for others. I know that my freedom is tied up with other people s freedom and I see it as a social commitment. Individual freedom is a social commitment so I have to have a vision of what that looks like as a leader. I need to have an idea or a picture of what I am doing with that freedom. Freedom for freedom s sake is no good. If I am going to exercise my freedom meaningfully I have to have a vision otherwise I am just acting, action for action s sake. I have to see how my goals, 357 how my leadership style, how my activities, and my behaviors are contributing to the idea of freedom. I really believe that that is the way I operate. When women do not dream about getting power it does not come to fruition. If community college women cannot imagine a vision they cannot be powerful. Vision is key. If you are going to be a female in a powerful position you need to have vision to determine where you are going. As a leader you need to be able to bring things together to create a vision that will be bought by others so that you can move forward. Having a vision is huge for both men and women but because I am predisposed to believe that women have a greater innate ability or willingness to see beyond what just seems so obvious I think that it is more important for us. Powerful women have a vision of what they could be and they make a difference. They see what other people can accomplish. Women have to have a vision in order to make the world a better place to live. You have to have a vision. That is the big part of leadership and power so you have to have some abilities in that sense and for some people that is not easy as it is for others. The vision has to drive the strategic plan. If I as a president I say to my staff, The vision that I have for this college is access for rural people I can also say, My vision is that we figure out how to make education accessible to people who live way out that do not have transportation then you can work that into the strategic plan. As a woman leader you need to articulate to a group that there is 358 not only a big goal but also that the goal has a purpose. The goal must be a collective goal and that is where being politically astute, being in tune to what is being said and not being said, and maximizing on everyone s expertise comes into play. People want that kind of security or leadership from a president so a woman that can do that is very powerful. She is explaining her vision for what direction she wants to go. Vision is essential if you want to take a group forward or advance an agenda and it fits in really well with the collaboration piece. A woman has to facilitate that process so if there is no vision then collaboration cannot happen. Vision is the role of the leader so she must be able to see new options and look ahead to the future rather than always reacting to events. When women do not dream about getting power it does not come to fruition. It was years before I had the idea that I needed to pursue a Ph.D. and before it really became a conscious thought. Once I started thinking about getting a Ph.D. I did not know how it was going to work, how I was going to pay for it, or what strategy I would use but I knew I would get one. You have to be cognizant of all of the details that it will take to accomplish that vision. I can actually see myself performing responsibilities before I do them. I can see myself in an environment and I replay that videotape quite often. For example, prior to interviewing or prior to filling out an application I can actually see myself there. That is what works for me. 359 Vision is very important to me. I think the whole idea of vision, of expecting something good to happen, and knowing that what you need will come if you determine it, is powerful. Then when things start to come together I think vision draws together the resources that you need. Suddenly people appear, resources appear, and strategies and tactics to get through things appear. When women zoom out and can see themselves with the Ph.D., getting job offers, their kids are happy, their husband is supportive, they are making money, and their loans are not too bad then they have realized their vision. I think vision is critical. Perseverance Powerful community college women persevere for many reasons which include not wanting to fail, needing to overcome personal and professional challenges, and because they are committed to their students. Questions do however arise while in the process of persevering such as do I really want this much visibility and what have I gotten myself into? I do not want to be a woman that fails. Powerful women never give up. You can get into all of the philosophical questions but in the pragmatic sense I am saying, I have the ability to decide to do something. I have an idea that I can turn it into a concrete action. I can make something happen in the real world so it starts as an idea in my head or a thought and then it becomes something tangible. You cannot make changes if you think everything in your life is 360 determined and controlled. You have to believe that you can affect something real in the world. The opposite of perseverance is not giving up but is being apathetic. You have to persevere in what you think and in what you want to accomplish. I was convinced at some point early in my life that I was as capable as anybody else. I do not know where this view came from but it meant that I was as capable as a Black man, an Asian woman, or a blue person. I had this epiphany that said I am as capable as anyone else in this whole universe. I do not know how I am going to do it and I am probably a coward in some ways and may not do it, but I know it is possible for me. If I take one little idea or something that I can think of or say really good stuff can happen. That excites me! Women are their own worst enemies in many ways and if they persevere too hard they are called names. They are labeled a certain negative way. For decades I was trying to prove something, which is kind of interesting because I think there are a lot of women trying to prove things. Many times when women try to prove things it makes it hard for them to collaborate because they cannot see the larger picture. Short-term ambition can cloud the long-term relationship building that really is critical. There is a constant urge for powerful women to prove to themselves and to others that they are just as good as the next person. When I look at power agency, which means the ability to make choices, I think 361 perseverance is critical. Without power agency you do not get very far. I do not want to be a woman that fails. Do I really want to live in a fish bowl? Be careful what you wish for, you might get it. For as long as I can remember I have always wanted to go to school and have a job that could support me if my husband left me. I never wanted to feel like I was dependent on someone else. Maintaining a full-time work schedule, a full-time Ph.D. program, and a family life is very difficult so what keeps me going is the fear that I might have to be dependent on a man. I have always been very afraid that I would wake up one day and not have the skills, the confidence, or the emotional security that I need to be able to stand on my own two feet. One woman credits her ability to persevere with knowing that she has options. I got my sense of perseverance from growing up in a difficult family situation where I knew my degrees of freedom were not zero. Degrees of freedom means that people think that they have no freedom. For example, some people might say, Oh, I have some freedom. This raises questions about whether we have complete freedom and whether or not we are absolutely free. Some things I have very little control over but I have more control over more things than I think I do. And I think the same thing is true for most people. When you have to struggle through things and you are successful in overcoming challenges you realize that you do have freedom. Because if you did not have 362 freedom how could you overcome those struggles? I have the freedom to do things. I am not totally determined. I think I can change people s minds and that I do have some control over things. What separates leaders from followers is that followers think their degrees of freedom are zero. Followers ask such questions as, What change can I make in this world? How can I affect this person? and How can I motivate my staff? People who think they cannot accomplish anything believe that their degrees of freedom are zero. I think that my leadership skills, my interest in being a leader, and my development are connected to ideas of perseverance and degrees of freedom. If you are going to be a leader you have to be able to persevere but you also have to be able to believe that you can make changes. Some people think they have a little freedom, some people think they have a lot of freedom. Some people think that everything is determined while others think that nothing is determined. According to the interviewee perseverance also has something to do with doing what it takes to get where you need to go. I say I want to be a community college president in class because that is unfortunately the game you have to play but I am not sure I really want to do that. I do want the Ph.D. and I know that it is coming but do I really want to be a president? I am just not sure but that does not mean that I do not persevere. That means I am making a choice. 363 The perseverance connected to a presidency is a never-ending kind. Presidencies do not end because another semester starts; there are new students, new issues, or new whatever. Being a president is just a loop and it keeps on going and going. I see it as a different kind of perseverance because I am faced with the question of whether I really want to be a president or not. There are a lot of women who quit working in community colleges and do the 8 to 5 thing because they are faced with decisions of perseverance. They look out and think, I am a vice president right now, and I have a reasonable schedule, if I become a president do I really want to live in a fish bowl? Do I really want to have that kind of responsibility 24-7? I think a lot of women opt out not because they do not want to have an impact but because we put limits on ourselves. We say we want to choose but we limit ourselves. I think we are all a bunch of twice borns. Most powerful community college women had to overcome challenges along the way. Perseverance is one of the major skills that successful women seem to obtain and are very skilled at. When I was doing research on women presidents an interesting statistic came to light. I found that more than half of all the community college women presidents were not married yet over 90% of the men were. I find that very intriguing. That meant that a she somewhere down the line had to choose a career over marriage. But the he did not have to do that. It ties not only to the double standard but also to perseverance in that the she kept going to achieve a presidency despite 364 the sacrifice of having a family. While this respondent struggled with the decision of whether to have a family or a career another woman reflected on what type of person powerful women might be. There are all kinds of interesting philosophies and research about what persistence might be but if you look at most of the speakers that come to the Block many of them came from very challenging backgrounds. If you have the opportunity to talk with them there is a common thread. There is this belief in, like in religious philosophy, that there are two types of people: the once born and the twice born. I think we are all a bunch of twice borns meaning that most powerful people have not had an easy go of it. They did not come into the world where everything went smoothly and they always felt comfortable. Twice borns are still fighting that fight, making that struggle, and if there is not a fight by God we will create one. Another female interviewee described her mother as someone who had overcome challenges. XXX asked the class how we had spent our holiday and when I responded I said I had gone home to XXX to spend time with my mom who is 85 years old. He asked if she was good health and I said, Yes, she is very strong. Despite the fact that she had 16 children and no education her thinking is very strong. She has never quit. She is very determined and demanding. She still has a lot of power over us. But watching her has provided some of motivation to make sure that it does not happen again. It is kind of like 365 being really, really poor when you are young and saying, I am never going to be poor like that again. Perseverance to a goal in spite of the challenges that arise along the way sometimes happens because of some really pivotal experience that takes women to a place they do not want to go again. In other cases, such as the one commented on next, a woman of color cannot escape the racism that exists. In this society, I try not to refer to them as burdens, but I have double baggage to carry in terms of being an African American female. I know that society does not just roll out a red carpet and say, Oh, there is a black woman who wants to do something, she really wants it and lets help her. I have to overcome stereotypes as a female, stereotypes as a black female, and as an older black female. I do not have a family that is rich and can just propel me into places. I do not have friends with connections who can put me on top so perseverance is critical. Another woman interviewee explained that in some cases the challenges she faced provided answers. Sometimes you can benefit from that experience and understand how you got there or how you got away from it and that can provide some motivation. I had role models but they were always role models that were intangible to me like movie stars or authors. But I did not have a role model like an aunt or a friend so I feel a need to leave my own mark so that my nieces can have someone that they can see as a role model. What keeps me going day after day is my daughter. I also have 18 nieces who are all school age little 366 girls. It is very important to me for them to have a role model that they can see and touch. I want them to have a Hispanic female to look up to that can be a reality for them. Personal ambition is part of perseverance because it is like a drug for me. When powerful community college women persevere and accomplish things it makes them feel good. I persevere because in order to be happy as a female I need to have ambition. I need to feel like I have accomplished certain goals. Personal ambition is part of perseverance because it is like a drug for me. I know that when I accomplish things I really, really like how I feel inside. I know that I am performing at a high level and I like the results of how it feels usually because I know I am making a difference for someone else. Then there is the improvement piece. I know that my own ambition is something that makes me thrive. You know the difference between survive and thrive. At first it can be just surviving. When I really got into accomplishing things during my internship or I completed something major that really did something for me inside. I thrive off of that accomplishment. Another part of perseverance is about ego and ambition. I do not want to start something and not finish it. If I tell people, Okay, I am going to do this Ph.D. program there is some ego involved in finishing it. That does not however make complete sense to me because what other people think does not matter so 367 much. May be it is my own sense of ego not based on what other people think but what I will think of myself. Perseverance is also about goal orientation. It has something to do with being able to accomplish the greater good. The Ph.D. is the goal but why keep going? The women that are powerful presidents, like the woman you worked for, is another one that I see as having the perseverance to do it because she believed in something bigger than herself. I am achievement oriented. I do not care about money. It is nice to have and I would really like to have some now but this work and perseverance is not about the money. I cannot let myself down and I worry what someone else might think of me. When you cannot accomplish those goals as quickly as you would like, as say, someone who has close connections then yes, it is going to take a toll on you. I am focused on what it is that I want to accomplish and I have been through enough to realize that there are always going to be good days and bad days. Oh, God what did I get myself into? Sometimes when powerful women are in the middle of persevering it can cause self doubt. My doctoral program, insofar as it is political and professional, really helped me develop perseverance. It was kind of a boot camp so that meant that I needed a socio-political perseverance in developing my leadership skills. Several classmates have had real personal trouble with this experience. I tend to be an observer and watching women who are having trouble is very difficult. They become very emotional and 368 cry at times. I am fortunate that I have been through all that emotion in my years as an administrator. You have to go through that pain in being hurt by others and learning how to deal with it. Overcoming struggles builds character and the ability to be balanced. They should not take it personally. Persevering in this program requires a different kind of perseverance than it does if you want to become a college president. I see it as different because you know this program is going to end. You are going to persevere and you are going to keep on going but somewhere down the line you are going to defend and you will be a newly minted doctor. There is an end. There is a finite end. Two years ago I was questioning how happy or not I was with my job and I was asking, Why do I continue to do this? Finally I said, Okay I have got to do something else what do I want to do? So now I have come to the program and I am in the middle of this and it is like, Oh, God what did I get myself into? Despite the second-guessing that often happens when women are involved in the pursuit of long-term goals powerful women continue to persevere because they are committed. A powerful woman s passion keeps her showing up day after day after day. I got my persistence by not giving up. It was a family thing. Persistence was something that was honored in my family. I would do everything I could to make sure that did not happen to me or to my kids. Sacrifices have to be made if you set long-term goals. I think persistence has something to do with 369 the psyche. I really do. There is something in people that drives them to want to be leaders, to want to be in the lead. Women in power have a long-term plan. Usually women s plans are not something they are going to gain quickly. In fact, they might have to take several detours along the way but they are eventually going to get what they want to accomplish. When powerful women accomplish things it is usually done more through persistence than through connections. Without perseverance nothing can happen and to me that is the absolute in terms of meeting goals or acquiring any type power. Without it nothing works. Perseverance is critical for anybody who wants power. Persevering on the days when things are really crappy and it is really hard makes me wonder, What the hell I am doing here? When you have an absolutely awful day you have to access those memory banks and you have to remember that time passes. But then perseverance kicks in to see it through to the end because I know that I am capable of doing this. There is an expression, An obstacle is something you see when you take your eyes off the goal so the perseverance thing is built in from a number of personal, historical, and hugely value laden experiences that contribute to that motivation that says I am not going to fail. This is like missionary work for me. When persevering is difficult powerful women keep on keeping on because they love the work. Perseverance is such a personal thing. I can see how my intellectual perseverance has developed 370 and how it has paid off in terms of my scholarly work. Teaching has meant I needed to work through the complexity of thinking through things. Thinking through problems and issues and trying to identify underlying causes problems has made me reflect on the future affects of things that I am doing now. I believe in what I am doing. I want to make this a better place and I want to make a significant contribution to my society and my community. That is what keeps me going. If I can do something to help disadvantaged students so that they are not living on the streets or being abused that makes me want to do it all the more. I want to work at a higher level to make a difference in other people s lives and to take down more barriers. What keeps me coming everyday, even those days when I do not feel like getting out of bed and I do not feel like doing it, is that I love the work. This is like missionary work for me and that is why I do it. It is all about the work. One woman administrator recalls a boss she had that inspired her. One of the women that I worked for had breast cancer and she got a mastectomy. Interestingly enough she felt like she had been given a gift and like it was her responsibility to make use of her gift. That is part of the reason why she has not retired yet. Those kinds of examples of perseverance are big. It is not just waking up everyday. It is kind of a greater good or a God given gift kind of thing. 371 Persistence around a goal like coming back to class, going back to work, or knowing that I have a project or deadlines to meet keeps me going. If the environment is right for students and they achieve success that seems to be what drives a lot of community college women. Community college women say they persevere for the greater good of the students. They feel like they can have an impact on somebody s life. Personal Comfort & Health For the most part powerful women love their work but they acknowledge that it is very important for their well-being to take time for themselves too. Stress associated with work, mood swings, and impending craziness all serve as motivation for community college women who want to be healthy and happy. If I were rich I would still work for free. Powerful women need to do other things besides work to take care of themselves but sometimes they love their work so much that they do not want to put it down. I have just started thinking about what action I should take to go with the thinking behind how to relax. I really do not know how. But I do think the best women leaders are the ones who have outside interests excluding family. They either workout, read stuff not in their field, travel, or refinish furniture. I think having outside interests is very important to keeping yourself sharp and using the other side of your brain. If I use a lot of mental concentration I can walk away from work for a while. I can walk away from that paper and walk away from that assignment for an hour or 372 two and not think about it because I am really involved in the moment. There are stressful times but I just tackle things one at a time. I do not even know that I ever really want to get away from work. If I were rich I would still work for free. It is a stress of love. It is just who I am. It is a part of who I am so I cannot really divorce myself from what I do. Other women see separating themselves from their work as a necessity. When you are in the middle of the program you think there is not life beyond it. So when I can just get out for a little while I come back refreshed. The paper that I did not want to do is still there but this time I can write it because I have given some space to it. I think it helps you to focus when you have outside interests. It helps you to take a step away from work. For example, if I can run down to XXX, XXX, or even XXX just to get out of town for a few minutes I am like, Wow, there is a whole world out there. The women who are poor leaders are the ones who cannot separate themselves from their work. They cannot let it go. Even if they do put their work aside poor women leaders still think about the college and what is going on back there. If I do not do more things to take care of myself I end up hurting other people. When I thought I was going to be taking time away from other people or somehow hurting them what I have come to realize is that somehow I will be better for having taken time out. I will feel better. I will be better to them and 373 better to myself in the process. I love my work. I get paid to do what I love. I have my dream job. This work is exactly what I set out to do. I am about ready to go insane. When powerful women do not take time for themselves they feel like they are going to go crazy. I was born with an awful lot of energy and endurance so what I found was I had to engage in some kind of physical activity to get rid of the stress. Just sitting quietly and reading a book never ever has done it for me. I will read the book but it has never been a calming thing. I had been an athlete for a long time, all the way through university, and then for ten years I did nothing. I had these two children. In the past my thinking was I cannot afford to take the time to exercise because I need to run the children here, I need to do this, I need to do that but I coming to realize that I am about ready to go insane. I do not do enough to take care of myself but I do observe other people that do. They exercise and spend time with friends or travel. Exercising seems to be a pretty common thread among the women that I know. Across the board powerful women feel like having time set aside for other things besides work is imperative to their well-being. Women that I admire and see as leaders have something common. They are either very athletic or they are into yoga, meditation or getting massages. Everybody that I talk to that has vitality and longevity into old age workout almost everyday. Movement is very important and I think that contributes to their sense of self-confidence. I have to exercise every morning. I need one hour a day to either jog, walk, swim, or sit on 374 the bike. When I exercise I am totally connected with me and how I am feeling. The fact that I can move my legs and that I can breathe rejuvenates me. I must have that at the beginning of the day. I never know what time my day is going to end or what is going to come up unexpectedly and if I do not have that one hour in the morning it is difficult for me to function. Having something physical in my life helps me relieve stress. My work is very stressful. I had to find a way to be playful and fun so there are a couple of things I do. I found this great thing called a trike. It is a three-wheeled thing that you ride like you are cross-country skiing. It is the most fun I have had since I was a kid. I ride my trike out on the town lake walking bridge. I exercise for a lot of reasons like vanity and stress. It serves as meditative time for me. Exercising is the most important thing I do. I have to exercise. It is just like brushing my teeth. I just have to do it. Sometimes I cannot get that onehour in the morning because I have to catch a plane or it is the end of the day and I am so tired that I cannot exercise. While I started to exercise for my health I found that I liked competing too and it was a way to get my competition need satisfied. I go run or swim and I pay a lot of attention to what I am eating and how I am eating it. I have never gone on a diet because that is so exhausting and such a challenge in this day and age. I just learned to pay a lot of attention to how my body was feeling. When I was more aware of my body and my body language 375 I was more aware of other people s and that all sort of lent itself to keeping me on a daily maintenance exercise program. One woman described what she saw her boss do. She works a lot but what I saw her do was go to her lake home where she would spend every weekend. She would take some work with her but there was no television or telephone there and so she would use that space to be away from home and be in a different place and relax. She also works out everyday. I know she engages in all kinds of sports and recreation when she would block out her schedule at work or the secretary wanted to know what was going on she would say, Okay, I am gone for these two hours and she would almost never change it. It had to be a huge emergency if it got changed. People got to know that it had to be a crisis so it only happened two or three times. Women in power take time for themselves. Powerful women understand that their effectiveness is partially contingent on their willingness and ability to do other things besides work. I think truly powerful women who are in control of themselves understand their development and do things for themselves before they get burned out. Women in power take time for themselves. I think if you have real power you do not need to rush around or neglect yourself. If you find yourself doing that I am not sure how much power you do have. There are all of these things you can do to take care of yourself and not let some of the hurtful things go in because being president is so stressful. If 376 you are really powerful and conscious of who you are you do not let yourself get too fatigued. You do not let yourself get burned out. I may get annoyed and a little frustrated but I never get the feeling that I have burned the candle at both ends because there is nothing that is worth that. I do not know any powerful women who allow themselves to get so drained that they do not know whether they are coming or going. I have a drink once in a while. Sometimes women in power are so tired that all they want to do it eat and go to bed. People who are sickly are not powerful. Robust health in someone is really powerful so even if somebody is in a wheelchair they can still be powerful if they are taking care of themselves and eating right. My boss eats really healthy. She does not order donuts for meetings. She and I were at an event recently where they had pizza. It was a luncheon thing for students so it was appropriate but she said to me, You do not want to eat this for lunch do you? And I said, No, not really because it was the greasy pepperoni pizza so she said, Let s go to lunch so we went to a place and had soup and salad. In some community colleges the staff knows that powerful women presidents try to eat right. The college would make buffets where they made sure fish was served because they knew that she paid attention to that. She had had cancer and she was trying to do everything she could to go into remission. I have a goal of doing a marathon every three weeks and eating as well as I can. I 377 eat well when I can set it up and then if I have to eat French fries because that happens to be what is there then so be it. One interviewee was clear however that she did not always have a lot of control over how and when she took care of herself. Here I was on my own with these two little kids and just a basket case. That was when I was feeding them and paying half my salary to have them looked after. Here I am eating a Kraft dinner every night and I started to say, Well if this is all I can eat and this is all I have what if something happens to me? Oh my God, what is going to happen to these little kids? I do not want them to go back to their father! Exhausted, another woman said she needed to unwind a different way. I have a drink once in a while. It may be that I am so focused on what I have to do for school and at home that I am just too exhausted to exercise. It is easier to just go to bed than go to the gym or I go to the refrigerator. I love to eat. I love to eat and because I come from a family where obesity and diabetes are common I know I have to exercise because I will not change my diet. I do try to have eggbeaters instead of regular eggs every now and then. I needed to have some kind of outlet for my sanity. Powerful women know that if they do not take care of themselves they cannot be there for themselves or for others. I did not take care of myself early on in my life. I was quite sick for a while and then when I had kids I realized I needed to have some kind of outlet for my sanity. It was like when you are in an airplane and the 378 masks come down. It is all about me protecting myself so I can protect my kids. That is where the motivation to look at my whole life and figure out what I needed to do for me in order to be there for them came into play. I needed to be there when they needed me and so I could be there for myself. Powerful women that look good and feel well seem to have a good balance. I do not do that. I just have not made it a priority but I am in a place in my life now where I am prepared to change. Somebody who is kind of weak and always has a cold and infections is not considered healthy but powerful women also do not usually have a whole lot of time to take care of themselves. A man can go out there and play golf but the powerful women I know do not have time to take care of themselves. You hear women talk about wanting to get a massage but do they ever really go out and pamper themselves? Let me see your nails. See your nails are not done. You have not gotten a manicure. I think powerful women have very little time to do something good for themselves. One woman responded that she absolutely insisted on getting some time for herself everyday. I think the most critical thing I learned to do is to take an hour to an hour and a half a day and just put my feet up and look. I do not talk to anybody and it has changed my life. I do it every single day. I find a space and regardless of what is going on I get that hour. An hour and a half is ideal to look into space and concentrate on what I am thinking and what I am doing. That way I do not get the burnout. 379 I never saw her moody. While some powerful women admitted they struggle with mood swings others said taking care of themselves helped keep them calm. My president has really good mental health. She is amazing. I cannot say enough good things about her. She does not let her job define who she is and she has a real sense of herself, her values, and her character. She lives by what she believes such that she does not get depressed. I never saw her moody. Sometimes my mood swings. I get very, very excited and then I go clear the other way. I go down. I did not see her emotions swing. Maybe that was just her professional persona but to me she had good mental health. She struck me as being happy so working with her and being around her own sense of healthy selfesteem was amazing. If you have a good sense of who you are and you are comfortable with who you are then some of the other weight and appearance issues are not as prevalent. I am just going to keep myself fit and I am going to let my body decide what weight it should be. That is the way it is going to be and I am going to like my body. It is important to me to be comfortable in my own skin. I do yoga because that helps to calm my mind and then I just learn to love my body, which seems to be such a huge issue for so many people. It is kind of like coloring my hair. One time I went off and colored my hair and I said, I kind of liked my hair the way it was so I decided I was never going to color it again. I am there now in terms of accepting how I am and how things are going to be. 380 Appearance Powerful are very clear about how their appearance conveys messages about their level of competence. Some women see appearance as a way to manipulate situations while other women work very hard to avoid being stereotyped as one way or another. In both cases powerful women give lots of attention, time, and energy to how they dress. I guess that is better than bald women. Powerful women recognize that appearance plays a huge role in the way they are judged. Appearance has a lot to do with power. I think we have to look good. I think attractiveness is a huge factor. One woman drew a distinction between what she sees as appearance versus attractiveness. Appearance is so important but it should not necessarily be thought of as the same thing as being attractive. Appearance and attractiveness are not exactly the same thing. It makes me think of bald men. I guess that is better than bald women. Another woman respondent continued with the comparisons between men and women in regard to appearance. Appearance and presence also have something to do with being tall. Men are much taller than most women. I started wearing high heels because I did not want to accentuate the difference in height. I was already competing against the men and I did not want to have to look up at a man. I was wearing these real high heels so that when I communicated with the men in my group I could look them in the eye. A man can have presence with his 381 voice in a way that a woman cannot. For women there is something about the package. For example, I would venture to guess that there are very few female community college administrators who weigh in excess of 200 pounds but there might be some really large guys out there. Weight is a big thing because it sends a certain signal to people. Do you have to look like a runway model? No, but the more you do, the easier things are for you. I would say that you have to be above average on whatever the generally socially accepted scale of good looking is. You have to look good. If I look really pretty and if I have nice legs people are going to look at me. Community college women understand that appearances can be deceiving but they also know they are judged by how they look. In the movie, Elizabeth, Cate Blanchett says, Okay I will be the leader of this nation but look what she did to her appearance in order to do that. She put white pancake make-up on her face and to me that was just a classic statement around appearance and what women have to do in order to create that larger than life persona. It is a real challenge. Another woman recalled a professional conference she attended where an attractive woman was misjudged. I attended this conference in XXX where they had this physicist who has gotten a zillion awards and has done all this geophysicist research on the universe. Everybody was waiting for this person to come in and present. Then this petite little blonde with beautiful hair, an 382 absolutely stunning creature, came out on the stage and said, Good afternoon and started to introduce herself as the physicist. All these chuckles reverberated in the auditorium, which indicated that the audience thought, Oh yeah right, this is some kind of joke but she just blew them out of the water. This woman was one of the brightest geo-physicists around. They could not compute that this woman was as brilliant as most of the people in the room. So she got all sorts of testing questions but it is not a case of proving it once or twice. It is a constant proving so it does not matter how many times you prove it you still have to prove it again and again. Some of the interviewees feel that Western culture teaches people to make assumptions about things based on appearance. When I think about appearance and power if I look presidential and I look like I can do this job then people are going to perceive that I can do this job. If I look really pretty and if I have nice legs people are going to look at me and not think about whether I can do the job or not. They are going to be thinking about other kinds of things so that really helped me understand the importance of professional appearance versus the attractiveness piece. The vice president at the school I used to work for is really heavy but she wears these boxy kind of square suits. She hardly ever wears skirts and the pants she wears have big flared out legs. She always looks sharp and put together. So when she walks into a room you do not think, Gosh, she is heavy, you think, 383 Wow, that is a neat suit! That is the key to the whole appearance thing. I would rather see the same expensive suit on somebody everyday that looks good than a dozen cheap ones. One of our classmates did that. He had five or six cheap suits. One dark suit with a different shirt and tie everyday would have been better so you do not have to spend a lot of money. Expensive may not be the right word. A better word is classy so if you look classy there is an appearance of power that that person is classy and I will trust that person. I travel a lot for work and whenever I am dressed casually even though I have my laptop and everything people treat me differently. When I am wearing a suit all the businessmen out there traveling treat me differently. Even the people at the check-in at the airline do too. Your dress can gain you acceptance because it tells people what you think about yourself. This happens even when the way you dress is not who you are but you know this is a way to gain acceptance. Women need to be aware of their bodies, how they are perceived, and how it all goes together because you want to look sharp and you want to look powerful but you want to have that power for the right reasons. What keeps coming to my mind is the whole lipstick thing. I am fair so one of my classmates really got on my case about lipstick. She would say, You have got to put lipstick on. I watched the woman that I worked for in my internship with the whole lipstick thing and I was close enough to her to say, Okay, you put lipstick on before we go out to lunch that seems so stupid because 384 it comes right off by the time we are finished eating lunch so I do not get it. I do not get the point. She was in the bathroom in her office and I am watching her put lipstick on and she said, The thing about it is as a woman you are expected to look put together. What she meant by that was the put together piece comes across as how your brain works, how organized you are and the kind of leader you are. Later we were going to a Rotary meeting and if you enter the meeting looking put together people will automatically tend to assume that you are powerful and capable. One woman administrator wanted some feedback from a male guest speaker about the importance of appearance. I asked the guest speaker about the leadership assumptions of males and females as they pertain to appearance and do women lead differently than men as a consequence. He kind of brushed me off which really ticked me because I think that is a valid question to ask. I guess as a male he did not know where I was going with that question so he did not answer me and then XXX defended him so I just backed off. I think it is important for a woman to understand that her carriage and the assumptions of power she has or not when she walks into a room are going to be there. For women of color the issue of appearance took on a whole other connotation. I think race is an issue. You are asking me about gender but obviously it is tied to how you look. I do not know that it is okay to be ethnic looking. I am not sure. All the African American women that I have seen, for 385 example, that have come to class are very conservative in their dress. They do not want to send the wrong message or be misinterpreted. Maybe when they are out with their friends it is different but I would say that as far as appearances go they are conservative. A young female administrator grudgingly described how her appearance affected her. I have had some men comment, Oh, you look too young to be in a Ph.D. program. People judge me in terms of how old they think I am without even knowing me. In fact, most people get my age wrong because I look younger than I am. These comments have made me want to change my appearance. There are many dimensions to appearance so I play off of several roles. For example, I was at a conference recently and I was telling someone that when I go to conferences and present I try and look nerdy because people say I look too young and too cute. Some women react negatively to that and some men just do not take me seriously. I have had men actually laugh at me on visits to community colleges where they ask, You re in a Ph.D. program? I got into the habit of pulling my hair back, wearing a power suit, and wearing my glasses so that I can be seen as someone to be taken seriously. But then someone told me to stop doing that because they thought I was contributing to the stereotype of academic equals nerdy. They said that I should dress as funky or as young as I want to. They said that if I let my hair down I could still be smart and wonderful. 386 I will manipulate my appearance in order to get my vision across. My vision is more important than my appearance and there is a certain tension and some contradictions that need to be worked out in that. I think that I shock people when I open my mouth. They do not expect what I say to come out based on how I look. They do not expect me to be as thoughtful or as articulate as I hope I am. People start to see me in a different way after they get to know me. People should be challenged to take me seriously despite my appearance. Most powerful women do not have a sexual appearance. Powerful women are often perceived of as being matronly instead of sexy. Appearance makes a big difference not only in helping you get what you want just logistically but also in achieving what you are want at a meeting. In some arenas women are seen as dressing more feminine. They are more accepted and can sometimes do things via sheer stealth. They use those things that men are distracted by to get things that they need and I guess that is a tool. I think a powerful woman is conscious and if she knows that a pink suit and high heel pumps are going to get her initiatives through then by God that is the way to do it especially if wearing the blue suit intimidates somebody. But it could also backfire and make a woman appear as less than what she is. If she looks fragile then she could either be considered as powerless or she could use it to get what she needs. I think that is an option. But that is a very conscious woman. She is very conscious of what she is doing and how she is getting what she needs. 387 Most powerful women do not have a sexual appearance. Most powerful high-level women exude either a motherly appearance or a plain one. There have not been a lot of very beautiful very powerful leaders. Most female leaders are fairly normal looking or have been grandmotherly looking. They have one of those safe images. When they make themselves look absolutely beautiful it almost negates the possibility that they could be beautiful and powerful. It is too dangerous to be beautiful and authoritative because there is always the temptation or covert recognition that this is a sexy female. As soon as you overlay that sexy female image on any person you immediately create all the stereotypes of I bet she slept her way to the top. Whereas when you get a man it is, Oh, he is so sexy, so hot, and just the greatest leader ever and I will follow him to the end of the earth. There is this very different standard for men and women in terms of appearance. The result is you start to see women in very powerful positions taking on an androgynous persona. She slept her way to the top. When women make it to powerful positions it is assumed that they used their bodies to get there. In my world, even though it is in education it still is a corporate setting, the dress code is very traditional. Even though where I work most of the women wear skirts I was ashamed to think that they did not seem as powerful as the women who were wearing slacks. Even though I did not want to think that when I was looking at them, and the skirts are very conservative, I just saw those females, and by extension me, as very prissy. 388 It makes me wonder if other people think this way too. But I still like skirts more than pants. Most women dress down. They are sort of suited and yet they will have some feminine sort of thing like a pin, necklace, or earrings. They will wear some small thing that allows them to be their feminine selves. The women I have worked with would not admire a woman that takes the short skirt, low top route. Powerful women want to be respected and we just do not see that as getting the respect we want. If there ever was a beautiful powerful woman we hear the typical, She slept her way to the top. That happens a lot so it is odd that women would want to wear short skirts and a lot of make-up. Yes, I do play the sweet, cute thing because it is a form of power too. Especially if I am dealing with the good ole boys, yes, I will use it. I have no shame in that. I am sweet and I am young. Yes, it is true. So often I see it as a sexual come-on. Community college women feel more attention is paid to their appearance than it is to men s and that often it is violating and judgmental. Appearance does make a difference. Last week three other women and myself were having lunch and one of the women said, XXX notices what you wear. She went on to say that in one class there had been a woman that was wearing a short skirt with boots. XXX did not like that and he let us know that he did not like it. 389 I hate to say it but I think appearance does play a major role in how a woman is perceived. It can make you or break you as a woman. A man can show up dressed casually and it would be okay but a woman cannot be casually dressed at an important meeting. I even see my own biases about men and women and appearance. Men do not have to dress up as much to have a commanding sense of power associated with appearance. I asked one of the male guest speakers that came to class about the importance of appearance because everyone started talking about XXX and how he can walk into any room or in the airport and attract attention. He is a powerful person. He is a large man, he carries himself well, and he is very well dressed. Then you have women like Dr. XXX or Dr. XXX who are petite and when you look at them you do not think of power. Someone like Dr. XXX can wear some nice jeans and a shirt and his persona still comes through. A lot of male leaders have that intangible thing but I do not see too many women leaders that do. Women s power is subtler. They are very different from men and I think it is something that women need to address. Even when Dr. XXX came in to speak to the class she was not perceived of as being powerful. It was not that she had a lack of confidence or was not dressed well but men seem to have a special quality that makes them stand out more than women do. I do not know that I agree or that it is fair or that it says someone is intelligent or not or better qualified or less qualified but it is just a reality. It is just the way in which people judge you on first impressions. 390 A man does not have to worry about whether he is going to wear his high heel shoes or his low shoes or whether he is going to show his legs that day. We live in an interesting society where everything is visual. But one other thing I would like to acknowledge related to appearance is the arm-around-the-shoulderthing from the men in the program. I think it is sort of meant to say, I will help you out and as a woman you want to swear at them and say, Well, excuse me, I do not know if I need your help. Then on the other hand you do not want to assume anything so this other idea clicks in that says, Okay, from a network perspective or from a career perspective, yes, I do need your help. As a woman I hope that this behavior is not the use of a sort of fatherly protection but instead is something that says I want to help you because I see value in your ability to do this. And usually it is not at all fatherly so often I see it as a sexual come-on. I think it can be used as a tool to manipulate situations. Some women feel that their appearance can be used to get what they want. Powerful women have to wear suits. Look at Dr. XXX s class. We are expected to look like we are individuals who are powerful. My understanding is that you have to look the part. I told you yesterday that I did not want to go up to the 3rd floor for our interview because I was not going to wear my jacket and my closed toe shoes. I was not prepared to look the part and you have to look the part. No matter how a woman is dressed or how she carries herself I just think there is a different assumption placed on them. I think if women want leadership 391 positions they have to dress well all the time. They have to have make-up on, they have to have their hair done, they cannot wear jeans, and if they are short they have to wear high heels. I remember a graduate course I took years ago about interpersonal relationships and my instructor was an older woman who had long brown hair. She used to say she could get by with having long hair because she always wore a jacket. She felt that as long as a woman wore a jacket she could command respect. At that time I thought that was the most ridiculous thing and still today I think it is ridiculous. I think appearance is important only as it relates to the environment in which you are working. At a college if you want to create an environment of respect then you might have expectations that everyone dresses a certain way professionally but I would be just as comfortable in an environment where people wear jeans, shorts and sandals. I do not think the way you look or what you wear defines who you are but I do think it can be used as a tool to manipulate situations. I think you would be kind of stupid to go into an interview thinking that it does not matter what you look like. Society has certain expectations that you have to look the part. A big part of leadership is selling yourself and you have to have an image not only based on what you wear but also based on your posture and your mannerisms. That is a reality. I think women sometimes acquiesce into being the traditional female. They do not challenge men, they know their place in the sense that they dress like 392 women are expected to, and they appeal to men. I do not mean that what women wear is not appealing to the women that wear it but that the pink dress suit, the short mini-skirt, and the high heel pumps that kill your feet are how women are expected to dress. I do not believe that a woman wearing a four-inch mini skirt will give the perception that she has power and intelligence. Collaboration While many community college women see collaboration as valuable some prefer to work alone or in other cases collaborate only with men. Except for the women who chose to work alone all agreed that collaboration produced more opportunities for bonding, networking, and generating better work. Okay, I will give up fighting because I do not want to argue anymore. Community college women think collaborating with others produces the most powerful work. Collaboration has a lot to do with power. It has to do with a common goal amongst people and I think it is a key piece. Collaboration goes back to the reciprocal nature of relationships that I see with powerful women. When I observe people collaborating I learn about me. I learn what someone else brings to the table. When we share with each other that can be a very powerful exchange. The women from the program that I have continued to maintain friendships with after graduating were very cooperative. We collaborate and have carried that over into our professions and careers since we graduated. It has been 393 so wonderful to be able to rely on those friendships. Anytime there is something going on here at work we immediately call each other and say, What do you think about this? The trust that was built during the program by collaborating and cooperating made us understand what each other s assets were. We knew each other s weaknesses, we knew when to help each other, and we knew when to ask for help. That still exists now. If everybody trusts one another and is comfortable with one another they will feel free to share their ideas so that collaboration can truly be a merging of ideas rather than, Okay, I will give up fighting because I do not want to argue anymore. Some people do that just to get moving and so collaboration is really a skill. Collaboration goes back to communication. It is about being patient and listening. It has to do with how I think because when I analyze information I need a whole bunch of different opinions to know right from wrong. To have the sum of the whole be greater than my own knowledge helps me know that I do not ever know enough by myself. You ask people for their opinions and their input and to me that is a leadership-building tool. Some women are willing to collaborate and that is a wonderful experience. One participant remarked that while many women enjoy collaborating there are others who prefer to work alone. There are some women that are not willing to collaborate. Some women feel more competitive so they do not want to work with other people. Collaboration seems to work well for the people who are 394 doing the collaborating but I have seen it create issues where people feel shut out or left out. I have worked with people and succeeded in accomplishing what I think are great things even though it is not always easy. I have seen the importance of working together from my grandmother to Condoleeza Rice. Watching powerful women collaborate has convinced many community college women that when they work together they can accomplish so much more than when they work alone. Actual collaboration can really synergize relationships. When people come together things are much better than they would have been without the collaboration. People s work is much better than it would have been if they were just producing things by themselves. In class there were women who were very collaborative. We have continued to collaborate since I graduated. In fact, two of us just finished writing an article together. In the program there were a few women who wanted to do something on their own and that was okay. It was just a much more lonely experience for them. I think that collaborating is the best way to go. The Gestalt principle is something that works for me and its basic principle is that the sum of the whole is greater than the sum of the individual parts. None of us is smart as all of us so the idea being that if I know a little bit and someone else knows a little bit together we can collaborate and come up with something that is bigger than both of us. The danger in that however is that then there often is mediocrity. A lot of times if someone works individually they can be a lot more innovative and 395 creative than when they collaborate because collaborating involves giving and taking. A lot of times things have to be given up in the process of collaboration. Collaboration is not easy for me. It is not a given. I do not think teamwork is as simple as some people may think because people do not think alike. They do not respond the same and they all have different perceptions. I have very clear ideas about what I want to do and how I want to accomplish it. I have to practice patience in order to listen to the ideas of someone else who I think is not on the right track. There are some projects that I am happy to collaborate on but there are some projects that I want to work alone on. I do not mind collaborating when it is a bigger project that someone else is in charge of and I have a little piece to do. That is easier. Collaboration involves very dynamic relationships but it can also threaten people. Today everything is about teamwork. You cannot work in isolation. Collaboration is how the world is going now. It is about working in communities and establishing partnerships. For example, when you come to the program everyone says, You cannot do this alone. Even in the workplace if you shut yourself down and you go off to a corner you still cannot do it alone. Women in power understand community and that in order to get things done you cannot be a lone wolf. I have seen the importance of working together from my grandmother to Condoleeza Rice. These women are not lone wolves out there trying to get 396 something done all by themselves. They understand that not only is power a part of their nature but that it increases through collaboration. It is inborn and women in power operate around the idea that you cannot do anything alone. One female participant reported that when some women try to accomplish things alone they are not as effective as when they collaborate with others. Women are not of real benefit to a community if they are out there doing things alone and not collaborating for common goals. I am a good contributor but it is working with those people who may not have the same skill set, the same values, the same way of processing information that makes collaboration difficult. Despite the general consensus that collaborating is preferable some people still choose to work alone. I have come across men and women who tell me they like to work in silos. They prefer to work in isolation by themselves and they will tell me, I don t really want to collaborate. Just tell me my piece, I will turn it in, and you can do whatever you want to with it. One interviewee explained how and why she chose to selectively collaborate. I have been in business most of my life and it has almost all been male oriented. Thus almost all of my successful collaborating has been done with men. It has only been in the last six or eight years that I have worked with as many women as I have men. In another instance when I have collaborated with women it has been more difficult because I have worked with men so much. I have had more difficulty collaborating with women because there have been a lot 397 of undercurrents of things that I have not wanted to address, wanted to get it into, or wanted to muck around in. In some cases things like jealousy, not envy and not even competition, just this different sense of inadequacy has created a dilemma for the collaboration. Despite the absence of opportunities for collaboration with women and the inherent difficulties that this participant felt she encountered when she did collaborate with females she did acknowledge that there had been times of remarkable camaraderie. In another silo the times that I have had positive collaboration with women have been amazing. There has been such a sense of connectedness and warmth. There was such a highly effective result that I would aspire to that again if it were possible. In all my years I still think that is a very unusual thing to collaborate so effectively and positively with women in a communal way. I have had positive collaborative experiences with both men and women but with women there has been this emotional thing that made it such a unique experience. It just does not happen very often. Most of the time there is a lot of other stuff that gets in the way and part of that is probably my personality too because I tend to be quite task oriented, open, and extroverted. I exude this feeling of let s get on with it and that can sometimes rub against people. When women collaborate they talk the issues to death. Powerful women like to discuss the topics. I find collaboration to be very powerful. It is a powerful leadership tool because it is inclusive and I have come across men who 398 have learned to collaborate from women. The men learned that collaboration is important and empowering for everybody. Men do not necessarily like to collaborate but at least they are trying to do it. I have worked with some women who have really learned a lot from men collaborating saying, Yeah, we are talking too much. Let s make some decisions on this. I think they are both good they are just very different. I have worked with men and women and both want to collaborate but they do it in very different ways. When women collaborate they talk the issues to death. Finally at the end of all the talking women say you are going to do this, and your going to do this, and I am going to do this but first we are going to get back together and talk some more about it. You go in with a bunch of men who want to collaborate and they are going to go in and boom, boom, boom right away they are going to divvy up the work and they are not going to want to talk about it much. When men collaborate they have got this task that they have to get done. They are thinking let s divvy up the work, let s move, let s go, and let s go somewhere else. I see positives in both ways of collaborating. When you mix up women and men there is a lot of frustration because the men want to get it done right away and the women want to talk it to death. A woman who comes in, is very assertive, rubs shoulders, and is very sociable collaborates well. Collaboration between men and women is set up for conflict if they are not aware that that is what is going on. I have been in meetings where 399 women are just kind of talking and the men do not say anything. Finally one of the guys will say, C mon we ve got to have an action here, we ve got to get it done, what are we going to do? Then the women say, Okay, you are right and then they take action. I do not know that one sex collaborates better than another. They just do it very differently. A woman administrator commented that she felt men did not feel comfortable collaborating with women because they still viewed them in traditional roles. I feel that some men still see women as secretaries. Men often assign tasks to women and tell them to take care of things. Many men see women as a mother figure like, Oh, she will take care of us. She will do it for us. Men see women s role in a kind of maternal way or they may see women as inferior. Men will say, Oh, you are the woman therefore you do it. When men see you as inferior they feel superior and look down at you like that is your role. Another participant speculated on some of the differences between how men collaborate and how women do so. I think collaborating with women is kind of a personality type thing. It is hard for me to know how men collaborate since I am not a party to it but I would suspect that it is far different than it is for women. When women are collaborating there is a lot of sharing of feelings and I am going to guess that when men are collaborating it is more in pursuit of the goal and a lot less sharing of feelings. 400 SUMMARY Research results produced axial code data for two constituency groups, male community college administrators and women community college administrators. This data was utilized to identify, describe, and define the factors that comprised the perceptions of each of the affinities for each constituency group based on gender, power, and identity. The rich results that the axial code data produced will be added in the next and final chapter to the results of the theoretical code data to identify the relationships between and among the affinities. In addition, the Pareto Protocol, frequency charts, and the To illustrate the data Interrelationship Diagrams (IRDs) will be displayed. visually and allow for comparison and inferences, system representations were created for both constituencies using IQA s Systems Influence Diagram (SIDs). After analyzing the SID for each constituency interpretation results will be discussed. 401 Chapter Five: Implications Not only may individuals differ among themselves, but also any one individual may differ from himself or herself at different points in time The same value may be psychodynamically different and may play different roles in the psychic economies of different individuals, or for the same individual at different points in the life cycle-or even at different moments in the day-because it is associated with different tangles of experience. - Jean Briggs Mazes of Meaning as cited in Chodorow (1999). INTRODUCTION The purpose of this study was to draw upon feminist conceptual frameworks to understand socially constructed notions of masculinity and femininity and how those affected power and identity within the American community college. Therefore, the research objectives were to: (1) Investigate the meaning of identity systems for women and men community college leaders, (2) How did these systems compare based on the social construction of gender? (3) What were the power systems for women and men community college leaders? (4) How did these systems compare? and (5) What connections existed between identity and power systems and how did these connections compare for women and men community college leaders? The author of this paper attempted to answer the above questions based on feminist theory, life history, discourse on 402 power, the role of hegemony, and the theoretical examination of race, gender, and class. These dynamics were explored to develop a Constructivist/Interpretivist theoretical perspective where socially constructed knowledge illuminated a clearer understanding of what constituted effective leadership as shaped by gender, identity, and power. Data was collected and analyzed by using Interactive Qualitative Analysis (IQA) to examine the experiences of women and men community college employees as they compared for connection and divergence. In the previous chapter the axial coding summary described the factors community college leaders identified when asked about power and identity. Since individual respondents identified relationships differently, relationship frequencies were tallied and reconciled using the Pareto Protocol (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003, p. 3, 87). A frequency majority of 80% or higher determined the direction of all these relationships. Ten affinity pairs for each constituency were examined for conflicts and flagged for consideration as recursions (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003, p. 27). The relationship with the highest frequency was documented in the Affinity Relationship Table (ART) and reconciled in the Systems Influence Diagram (SID). The theoretical analysis that follows includes: summarizing the relationships, rationalizing the system, initial affinity placement, and representing the collective system. 403 AFFINITY RELATIONSHIP TABLE The relationship community college men and women identified between each affinity pair is documented in a Men s Composite Affinity Relationship Table (ART) (Table 5.01) and a Women s Composite Affinity Relationship Table (ART) (Table 5.02). These tables summarize the relationships identified in the theoretical coding process. This chapter begins with a summary of the research results, followed by The Pareto Protocol Frequency Charts, and the composite IRDs for each constituency. The last phase of this study was to create conceptual mind maps, Systems Influence Diagrams (SIDs) to produce system representations of identity and power based on gender for each constituency group. The conceptual implications of the systems are explored and inferences are drawn based on Constructivist/Interpretivist theoretical perspectives. The chapter concludes with forecasts and interventions suggested by the theoretical model. The model used to identify implications for community college leaders role in how gender shapes power and identity in the American community college as well as to make predictions beyond the context of this study for future leadership based on the above inquiry. SUMMARY OF RESEARCH RESULTS Data from focus groups and interviews were collected and analyzed using Interactive Qualitative Analysis (IQA). IQA is a systems approach to understand 404 and explain phenomenological elements and relationships. The research results captured a socially constructed view of gender, power, and identity in the American community college from the perspective of two constituency groups comprised of the men s community college administrators and the women s community college administrators. PARETO PROTOCOL FREQUENCY CHARTS As evidenced by the chart below the Male Community College Leaders Pareto Protocol Frequency Chart reflects the Cumulative Frequency, Cumulative Percent, and Cumulative Percent. The final system accounts for 88.2% of the original variance. Table 5.01 Male Leaders Pareto Protocol Frequency Chart Affinity Frequency Cumulative Cumulative Cumulative Pair Sorted Percent Percent Power Frequency Relationship (Descending) (Relation) (Frequency) 1 > 3 9 9 1.1 2.1 1.0 1 > 4 9 18 2.2 4.2 1.9 1 > 5 9 27 3.3 6.3 2.9 1 > 6 9 36 4.4 8.3 3.9 1 > 8 9 45 5.6 10.4 4.9 1 > 10 9 54 6.7 12.5 5.8 2 > 4 9 63 7.8 14.6 6.8 6 > 7 9 72 8.9 16.7 7.8 6 > 10 9 81 10.0 18.8 8.8 7 > 9 9 90 11.1 20.8 9.7 1 > 2 8 98 12.2 22.7 10.5 1 > 9 8 106 13.3 24.5 11.2 405 2 2 5 6 6 1 2 2 3 3 4 5 5 7 2 3 3 3 4 4 8 8 2 2 3 3 4 4 5 5 7 7 9 > > > > > > > > < > < > > > > > < > < < < < > > < > > > > < > < > 3 9 8 8 9 7 6 8 7 9 7 6 10 8 5 4 6 10 6 9 9 10 7 10 5 8 8 10 7 9 10 10 10 8 8 8 8 8 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 114 122 130 138 146 153 160 167 174 181 188 195 202 209 215 221 227 233 239 245 251 257 262 267 272 277 282 287 292 297 302 307 312 14.4 15.6 16.7 17.8 18.9 20.0 21.1 22.2 23.3 24.4 25.6 26.7 27.8 28.9 30.0 31.1 32.2 33.3 34.4 35.6 36.7 37.8 38.9 40.0 41.1 42.2 43.3 44.4 45.6 46.7 47.8 48.9 50.0 26.4 28.2 30.1 31.9 33.8 35.4 37.0 38.7 40.3 41.9 43.5 45.1 46.8 48.4 49.8 51.2 52.5 53.9 55.3 56.7 58.1 59.5 60.6 61.8 63.0 64.1 65.3 66.4 67.6 68.8 69.9 71.1 72.2 11.9 12.7 13.4 14.2 14.9 15.4 15.9 16.4 16.9 17.5 18.0 18.5 19.0 19.5 19.8 20.0 20.3 20.6 20.9 21.2 21.4 21.7 21.8 21.8 21.9 21.9 21.9 22.0 22.0 22.1 22.1 22.2 22.2 406 9 2 2 3 3 3 3 3 4 4 4 4 4 5 5 8 8 1 2 2 4 4 5 5 7 2 2 3 3 5 6 6 1 < < < < > > < < > < > < < < > > > < < < > > < < < < < > < < < < < 10 7 10 4 5 6 8 10 5 5 6 8 10 7 9 9 10 7 5 6 7 9 6 10 8 3 9 7 9 8 8 9 2 5 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 317 321 325 329 333 337 341 345 349 353 357 361 365 369 373 377 381 384 387 390 393 396 399 402 405 407 409 411 413 415 417 419 420 51.1 52.2 53.3 54.4 55.6 56.7 57.8 58.9 60.0 61.1 62.2 63.3 64.4 65.6 66.7 67.8 68.9 70.0 71.1 72.2 73.3 74.4 75.6 76.7 77.8 78.9 80.0 81.1 82.2 83.3 84.4 85.6 86.7 73.4 74.3 75.2 76.2 77.1 78.0 78.9 79.9 80.8 81.7 82.6 83.6 84.5 85.4 86.3 87.3 88.2 88.9 89.6 90.3 91.0 91.7 92.4 93.1 93.8 94.2 94.7 95.1 95.6 96.1 96.5 97.0 97.2 22.3 22.1 21.9 21.7 21.5 21.3 21.2 21.0 20.8 20.6 20.4 20.2 20.0 19.9 19.7 19.5 19.3 18.9 18.5 18.1 17.6 17.2 16.8 16.4 16.0 15.3 14.7 14.0 13.4 12.7 12.1 11.4 10.6 407 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 6 6 7 < < < < < < < < < < < < 3 4 5 6 8 9 10 4 8 7 10 9 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 421 422 423 424 425 426 427 428 429 430 431 432 87.8 88.9 90.0 91.1 92.2 93.3 94.4 95.6 96.7 97.8 98.9 100.0 97.5 97.7 97.9 98.1 98.4 98.6 98.8 99.1 99.3 99.5 99.8 100.0 9.7 8.8 7.9 7.0 6.2 5.3 4.4 3.5 2.6 1.8 0.9 0.0 Next the chart of the Women Community College Leaders Pareto Protocol Frequency Chart is shown. It too reflects the Cumulative Frequency, Cumulative Percent, and Cumulative Percent and the final system accounts for 88.2% of the original variance. Table 5.02 Women Leaders Pareto Protocol Frequency Chart Affinity Frequency Cumulative Cumulative Cumulative Pair Sorted Percent Percent Power Frequency Relationship (Descending) (Relation) (Frequency) 2 > 10 10 10 1.1 2.3 1.2 6 > 7 10 20 2.2 4.6 2.4 1 > 5 9 29 3.3 6.7 3.4 1 > 9 9 38 4.4 8.8 4.4 1 > 10 9 47 5.6 10.9 5.3 4 > 5 9 56 6.7 13.0 6.3 4 > 8 9 65 7.8 15.1 7.3 408 4 6 6 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 5 6 7 1 1 2 3 4 5 5 7 7 2 3 3 3 3 4 4 5 8 8 > > > > > > > > > > > < > > > > > < < < > < > > < > < > > > < > > 9 9 10 2 6 7 8 4 5 7 9 6 8 9 3 4 8 6 6 7 9 8 10 3 4 7 8 9 7 10 10 9 10 9 9 9 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 74 83 92 100 108 116 124 132 140 148 156 164 172 180 187 194 201 208 215 222 229 236 243 249 255 261 267 273 279 285 291 297 303 8.9 10.0 11.1 12.2 13.3 14.4 15.6 16.7 17.8 18.9 20.0 21.1 22.2 23.3 24.4 25.6 26.7 27.8 28.9 30.0 31.1 32.2 33.3 34.4 35.6 36.7 37.8 38.9 40.0 41.1 42.2 43.3 44.4 17.2 19.3 21.3 23.2 25.1 26.9 28.8 30.6 32.5 34.3 36.2 38.1 39.9 41.8 43.4 45.0 46.6 48.3 49.9 51.5 53.1 54.8 56.4 57.8 59.2 60.6 61.9 63.3 64.7 66.1 67.5 68.9 70.3 8.3 9.3 10.2 11.0 11.7 12.5 13.2 14.0 14.7 15.4 16.2 16.9 17.7 18.4 18.9 19.5 20.0 20.5 21.0 21.5 22.0 22.5 23.0 23.3 23.6 23.9 24.2 24.5 24.7 25.0 25.3 25.6 25.9 409 2 3 5 9 2 3 3 3 3 3 4 4 5 5 9 1 2 3 4 5 7 7 8 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 3 > < > > < > < < < > < < < > < < < > > > > < < < < < < < < < < < > 6 10 8 10 6 5 5 7 9 10 7 10 8 10 10 4 3 8 6 7 8 10 9 2 6 7 8 4 5 7 8 9 4 5 5 5 5 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 308 313 318 323 327 331 335 339 343 347 351 355 359 363 367 370 373 376 379 382 385 388 391 393 395 397 399 401 403 405 407 409 411 45.6 46.7 47.8 48.9 50.0 51.1 52.2 53.3 54.4 55.6 56.7 57.8 58.9 60.0 61.1 62.2 63.3 64.4 65.6 66.7 67.8 68.9 70.0 71.1 72.2 73.3 74.4 75.6 76.7 77.8 78.9 80.0 81.1 71.5 72.6 73.8 74.9 75.9 76.8 77.7 78.7 79.6 80.5 81.4 82.4 83.3 84.2 85.2 85.8 86.5 87.2 87.9 88.6 89.3 90.0 90.7 91.2 91.6 92.1 92.6 93.0 93.5 94.0 94.4 94.9 95.4 25.9 26.0 26.0 26.1 25.9 25.7 25.5 25.3 25.1 25.0 24.8 24.6 24.4 24.2 24.0 23.6 23.2 22.8 22.4 22.0 21.5 21.1 20.7 20.1 19.4 18.8 18.1 17.5 16.8 16.2 15.5 14.9 14.2 410 3 5 5 6 8 1 1 1 1 4 4 4 6 6 7 2 6 > > < < < < < < < < < < < < < < < 6 6 9 8 10 3 5 9 10 5 8 9 9 10 9 10 7 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 413 415 417 419 421 422 423 424 425 426 427 428 429 430 431 431 431 82.2 83.3 84.4 85.6 86.7 87.8 88.9 90.0 91.1 92.2 93.3 94.4 95.6 96.7 97.8 98.9 100.0 95.8 96.3 96.8 97.2 97.7 97.9 98.1 98.4 98.6 98.8 99.1 99.3 99.5 99.8 100.0 100.0 100.0 13.6 13.0 12.3 11.7 11.0 10.1 9.3 8.4 7.5 6.6 5.7 4.9 4.0 3.1 2.2 1.1 0.0 Male and Female Community College Employees Enrolled in an Educational Administration Doctoral Program Male and female community college employees enrolled in an Educational Administration Doctoral Program identified ten factors each in answering Research Question #1: What factors comprise the meaning of identity systems for women and men community college employees?; Research Question #2: How did these systems compare based on the social construction of gender?; Research Question #3: What were the power systems for women and men community college employees?; and Research Question #4: How did these systems compare? 411 The men s group identified ten factors or affinities that answered the first four research questions delineated above. The affinities for the men s group included: Character/Personal Qualities, Planning, Formal Power, Money, Respect, Relationships, Sources of Power, Prestige, Use of Power, and Influence. The Composite Affinity Relationship Table identified for the men s constituency is represented in Table 5.03. Table 5.03: Men s Composite Interview Affinity Relationship Table Affinity Name 1. Character/Personal Qualities 2. Planning 3. Formal Power 4. Money 5. Respect 6. Relationships 7. Sources of Power 8. Prestige 9. Use of Power 10. Influence Possible Relationships A B A B A <> B (No Relationship) Men s Composite Interview Affinity Relationship Table Affinity Pair Relationship Affinity Pair Relationship Affinity Pair Relationship Affinity Pair Relationship 412 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 1 1 2 2 2 9 10 3 4 5 2 6 2 7 2 8 2 9 2 10 3 4 3 5 3 6 3 7 3 8 3 9 3 10 4 5 4 6 4 7 4 8 4 9 4 10 5 6 5 7 5 8 5 9 5 10 6 7 6 8 6 9 6 10 7 8 7 9 7 10 8 9 8 10 9 10 Next, the women s group identified ten factors or affinities that answered the first four research questions delineated above. The affinities for the women s group included: Character/Personal Qualities, Frame of Reference, Double Standard, Goal Oriented, Skills, Vision, Perseverance, Personal Comfort and Health, Appearance, and Collaboration. The Composite Affinity Relationship Table identified for the women s constituency is represented in Table 5.02. Table 5.04: Women s Composite Interview Affinity Relationship Table Affinity Name 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Character/Personal Qualities Frame of Reference Double Standard Goal Oriented Skills Possible Relationships A B A B A <> B (No Relationship) 413 6. Vision 7. Perseverance 8. Personal Comfort & Health 9. Appearance 10. Collaboration Women s Composite Interview Affinity Relationship Table Affinity Pair Relationship Affinity Pair Relationship Affinity Pair Relationship Affinity Pair Relationship 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 1 8 1 9 1 10 2 3 2 4 2 5 2 6 2 7 2 8 2 9 2 10 3 4 3 5 3 6 3 7 3 8 3 9 3 10 4 4 4 4 5 6 7 8 4 9 4 10 5 6 5 7 5 8 5 9 5 10 6 7 6 8 6 9 6 10 7 8 7 9 7 10 8 9 8 10 9 10 MEN S INTERRELATIONSHIP DIAGRAM To begin rationalizing the system, an Interrelationship Diagram (IRD) was created by placing arrows into a table depicting the affinity pair relationships 414 summarized in the ARTs (Tables 5.01 and 5.02). The Men s Composite Interview Tabular IRD and the IRD sorted in order of deltas in shown in Tables 5.05 and 5.06 respectively. Table 5.05: Men s Composite Interview Tabular IRD Men s Composite Interview Tabular IRD 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 OUT 9 8 4 3 5 6 5 0 4 1 IN 0 1 5 6 4 3 4 9 5 8 9 7 -1 -3 1 3 1 -9 -1 -7 Count the number of up arrows ( ) or Outs Count the number of left arrows ( ) or Ins Subtract the number of Ins from the Outs to determine the ( ) Deltas = Out - In 415 Table 5.06: Men s Composite Interview Sorted IRD SORTED IN DELTA ORDER Men s Composite Interview Sorted IRD 1 1 2 6 5 7 3 9 4 10 8 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 OUT 9 8 6 5 5 4 4 3 1 0 IN 0 1 3 4 4 5 5 6 8 9 9 7 3 1 1 -1 -1 -3 -7 -9 The deltas listed in the sorted IRD mark the relative position of the affinities within the system. The initial placement of the affinities in the SID is represented in the tentative SID Assignments Table Men s Tentative SID Assignments 1 2 6 5 7 3 9 7 3 1 1 -1 PRIM DRIVER SEC DRIVER SEC DRIVER SEC DRIVER SEC DRIVER SEC OUTCOME 416 9 4 10 8 -1 -3 -7 -9 SEC OUTCOME SEC OUTCOME SEC OUTCOME PRIM OUTCOME MEN S RELATIONSHIP DESCRIPTIONS A description of each relationship represented in the system follows. These relationship descriptions explain the entire system of drivers and outcomes based on a composite of the men s community college leaders interviews. Theoretical codes describing the link between affinity pairs are interpreted beginning with the affinities influenced by the system s primary driver and proceeding through each out as represented in the sorted IRD. Character/Personal Qualities influences According to male community college leaders, Character/Personal Qualities is an overwhelming driver of power and identity in the American community college. Character/Personal Qualities has a direct influence on all aspects of power and identity. 417 Illustration 5.01 Men s Character/Personal Qualities Planning Respect Relationships Sources of Power Character/ Personal Qualities Formal Power Use of Power Money Influence Prestige Planning. Character drives planning because I am laid back. I procrastinate and put off making decisions, which reflects my personality. That in turn influences whether I am a planner or flying by the seat of my pants. Respect. Character and personal qualities are things that you develop throughout your life. Character is the driver of respect. Character drives what you value and how you tend to respect others. I respect people who wear power casually and do not lord it over people like people who have a spiritual center about themselves. I like people who have a spiritual center because it mirrors the 418 things I value. My character and personal qualities made that something that I would respect. Relationships. Your character and personal qualities influence the relationships that you seek out and the relationships that you think enough of to maintain. I think the people you develop relationships with can greatly influence your values and personal qualities. I do not think that being around a really introverted person will make you an extrovert. The type of person you are depends on your personal relationships and the models you have had. Sources of Power. Character is the driver for people who are introspective, who look at themselves and want to grow, change, and learn. Those people that want to do that are going to have an impact on the sources of power that they feel they have. The feeling of empowerment they get will have an affect on their character. Formal Power. Character drives formal power. The reason is because the better your interpersonal qualities are the more powerful you are. Your character increases your formal power. If you have formal power but you also have charisma that just increases itself so that your personality and your characteristics feed your formal power. Use of Power. I feel like your character drives how you use power. Who you are determines how you wield your power. 419 Money. If you look at a person s childhood and how they were raised you will see that people who were raised in a very wealthy setting cannot comprehend how someone who grew up in a really poor environment felt. Money affects how a person leads. I see people who are born into wealth and become real schmucks and I see people who are born in poverty and rise to greatness so I think character is the real driver with what happens with money. Influence. Character drives influence. When you have success with what you are doing because of who you are you keep doing it again and again. In fact, you might do more of it because you see your personality is creating success by influencing others. Prestige. The way you act, your personal qualities, and your character are the vehicles for how you handle yourself. In most cases these will either make you or break you in terms of gaining or losing prestige. Planning influences Planning is a secondary driver for male community college leaders power and identity systems. Planning influences all aspects of power and identity except Character/Personal Qualities. 420 Illustration 5.02: Men s Planning Respect Relationships Sources of Power Planning Formal Power Use of Power Money Prestige Influence Respect. I feel like planning influences respect. I think if you are on a path people see that and respect it. Relationships. If you are a person who is manipulative and calculating you will plan to form certain types of relationships. It is not sincere but I have seen that happen. On occasion we all do that. You want a certain thing, you want to get something done, get approval, or a recommendation so you plan around that to get to the person who can help you achieve those things. Your goal is to get a means to accomplishing your goals. It is not a real relationship because you plan and manipulate to get that relationship. 421 Sources of Power. First you have the ability to plan, outline a course of action, and then you can discover your sources of power. In order for an individual to determine and utilize their sources of power I would say planning drives that. Formal Power. People use their characteristics when it serves them as planners. They are going to plan first to get formal power. The planning comes first because to get any level of formal power it takes some kind of planning. The characteristics that might impact planning can be haphazard, very calculated, or somewhere in between. Use of Power. I think planning does influence your use of power. I think planning can influence your use of power because you are being deliberate in how you do things and that influences how you drive that power. Money. In our society you cannot make me choose between there two. If people are born with money I think that can be the driving factor on how they plan because they learn for example how to invest money. People who grow up in poverty have no idea how to invest money. Nobody in their family has ever had money so they would have to plan to get money. Part of their plan might be to learn how to invest money. To level the playing field you have to put planning before money because anybody can plan so if we are playing the numbers I would have to say plan first. How a person plans is going to be tremendously influenced 422 by whatever financial situation they find themselves in. Most powerful men are going to have a certain amount of money. Planning drives money. Influence. I think planning does influence your use of power. I think planning can influence your use of power because you are being deliberate in how you do things and that influences how you drive that power. Prestige. Planning influences prestige. If you have a plan that just increases your prestige because people want something to follow. Give the ignorant something to follow. Respect influences Similarly to Planning and Relationships is Respect which serves as a secondary driver in the power and identity system for community college men. Respect has a direct influence on all aspects of the system except Character/Personal Qualities and Planning. 423 Illustration 5.03: Respect 6. Relationships 7. Sources of Power 5. Respect 3. Formal Power 4. Money 9. Use of Power 10. Influence 8. Prestige Relationships. Respect drives relationships. Relationships are intrinsically influenced by respect. Sources of Power. The more respected you are the more sources of power you will be able to access. Formal Power. Well, let s put it in this context. If somebody is going to 424 Wield influence on me they are going to have to be powerful, sway, or motivate me. They have to influence me and have my respect. That is more important than having formal power from a title. I would say the respect is the thing that is important there. According to the XXX study I conducted the old hierarchies of formal power are really crumbling because the younger generation does not care about them. Use of Power. If you are respected you will be able to use power. Money. Respect comes first, then money. Influence. If you are respected you will be able to us your power. Prestige. If you are a respected person you will be a prestigious one. Relationships influence Like Planning, Relationships is also a secondary driver of power and identity for the male community college administrators. Relationships affects all aspects of the system except Character/Personal Qualities and Planning. 425 Illustration 5.04: Relationships 6. Relationships 7. Sources of Power 5. Respect 3. Formal Power 4. Money 9. Use of Power 10. Influence 8. Prestige Sources of Power. If you have the proper relationships they will give you access to different sources of power. The more relationships you have the more sources of power. Formal Power. power. People have relationships before they have formal 426 Use of Power. Relationships come first, then how you use your power. Money. Ideally you should have relationships before you have money. Respect. The more relationships you have the more respect you have. Influence. I am going to put a caveat here before I start. Relationships and influence are tied together in a powerful relationship based on a person s character and personal qualities. If you have certain characteristics and personal qualities you will use them to influence others. People with different profiles and behavioral styles can influence other people. So influence can drive relationships and networks. There is double whammy going on there. For some people relationships will drive who and how they influence. By and large relationships might drive influence a little more. Prestige. If you know the proper individuals that will give you more prestige. Sources of Power influences Although Sources of Power is not an overwhelming driver of the power and identity system for men who are community college administrators, Sources of Power influences other elements in the system. Sources of Power has a direct influence on Formal Power, Use of Power, Money, Respect, Influence, and Prestige. 427 Illustration 5.05: Sources of Power 6. Relationships 7. Sources of Power 5. Respect 3. Formal Power 4. Money 9. Use of Power 10. Influence 8. Prestige Formal Power. I feel like sources of power drive your formal power because the more sources you have the more formal power you have. For example, if your sources of power include having money and relationships then they are going to drive the amount of formal power you have. It is pretty clearcut. Use of Power. Sources of power impacts how you use that power. 428 Money. The more sources of power you have the more money you will bring to the institution or to yourself. Respect. Sources of power would influence respect. Influence. The more sources of power the more influence. Prestige. The more different kinds of power that you can exercise the More prestige you will have. Formal Power influences Since many factors influence Formal Power, this element is a secondary outcome of the overall system. Nonetheless, Formal Power has a direct influence on Use of Power, Money, Respect, Relationships, Sources of Power, Influence, and Prestige. 429 Illustration 5.06: Formal Power 6. Relationships 7. Sources of Power 5. Respect 3. Formal Power 4. Money 9. Use of Power 10. Influence 8. Prestige Use of Power. Formal power is going to drive use of power. People who have a certain title will do things because they can, because their title allows them to, so it is going to influence their use of power. Money. I would say money is a formal manifestation of power so I guess formal power is the core that is driving the whole thing. Formal power drives money. 430 Respect. I feel like formal power drives respect. When you have formal power and you lose it, it is amazing. People that you thought you knew do not know how to treat you afterwards. Relationships. I think formal power drives relationships. People treat you differently. I knew people who I thought were my friends and either through rescinding or falling from power things changed. You have your core essence but it is really interesting how formal power changes things. Sources of Power. Formal power drives sources of power. Influence. If you have formal power your ability to influence others is much better. Prestige. Formal power influences prestige. Without a title or money you are nothing. Use of Power influences Like Formal Power, Use of Power is a secondary outcome of the power and identity system for male community college leaders. Use of Power influences Money, Respect, Relationships, Sources of Power, Formal Power, Influence, and Prestige. 431 Illustration 5.07: Use of Power 6. Relationships 7. Sources of Power 5. Respect 3. Formal Power 4. Money 9. Use of Power 10. Influence 8. Prestige Money. Use of power drives money. Respect. Use of power influences respect. How you use that power influences how people see you. Relationships. Your use of power influences your relationships. The way you wield that power influences how people interact with you. 432 Sources of Power. power. Your use of power influences your sources of Formal Power. Use of power drives formal power. Influence. Power is just a resource in order to influence others. Prestige. Your use of power influences your level of prestige. Money influences Like Formal Power and Use of Power, Money is a secondary outcome. Money influences Respect, Relationships, Sources of Power, Formal Power, Use of Power, Influence, and Prestige. 433 Illustration 5.08: Money 6. Relationships 7. Sources of Power 5. Respect 3. Formal Power 4. Money 9. Use of Power 10. Influence 8. Prestige Respect. Well unfortunately people get money first and then they get respect. Relationships. Money drives relationships. People treat you differently when you have money or when do not. 434 Sources of Power. Money influences your sources of power. You just have more networks. If you have money you have more sources of power. Formal Power. Money influences formal power. Having money is how people get formal power. You can have formal power but without the money you are nothing. I mean look at the community college presidents we have had of those that were rich versus those that were poor. Money affects the degree of formal power that a person holds. Money drives formal power. Use of Power. The more money you have the more confident you will be in using the power you have. Influence. Money drives influence definitely. With money you have much more influence. Prestige. Money is a source of prestige so money drives prestige. The more money you have the more prestige you will have. Influence drives The last secondary outcome is Influence. Unlike Prestige, which is the primary outcome and does not affect any other elements, Influence impacts Prestige. 435 Illustration 5.09: Influence 10. Influence 8. Prestige Prestige. In my opinion how much influence you have is going to determine your level of prestige. Influence drives prestige. MEN S SYSTEM INFLUENCE DIAGRAM The System Influence Diagram (SID) is a system representation of the relationship descriptions and the data contained in the IRD. This visual diagram shows the entire system of power and identity drivers and outcomes according to male community college leaders. Cluttered SID A composite of all system relationships is depicted in a cluttered SID. The cluttered SID contains all the links represented in the IRD. Male community college leaders cluttered SID is shown in Figure 5.01. 436 Figure 5.01: Male Community College Leaders Cluttered SID 7. Sources of Power 6. Relationships 9. Use of Power 1. Character 10. Influence 8. Prestige 2. Planning 5. Respect 3. Formal Power CLUTTERED 4. Money 437 Uncluttered SID By removing redundant links, an uncluttered SID was developed to depict male community college leaders perceptions of identity and power. resulting SID is illustrated in Figure 5.02. Figure 5.02: Male Community College Leaders Uncluttered SID 6. Relationships 7. Sources of Power The 1. Character 2. Planning 5. Respect 3. Formal Power 4. Money 9. Use of Power 10. Influence 8. Prestige 438 Tour of the System For Male Community College Leaders The uncluttered SID is a system of power and identity for male community college leaders. The following tour explains their perceptions of power and identity as a journey that begins with Character/Personal Qualities and ends with Prestige. How each affinity is perceived, either positively or negatively, can influence the subsequent affinities (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003, p. 26). The tour is depicted visually in Figure 5.03. Figure 5.03: Male Community College Leaders Theoretical Summary SID 6. Relationships 7. Sources of Power 1. Character 2. Planning 5. Respect 3. Formal Power 4. Money 9. Use of Power 10. Influence 8. Prestige 439 1. Leaders character/personal qualities are responsible for driving the planning process and keeping followers on task. 7. When leaders have multiple sources of power the scope and range of their formal power increases proportionately. 10. Having influence is critical to leaders ability to affect change. without a substantial amount of influence leaders feel ineffective. 2. Effective planning impacts the scope , depth, and intensity of respect that leaders give and receive. 3. Formal power enables leaders to exercise their power. When leaders have titles, rank, authority, and control their ability to use their power in a variety of ways increases 8. Prestige is the ultimate indicator of a man s success. Where a leader has a high level of influence there is a high probability that he has a tremendous amount of prestige. 5. Respect drives the relationships that leaders seek out. Respect for others and for oneself determines what relationships male leaders foster. 9. Leaders use their power for a multitude of reasons and in a variety of ways. 6. Men see networking and professional relationships as one source of power. Having access to multiple sources of power increases leaders range of influence and degree of impact. 4. When leaders have money and access to resources their span of influence greatly increases. The gender, power, and identity expedition begins with the affinity Character/Personal Qualities. Leaders who are self-confident, know their area of expertise, exude charisma, have presence, earned appropriate credentials, and the like drive the planning process. There was unanimous agreement that leaders must plan to achieve their goals. Without a plan leaders cannot know where they are headed. When leaders and those around them are adept at planning it makes them tremendously respected. Leaders who are respected and in turn respect others develop important professional relationships that foster networking opportunities. Relationships are one source of power for leaders that enables 440 male community college administrators to gain formal power through such things as title, rank, salary, position, and authority. When men have formal power they exercise and use their power in a multitude of ways. Some leaders use power for noble purposes while others abuse it. Having money or access to money was a big indicator of power and identity. Community college male administrators felt that without money they would not be able to achieve their objectives. Men felt having money was critical to their success as leaders. In addition, having money and access to resources gives leaders a wider capacity to influence others. Being influential means a leader is powerful and can get things done. When leaders can accomplish goals and meet objectives he receives a high level of prestige. Having a strong sense of being a popular and prestigious leader was a strong indicator of a man s identity. Men s Feedback Loops and Zooming The male community college leaders power and identity system included one feedback loop, which contained six affinities, each influencing the other. Since the SID suggested the affinities within the feedback loop operate together, the distinction between drivers and outcomes was blurred (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003, p. 27). Based on the interconnected nature of the affinities in the feedback loop these factors have meaning as a dynamic set of elements. Because the feedback loop is comprised on elements that cannot be consolidated into a single 441 larger affinity no zooming was possible. The final version of the Men s SID was presented in its simplest form under Figure 5.02. Male Community College Leaders System Summary A focus group of male community college administrators identified ten affinities when asked about their perceptions of gender, power, and identity in the American community college: Character/Personal Qualities, Planning, Respect, Relationships, Sources of Power, Formal Power, Use of Power, Money, Influence, and Prestige. Figure 5.02 depicts how these factors are related. A review of this system, as well as analysis of axial and theoretical codes revealed one feedback loop. Despite having one feedback loop, Figure 5.02, comprised of the following affinities: #5 Respect to #6 Relationships to #7 Sources of Power to #3 Formal Power to #9 Use of Power to #4 Money shows that the Men s System Influence Diagram (SID) was in its simplest form. The simplified version represents the entire system for male community college administrators perceptions of gender, power, and identity in its most succinct form. Since male community college administrators were not the only constituency involved in the study, next is the presentation of the women community college administrator s system. WOMEN S INTERRELATIONSHIP DIAGRAM A focus group of women community college administrators was conducted to determine their perceptions of gender, power, and identity in the American community college. The women s focus group while also identifying 442 Character/Personal Qualities as the primary driver in their system, ascertained that nine different affinities than those determined by the men, made up gender, power, and identity. Next, the researcher rationalized the women s system also using an Interrelationship Diagram (IRD). These relationships are shown in The Women s Composite Tabular Interview IRD and the IRD sorted in order of deltas shown in Tables 5.05 and 5.06 respectively. WOMEN S INTERRELATIONSHIP DIAGRAM To begin rationalizing the system, an Interrelationship Diagram (IRD) was created by placing arrows into a table depicting the affinity pair relationships summarized in the Affinity Relationship Tables (ART) (Tables 5.01 and 5.02). The Women s Composite Tabular Interview IRD and the IRD sorted in order of deltas in shown in Tables 5.07 and 5.08. Table 5.07: Women s Composite Interview Tabular IRD Women s Composite Interview Tabular IRD 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 OUT 9 8 3 6 2 7 IN 0 1 6 3 7 2 9 7 -3 3 -5 5 443 7 8 9 10 3 4 1 2 6 5 8 7 -3 -1 -7 -5 Count the number of up arrows ( ) or Outs Count the number of left arrows ( ) or Ins Subtract the number of Ins from the Outs to determine the ( ) Deltas = Out - In Table 5.08: Women s Composite Interview Sorted IRD Women s Composite Interview Sorted IRD 1 1 2 6 4 8 3 7 5 10 9 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 OUT 9 8 7 6 4 3 3 2 2 1 IN 0 1 2 3 5 6 6 7 7 8 9 7 5 3 -1 -3 -3 -5 -5 -7 The deltas listed in the sorted IRD mark the relative position of the affinities within the system. The initial placement of the affinities in the SID is represented below. 444 Women s Tentative SID Assignments 1 2 6 4 8 3 7 5 10 9 9 7 5 3 -1 -3 -3 -5 -5 -7 PRIM DRIVER SEC DRIVER SEC DRIVER SEC DRIVER SEC DRIVER SEC OUTCOME SEC OUTCOME SEC OUTCOME SEC OUTCOME PRIM OUTCOME WOMEN S RELATIONSHIP DESCRIPTIONS A description of each relationship represented in the system follows. These relationship descriptions explain the entire system of drivers and outcomes based on a composite of the women s community college leaders interviews. Theoretical codes describing the link between affinity pairs are interpreted beginning with the affinities influenced by the system s primary driver and proceeding through each out as represented in the sorted IRD. Next, a composite description of each affinity, as described by women community college administrators is presented. Character/Personal Qualities influences As was the case for male community college administrators, women community college leaders also identified Character/Personal Qualities as the 445 overwhelming driver of power and identity in the American community college. Character/Personal Qualities has a direct influence on all aspects of power and identity. Illustration 5.10: Women s Character/Personal Qualities 2. Frame of Reference 6. Vision 4. Goal Oriented 8. Personal Comfort & Health 3. Double Standard 1. Character 7. Perseverance 9. Appearance 5. Skills 10. Collaboration Frame of Reference. Who I am as a person drives how I see the world. Vision. The way I am determines what I see. Goal Oriented. I think your character drives being goal oriented. If you have certain personality traits, behaviors and values that say that goals are important then you are going to set goals and you are going to reach them. Your drive is going to make you goal oriented. 446 Personal Comfort and Health. If you are motivated to take care of yourself then that will reflect who you are as a person and what your character is. Double Standard. Oh boy, I think that character affects how you see the double standard. Perseverance. The character that you have is going to make a difference about whether you persevere or not. Skills. I know you do not want to hear this but it could go either way. One goes to five because if you have certain values or characteristics then you are going to acquire certain skills. I think that I am who I am affects how I work on my skills. I acquire the skills. The skills don t really change who I am. Appearance. If you do not think it is important it will not be important. If your personality says that appearance is important then it will be important. Collaboration. If your personality is such that you value collaboration then you will collaborate. Frame of Reference influences Frame of reference is a secondary driver for women community college leaders power and identity systems. Frame of reference influences all aspects of power and identity except Character/Personal Qualities. 447 Illustration 5.11: Frame of Reference 6. Vision 4. Goal Oriented 8. Personal Comfort & Health 2. Frame of Reference 3. Double Standard 7. Perseverance 10. Collaboration 9. Appearance 5. Skills Vision. My frame of reference drives my vision. Goal Oriented. Frame of reference drives goal orientation. Your paradigm of the world is going to result in you having goals or not. Personal Comfort and Health. Frame of reference is going to drive personal comfort and health. If you see something as a possibility then that sense of personal comfort and health will be a result. Double Standard. Frame of reference drives the double standard. They way you see the world is going to make a difference in how you see unspoken expectations of men and women. 448 Perseverance. The way you see the world is going to make a difference in whether or not you keep going. Skills. Skills are hard for me but I think two is going to go to five. Because the way you see the world is going to make a difference in the importance of acquiring skills. Appearance. How you see the world will make a difference in how you choose to look. Collaboration. Frame of reference drives collaboration because if you see the world as collaborative then you will act collaboratively. Vision influences Similarly to Character/Personal Qualities and Frame of Reference is Vision which also serves as a secondary driver in the power and identity system for community college women. Vision has a direct influence on all aspects of the system except Character/Personal Qualities and Frame of Reference. 449 Illustration 5.12: Vision 4. Goal Oriented 8. Personal Comfort & Health 3. Double Standard 7. Perseveranc 6. Vision 10. Collaboration 9. Appearance 5. Skills Goal Oriented. Vision is going to make a difference in your goal orientation. If you see new ways of looking at things then that whole compass concept will help mark the places along the map that I need to get to in order to reach the goal. Personal Comfort and Health. If you have a vision you can sacrifice personal comfort and health. Double Standard. Vision impacts the double standard. If you always see new options and if you are adaptable then you can address double standard issues. Perseverance. My vision drives my perseverance level. 450 Skills. I think if I have a vision I will acquire the skills so definitely the vision drives the skills. Appearance. If you have a vision of who you are and see different directions then expectations of appearance and appearance itself are not so important. But you have power all the same because as that vision strengthens the appearance factor weakens in importance. Collaboration. My vision determines how I collaborate. Goal Oriented influences Like Vision, being Goal Oriented is a secondary driver of the power and identity system for women community college administrators. Goal Orientation affects all aspects of the system except Character/Personal Qualities, Frame of Reference, and Vision. 451 Illustration 5.13: Goal Oriented 8. Personal Comfort & Health 3. Double Standard 4. Goal Oriented 7. Perseverance 5. Skills 9. Appearance 10. Collaboration Personal Comfort and Health. I think goal orientation makes me do what I need to do for my personal comfort. If I my goal is to run a marathon my training is going to be impacted. Double Standard. My goal orientation impacts whether or not I see a double standard. Perseverance. Having goals and wanting to accomplish those goals is definitely going to help when the going gets tough. Skills. Goal orientation impacts skills. My goal is to be a college president and so I want to acquire as many skills as possible to be able to do that. 452 Appearance. If my goal is to be 20 pounds thinner my diet will be impacted. If my goal is to come across as presidential then I am going to make a difference in my appearance. Collaboration. Definitely goals will cause you to collaborate with people you never dreamed you would collaborate with. You have got to get where you are going so having a goal orientation is critical. Personal Comfort and Health influences Although Personal Comfort and Health is not an overwhelming driver of the power and identity system for women who are community college administrators, Personal Comfort and Health influences other elements in the system. Personal Comfort and Health has a direct influence on Double Standard, Perseverance, Skills, Appearance, and Collaboration. 453 Illustration 5.14: Personal Comfort and Health 8. Personal Comfort and Health 3. Double Standard 10. Collaboration 5. Skills 7. Perseverance 9. Appearance Double Standard. I seek personal comfort and health knowing that there is a double standard. Perseverance. Personal comfort allows me to persevere so I would say personal comfort drives perseverance. If I find out that I have a terminal illness my perseverance may change because my priorities change. Skills. Now that you frame it like that, particularly with what comfort is for me, in terms of my time to think that allows me to kind of figure out what I need to do next. It is kind of like a personal debriefing so I would have to say that the comfort allows me to develop skills. 454 Appearance. Personal comfort and health is going to impact appearance. If you feel good you are going to look good. Collaboration. Eight drives ten. If I do not feel good I do not want to be around people. Double Standard influences . Since many factors influence the Double Standard, this element is a secondary outcome of the overall system. Nonetheless, the Double Standard has a direct influence on Perseverance, Skills, Personal Comfort and Health, Appearance, and Collaboration. Illustration 5.15: Double Standard 8. Personal Comfort and Health 3. Double Standard 10. Collaboration 5. Skills 7. Perseverance 9. Appearance 455 Perseverance. The double standard drives my perseverance. I know I have to just do what I call the twice as good. I have to do better because of the double standard. I just have to work harder. The double standard impacts women s perseverance. It becomes frustrating when you feel like you always have to work harder than men and I think that impacts the ability to persevere. Skills. The double standard affects what skills I develop. It also has an impact on how I acquire skills because I know I need to be able to perform at a higher level than the men around me. Personal Comfort and Health. I would say the double standard does drive my comfort level. It forces me to take the time I need to kick back. I am under a lot of stress from the double standard so I do have to take that time. The double standard impacts my personal comfort and health. I believe the double standard exists and for many women that affects their personal comfort level around some men. We talked a lot about mental health because no matter whether the double standard exists perception wise or in reality a woman does get paid less than a man. That is going to affect my mental health and my confidence. Appearance. Definitely the double standard impacts appearance. Our culture has dictated that women need to look a certain way. They have to wear make-up, panty hose, and high heels. Collaboration. I think the double standard drives collaboration in a lot of ways. You just know as a female that you are not going to be able to do some 456 of the things that other people can do as a lone wolf and you know that you kind of have to gather your troops and work with other people to get what you need. Perseverance influences Like the Double Standard, Perseverance is a secondary outcome of the power and identity system for women community college leaders. Perseverance influences Skills, Personal Comfort and Health, Double Standard, Appearance, and Collaboration. Illustration 5.16: Perseverance 8. Personal Comfort and Health 3. Double Standard 10. Collaboration 5. Skills 7. Perseverance 9. Appearance Skills. My perseverance drives my skill acquisition. 457 Personal Comfort and Health. Perseverance drives me to take care of myself. Double Standard. standard. Appearance. I have an exercise plan and I persevere with it so I can look the way I want. Collaboration. In order to truly collaborate at a very high level you have to persevere. By being persevering I can fight the double Skills influences Like the Double Standard and Perseverance, Skills is a secondary outcome. Skills influences Personal Comfort and Health, the Double Standard, Perseverance, Appearance, and Collaboration. 458 Illustration 5.17: Skills 8. Personal Comfort and Health 3. Double Standard 10. Collaboration 5. Skills 7. Perseverance 9. Appearance Personal Comfort and Health. If you acquire skills and work on skills then your personal comfort and health will be taken care of. Double Standard. Skills drives the double standard because if you have high skills and you work really hard to improve your skills you can address double standard issues. Perseverance. If you have certain skills then it is going to be easier to persevere. 459 Appearance. When I have high skills acquisition appearance does not seem as important. Collaboration. Skills drives collaboration. Having skills is going to affect how you collaborate. There are some people who just do not have the capacity to collaborate because it just does not fit into how they see the world. Appearance influences The last secondary outcome is Appearance. Appearance affects Collaboration, the primary outcome and the Double Standard, Perseverance, Skills, and Personal Comfort and Health. Illustration 5.18: Appearance 8. Personal Comfort and Health 3. Double Standard 10. Collaboration 5. Skills 7. Perseverance 9. Appearance 460 Collaboration. When I look and feel good I collaborate better than when I do not look good. Double Standard. Appearance drives the double standard. Perseverance. How I look affects my ability to persevere. Skills. Appearance drives skills. Personal Comfort and Health. health. Appearance drives personal comfort and Collaboration influences Collaboration is the primary outcome and affects the Double Standard, Perseverance, Skills, Personal Comfort and Health, and Appearance. 461 Illustration 5.19: Collaboration 8. Personal Comfort and Health 3. Double Standard 10. Collaboration 5. Skills 7. Perseverance 9. Appearance Double Standard. Collaboration affects the double standard and for the opposite reason that I just gave on appearance. If people are empowered to collaborate and approach the world in that way I think that helps decrease the double standard. Perseverance. Collaboration affects my ability to persevere. Skills. Collaboration affects what skills I develop. Personal Comfort and Health. Collaboration affects personal comfort and health. Women need a support network and if they are collaborating then that will make a more healthy environment which will promote personal health. 462 Appearance. Collaboration affects appearance. When we collaborate and work with people we get to know them in a collaborative environment and the less importance appearance has. WOMEN S SYSTEM INFLUENCE DIAGRAM The System Influence Diagram (SID) is a system representation of the relationship descriptions and the data contained in the IRD. This visual diagram shows the entire system of power and identity drivers and outcomes according to female community college leaders. Cluttered SID A composite of all system relationships is depicted in a cluttered SID. The cluttered SID contains all the links represented in the IRD. Female community college leaders cluttered SID is shown in Figure 5.04. 463 Figure 5.04: Female Community College Leaders Cluttered SID 8. PERS. COMF & HLTH 6. VISION 7. PERSEVERANCE 1. CHARACTER 10. COLLABORATIO N 2. FRAME OF REF 9. APPEARA 4. GOAL ORIENTED 5. SKILLS 3. DOUBLE STANDARD By removing redundant links, an uncluttered SID was developed to depict female community college leaders perceptions of identity and power. The resulting SID is illustrated in Figure 5.05. 464 Figure 5.05: Female Community College Leaders Uncluttered SID 1. CHARACTER 2. FRAME OF REF 6. VISION 4. GOAL ORIENTED 8. PERS. COMF & HLTH 3. DOUBLE STANDARD 10. COLLABORATION 5. SKILLS 7. PERSEVERANCE 9. APPEARANCE Tour of the System For Female Community College Leaders The uncluttered SID is a system of power and identity for female community college leaders. The following tour explains their perceptions of power and identity as a journey that begins with Character/Personal Qualities and ends in a feedback loop. How each affinity is perceived, either positively or negatively, can influence the subsequent affinities (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003, p. 26). The tour is depicted visually in Figure 5.06. 465 Figure 5.06: Female Community College Leaders Theoretical Summary SID 1. CHARACTER 2. FRAME OF REF 6. VISION 4. GOAL ORIENTED 8. PERS. COMF & HLTH 3. DOUBLE STANDARD 10. COLLABORATIO 5. SKILLS 7. PERSEVERANCE 9. APPEARANCE 1. Leaders character/personal qualities are responsible for driving how they see the world. 2. Community college women s frame of reference impacts their vision for the future. 8. Personal comfort and health drive the double standard. How one feel s determines whether community college women see a double standard or not. 3. The double standard impacts perseverance. When there is a double standard it affects women s ability to persevere. 9. Appearance affects collaboration. When women are self assured about their appearance they are more willing to collaborate effectively. 10. Collaboration drives the double standard. When collaboration is going well women place less emphasis on the double standard. When collaboration is stressful community college women see the double standard as more invasive. 6. Vision impacts how goal oriented female community college administrators are. Vision determines the goals that women set for themselves, others, and their institutions. 4. Being goal oriented drives personal comfort and health. The energy, time, and work that it takes to set and achieve goals sets the parameters for what measures community college women take to care for themselves. 7. Perseverance drives skills because when women can endure and show up day-after-day they acquire more skills and increase their ability to be skillful. 5. Skills drives personal comfort and health as well as appearance. When community college women are skillful they feel better. Similarly, when they are skillful they feel more confident in their appearance. The women community college administrators perceptions of gender, power, and identity in the American community college begins with character/personal qualities. Personality, traits, behaviors, and the like determine 466 how women see the world and what frame of reference they use to function in daily life. The paradigm that female community college administrators use for their worldview impacts the vision they have for future opportunities. Women must see possibilities and new options when they are goal oriented. Being goal oriented means taking time and energy to both set goals and reach them which requires some type of self-sustaining activity. Taking care of oneself is critical to how women feel about their work and about working with the double standard. When women feel strong and healthy the impact of the double standard diminishes and when they feel sick or out of sorts the stressors of the double standard increase. The double standard drives perseverance. Working under the double standard makes it more difficult for women to persevere because they feel that their efforts are less appreciated. When women do persevere it affects their skills because they find they give themselves more time and opportunities to increase their aptitudes and competencies. Increased skill acquisition drives personal comfort and health. When female community college administrators are positive about their skill level they feel more inclined to do those things that make them feel alive and happy. Skills also drive appearance. When women feel optimistic about their skill development they are more confident and it shows in their appearance. The reverse would be true when women feel disappointed about their skill level. 467 Appearance affects collaboration in that when women are upbeat about how they look they tend to collaborate in a more buoyant and effective manner. When female community college administrators feel they are not looking their best their efforts at collaboration are strained and frustrating. These factors influence the approach women administrators used when coping with gender, power, and identity in the American community college. Feedback Loops and Zooming The female community college leaders power and identity system included one feedback loop, which contained four affinities, each influencing the other. Since the SID suggested the affinities within the feedback loop operate together, the distinction between drivers and outcomes was blurred (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003, p. 27). Based on the interconnected nature of the affinities in the feedback loop these factors have meaning as a dynamic set of elements. Because the feedback loop is comprised on elements that cannot be consolidated into a single larger affinity no zooming was possible. The final version of the Women s SID was presented in its simplest form under Figure 5.05. FEMALE COMMUNITY COLLEGE LEADERS SYSTEM SUMMARY To discover what factors comprise women community college administrators perceptions of gender, power, and identity in the American community college and how these factors relate, a focus group was conducted with mid-level career professional educators. Focus group members identified ten 468 affinities: Character/Personal Qualities, Frame of Reference, Vision, Goal Oriented, Personal Comfort and Health, Double Standard, Perseverance, Skills, Appearance, and Collaboration when asked about gender, power, and identity. To illustrate how these factors were related, a Systems Influence Diagram (SID) was developed from the data. A review and analysis of this system revealed a feedback loop containing the following four affinities: Personal Comfort and Health, Double Standard, Perseverance, and Skills. Since this feedback loop could not be simplified a zoomed view of the system was not created. The simplest version of the Women s SID is portrayed succinctly as it pertains to gender, power, and identity in the American community college. In the last section of Chapter Five both constituencies systems are compared and inferences are drawn based on theoretical perspectives related to the links of the systems. The resulting implications produce a comprehensive review of gender, power, and identity for community college men and women mid-career professionals. But, first an analytical sidebar seems appropriate. The researcher believes an explanation of the upcoming discussion about feedback loops spinning in a positive or negative direction is critical to understanding the implications of this study. In addition to being informatory, the propensity of affinities to spin in a negative or a positive direction is an essential and useful tool within the Interactive Qualitative Analysis (IQA) methodology. 469 ANALYTICAL SIDEBAR: THE NATURE OF SPINNING According to Northcutt (personal communication, March 20, 2004) loops must involve the mutual interaction of at least three affinities, which allows for a dynamism or spin not present in more traditional models. Hence, a loop may produce either negative, oppressive, and negligent results, or positive, liberating, and beneficial results, depending on its internal dynamics or spin (N. Northcutt, personal communication, March 20, 2004). Northcutt (personal communication, March 20, 2004) makes the point that typically, a loop goes negative when any one affinity, which itself has an internal dynamic called timbre, goes negative. The relationship between the part (the affinity) and the whole (the loop) is such that the part can negatively affect the whole, which in turn degrades the part, thus creating a runaway or chain reaction. By the same token, a positive timbre in one affinity can create an overall positive result from the loop unless at some other point in time one of the affinities happens to go negative. It is important to understand that as long as the affinities in any given feedback loop have a positive overtone the loop will continue to produce desired results. If, however, any one or more of the affinities goes negative at any point in time, that same feedback loop will generate unwanted results. Northcutt (personal communication, March 20, 2004) observes that in the physical world, closed systems, of which feedback loops are an example, tend to 470 degrade or maximize entropy in the absence of external inputs or maintenance. The world of social relationships is probably very similar. Just as a closed thermodynamic system experiences increasing entropy without an external source of energy, human feedback loops, whether psychological, social, or organizational, tend to go negative in the absence of external intervention or the input of additional energy (N. Northcutt, personal communication, March 20, 2004). The conceptual model of a feedback loop suggests a very specific and potentially very useful definition of leadership (N. Northcutt, personal communication, March 20, 2004). Leadership is that action taken to: Interrupt negative feedback loops Create positive feedback loops Maintain existing positive feedback loops For example, when community college men and women are promoted to executive leadership positions, either group or any individual within the men s or women s group, may target one of the affinities and manipulate and/or shape it such that the loop in which it is situated may spin either positively or negatively. This does not mean however, that a man or a woman can actively and solely impact each and every affinity. It does mean that in addition to human beings having free will, where they can influence a loop to spin in a positive or negative 471 direction, that there are also external factors that are extend beyond the reach of humans. Such external stimuli can also cause a loop to spin in a positive or negative direction. Stimuli can be external or internal in nature and include such things as ways of thinking, information, attitudes, beliefs, values, behaviors, and the like. Identifying such external and internal stimuli can help any one or more of the affinities resist the tendency to act unfavorably. But that should not mislead the reader into believing that control of any one or more of the affinities is always possible. The timbre of any affinity and spin direction of any one or more of the loops can also be impacted by external stimuli such that a man or woman is powerless to control its outcome. The following example will illustrate such a dynamic. When using a common aphorism, such as success breeds success it becomes clear how the timbre of the affinities as they pertain to spin direction, whether positive or negative, determine desirable or undesirable outcomes. Since every feedback loop must contain at least three elements, using the above aphorism it is clear that when the three affinities comprising this loop have a positive timbre the feedback loop will have a constructive and hopeful spin. For example, the first affinity, the expectation of good results (optimism) leads to the second affinity, the output of excellent work, which leads to the third affinity, 472 positive feedback. Positive feedback reinforces the first affinity, optimism, therefore creating a positive feedback loop. On the other hand, suppose one of the elements changes in timbre from positive to negative. Affinity number two, work output, is judged to be of poor quality which leads to affinity number three, negative feedback, which causes the timbre of the first affinity, the expectation of certain results to go from positive to negative. The negative spin of this loop is reinforced by the unfavorable timbre of the affinities, which repeats itself in an unending cycle of undesirable outcomes. Next, the Men s and Women s System Influence Diagrams (SIDs) are compared. SYSTEM COMPARISONS Representing the systems of the two constituency groups as mind maps, or SIDs, provided multiple opportunities for comparison. Comparing the SIDs allowed the researcher to place comparisons in theoretical context, draw conclusions, and suggest interventions based on the data (Northcutt & McCoy, 2003). According to Ackerman (2000) people who develop a comprehensive and solid understanding of their identity [power, and gender] look at the world in an integrated way (p. 3). Male and female community college administrators who have an inclusive view of the world about how their experiences, attitudes, behaviors, traits, characteristics, and the like create individualized accounts about 473 why things are the way they are and increase their ability to understand and lead both on a micro- and macro- level. In other words, they lead most effectively when they understand how their gender, identity and power become the framework for how they view the world. The production of a cohesive story about how things are or how things should be is the result of acquiring the knowledge that is so necessary for effective leadership (Ackerman, 2000). Understanding the history set by one s former path of life experiences and the resulting self-awareness that likely ensues men and women community colleges administrators stand a better chance of leading others in ways that are in alignment with who they are as people. Leadership is not just about one s job, title, or position as can be attested to by both the men s and women s group but instead comes about as a result of identity development and how the exercise and self definition of one s power form via gender to facilitate leadership (Ackerman, 2000, p. 5). In fact, simply put, power and identity unite in unique and distinctive ways to formulate a way of living that is a result of one s gender socialization. This concept can be used and expanded on beyond the realm of the individual to the team, department, and/or the organization. Gender, power and a sense of one s identity form a big picture that in effect serves as a definition of who a person, team, department, and/or organization, is. Finding oneself, knowing oneself, and showing oneself become the essential act that makes praxis so critical to being an effective leader (Ackerman, 2000, p. 6). This practice is a 474 framework for coming to terms with one s special capacities and living accordingly (Ackerman, 2000, p. 6). The authentic System Influence Diagram (SID) that the men s and women groups produced explain the route to understanding power, identity, and gender for those particular constituencies. It is important to note that both systems, at any point, could spin in a negative or positive direction, which ultimately determines the tone of the outcome for both groups. For example, in the men s system if affinity #2 Planning were to spin negatively, meaning the failure to plan, then the respect that men claim they so desire would be an unlikely result. That in turn would affect the nature of the relationships they are able to form, or not, which would thus impact every other affinity in the system. The reverse is true as well. When spun in a positive fashion affinity #2 Planning drives affinity #5 Respect in such a way that the esteem that is a reward of effective planning can be realized. It is important to not forget that although an affinity could spin in a positive or negative direction did not mean that the rest of the affinities in the loop followed the same positive or negative direction. At any point in the system the spin could rotate in a positive or negative direction resulting in a desirable or unfavorable path. The essential point is that the key to claiming ownership of oneself and who you put out to the world is a result of understanding how one s gender, identity and power unite to produce a cohesive story. Authenticity precedes 475 effectiveness in terms of the exercise of power and identity no matter whether this person is revered or despised. This results in either a negative spin or a positive spin in the Men s and Women s System Influence Diagram (SID), which tells the tale of how successful leadership can be achieved or missed. Next, the Men s System Influence Diagram (SID) is divided into three parts for easier analysis of how each affinity not only drives the next affinity but also as an example of negative and/or positive spins and what that means as it relates to the literature. An arbitrary breakdown of the Men s System Influence Diagram (SID) was chosen as shown below to provide a mechanism for the examination of the parts of the system. MEN I. Character/Personal Qualities to Planning to Respect (Affinities #1 - 2 5) II. Respect to Relationships to Sources of Power to Formal Power to Use of Power to Money Feedback Loop One (Affinities #5 6 7 3 9 4 - 5) III. Money to Influence to Prestige (Affinities #4 10 8) IV. Character/Personal Qualities to Planning to Respect (Affinities #1 2 5) 476 When one explores the men s system and looks at the first grouping of the three affinities comprised of Character/Personal Qualities to Planning to Respect (or affinity #1 to #2 to #5) the researcher, on a positive spin, could perceive a man as leading with a sense of self-confidence, ethical behavior, and extreme focus. In contrast, the researcher could also determine that the man based, on a negative spin, could perceive as leading in a dominant, controlling, and abusive manner. According to Gittins (1996) institutions like education, family, schooling and more are enshrined in the United States as legal, social, religious, and economic systems, which, in turn, reinforce the ideology and penalize or ostracize those who transgress it (p. 74). This statement implies that no matter whether an affinity (ties) is spun positively or negatively that the institution of patriarchal ideology encourages, cajoles, and pressures people to follow certain behavioral patterns (Gittins, 1996, p. 74). It is in this way that men are victims of their own constructions of oppressive institutionalized systems such as gender, class, and race (hooks, 1991). Since gender, more than race and class, is the primary focus of this study as it relates to power and identity it is appropriate to incorporate aspects of psychoanalytic theory pertaining to socially constructed notions of masculinity and femininity. According to Connell (1995) when psychoanalyst Alfred Adler split from Freud in 1911 the centerpiece of their research was a theory of masculinity. Adler s argument polarized masculinity and femininity whereby 477 masculinity was perceived as meta-normative and femininity was devalued in American culture as weak and dependent. Reverence of the canonization of such psychoanalytic theory, as produced by White men, formed the foundation upon which many other men might interpret a strong character with masculine notions of personality as seen in the interviews with the male constituency. Hence, identification by White men of White psychoanalysts is the primary connection, at least partially explaining, the sense of dissonance felt by non-Caucasian men to meta-normative standards of what are considered desirable masculine personal qualities (hooks, 1991). According to Thiele, (1996) theories of identity construction, until recent decades, have traditionally reflected male discourse where women appear as peripheral to the main event. She is an ideological construction of a male theorists imagination (Thiele, 1996, p. 26). This desire to escape anything seen as dependent reinforces or over-enforces a masculine protest of overcompensation in the direction of aggression if one believes in Freud s Oedipus complex. (Connell, 1995, p. 16). Similarly, Muscio (1998) rallies that it is men s fear of women that initiates their misogynist attitudes, When most men who don t understand women see how really scary we are, courage usually segues to fear. This results in anger, frustration, violence, and the perpetuation of general disrespect towards women (p. 49). But, perhaps the more important point is, Women are constantly defined in relation to men (Kramer, 1991; McDowell & 478 Pringle, 1996, p. 3). Further, women are defined in contrast or complimentary to men in those relationships as dependent or subordinate beings (Butler, 1999; Kramer, 1991; Lorber, 1994; McDowell & Pringle, 1996). The Men s System Influence Diagram (SID) reflects Erikson s work on gender identity where masculine notions of strength of character, self-confidence, and self-assuredness are the marks of successful leaders. The emotional development and the establishment of an ego-identity in correlation with an understanding of power and gender socialization combine to describe how the men s group felt a positive or negative spin resulted in successful or ineffective leadership (Connell, 1995, p. 14). Chodorow (1999) comments on Erikson s book, Childhood and Society, when she explains that Erikson saw polarities such as success and/or failure in the following context, Men who share an ethnic area, a historical era, or an economic pursuit are guided by common images of good and evil (p. 227). Further, that identity has been dependent on not only identifying with others but on being recognized by others as a particular individual in a particular universe (Chodorow, 1999, p. 229). It would seem from this remark that the cultural fascination that stems from identity development has been at last partially based on extremes. If one buys into the idea that Gender identity is established by emotional interaction between parents and children (Connell, 1995, p. 14) then a seamless connection could be drawn that Freud s point regarding a particularly harsh 479 emphasis on the mother s influence could not be easily dismissed (Heilbrun, 1979; Mitchell, 1974). Inferences could be drawn that without the internal fight of denying an attraction to their mother that men would not develop the fortitude and discipline so necessary to developing a strong character (Chodorow, 1989; Mitchell, 1974). Of course, Freud s notions about sexual maturation and gender while essentializing might find points of agreement with how the men s group depicts respected individuals as rejecting anything remotely connected to effeminacy, passivity, or domesticity (Gallop, 1989; Mitchell, 1974; Tong, 1989). Tong (1989) rallies that when men go through normal maturation they end up displaying traditionally masculine traits, i.e. those qualities the men s group define as essential to male leaders. It is here that gender as a social practice is ordered (Kramer, 1991; Lorber, 1994). Gender is not determined according to biology or sex but by historical processes set in motion with identity development to produce a greater affinity with being male or female (Chodorow, 1989). This portends the question about whether masculinity is problematic in identity politics or is it the institutionalization of gender construction that produces inequality between men and women with their inherent tensions of what masculine is versus what is feminine (Heyes, 2000). Yet, some feminists are skeptical of the new sensitive man and other images which portray men as warm n fuzzy (Connell, 1995, p. 42). Men are thus condemned to either portray stereotypical traits of strength 480 and resilience, which frequently are warped into constructs of domination, abuse, and control. Still, there should not be assumptions that men are absent from the home or women from the workplace but instead that work as an ideology is an extension of male identity much in the same way that femininity is to the private sphere of home and family. While essentializing should always be avoided one cannot ignore that in most instances women s role in the workplace is seen as a secondary activity in their lives to the managing of the home environment (Kramer, 1991; McDowell & Pringle, 1996). When the men s first affinity Character feeds into affinity #2 Planning it too can spun positively or negatively into affinity #5 Respect. For example, the men s group stated that in the Planning affinity such factors as life experience, self-awareness, flexibility and the ability to strategize were seen as desirable in terms of earning what was considered enviable respect. In addition, some saw respect as stemming from the wise employment of power, mentorship, for having a spiritual connection, and for valuing and treating others with esteem. The reverse can also be said when other men report that such factors as Machiavellian methods, lack of planning, coercive and intimidating behavior lead to respect but in its most negative, feared, and abusive form. Keeping others guessing about one s plans, dishonesty, exploiting the weak, the obsession with acquiring material goods, treating others poorly, and acting in questionable or self 481 serving purposes were also described as ways to gain respect but in its most negative connotation. Essentializing in positive or negative ways always produces predictable outcomes that cannot be relied on for accurate forecasts of effective leadership. Still, the knowledge that the Men s System Influence Diagram (SID) reveals cannot be overlooked since the data from their interviews is the best source of information available regarding the critical role that Respect play in power and identity. An examination of the subsequent series of men s affinities is reviewed next as they interact in the men s one and only feedback loop. Respect/Relationships/Sources of Power/Formal Power/Use of Power/ Money (Affinities #5 6 7 3 9 - 4 - 5) Feedback Loop One When analyzing affinity #5 Respect it is clear that it represents the beginning of the feedback loop comprised of the following affinities: Respect/Relationships/Sources of Power/Formal Power/Use of Power/Money. Whether spun positively or negatively when Respect impacts affinity #6 Relationships it is seen as being used for networking, professional relationship building, and important to gaining and sustaining power. In an interesting side note, men are defined in relation to a larger public world in which they operate, meaning that for the men s group Relationships are defined as associations with other administrators or organizations. 482 In affinity #6 Relationships men s capacity for close friendships is sharply restricted (Walker, as cited in Kimmel & Messner, 1998). Whether due to the development of the masculine psyche or cultural prescription men often view one another as competitive entities and suggest that such an assumption can be translate into actual behavior (Heyes, 2000). Surely there are exceptions where men share verbal self-disclosure with male friends, participate in activities such as having dinner, share ritual events and visit but in this study the men indicate that relationships are for strategic purposes as opposed to intimacy (Walker, as cited in Kimmel & Messner, 1998). Gallop (1982) suggests that Lacan viewed man as the phallus is the privileged signifier believing his antithesis to be the ladies man who was expert at flirtation (p. 19 & 35). Gallop (1982) remarks that the ladies man is the opposite of the hunter who instead focuses on coquetry: his words necessarily and erotically ambiguous (p. 35). Further, she rallies that the ladies man s masculinity is questionable when the real man suspects his adversary s behavioral flirtations as connoting effeminacy (Gallop, 1989). Elements such as compromise, context, accommodation, integrity, and honesty are vehicles for the functioning of relationships according to the men s constituency. These factors too can be spun positively or negatively. For example, some men feel they cannot afford to be too judgmental in their choice of relationships because they need to have relationships with all sorts of people (i.e. race, religion, gender, class) and groups while others feel discretion is imperative 483 for time management and effectiveness. The positive or negative spin of each affinity and/or feedback loop provides the explanation for the System Influence Diagram s (SID) outcomes. When the men define affinity #7 Sources of Power they see the basis of power as stemming from such elements as God, spirituality, role models, and power by association. These elements are formed by one s socialization patterns, upbringing, personality, credentials, training, education, title, resources, and the like (Muscio, 1998). Men s Sources of Power come from people, places, things, and events and thus impact not only whether they gain Formal Power but also what kind of Formal Power they acquire. Spun positively or negatively affinity #7 Sources of Power impacts affinity #3 Formal Power and can result in real power versus perceived power or the semblance of power without the authority and responsibility to actually carry out tasks (Muscio, 1998). Job duties such as hiring and firing are attributed to demonstrations of Formal Power. Other public exercises of humility versus outward manifestations of affluence depict how Formal Power can be observed. The men s group reports that affinity #6 Formal Power is a logical transition to affinity #9 Use of Power. Use of Power is described by the men s group in terms of polarities such as: good versus evil, men versus women, empowering vs. self-serving, and the like. Use of Power is described as having the ability to bolster or discredit others, motivate or disillusion, uplift or diminish, 484 let the sun shine in on or render invisible and marginalize colleagues and subordinates. The men feel the power they wield at work (as president and leader) does not translate into the same capacity for usage as when they are at home (being trash thrower and dad). For example, according to Bly (1990), the images of adult men as independent, tough, untouchable, and rugged no longer apply and it is the man that is open to new ways of being that best reflects the potential for even greater status. Whether man is seen as independent because he is rugged and alone or relational because he is touchy feely some modicum of independent decision making and impacting others in significant ways is the same. The structural relationship between men as employers/husbands/fathers and women as employees/wives/mothers while seemingly essentializing is the interpretation by the men s group of the relational status between men and women (Butler, 1999; Heyes, 2000; Mitchell, 1974). It is not too far a reach to further suggest that in many cases this relationship is analogous to marriage as an archetype of exchange (Chodorow, 1989; Mitchell, 1974; Muscio, 1998). This raises the question of whether dichotomizing the relationships between men and women as they define our understanding of power and identity is the best mechanism for understanding the dynamics that exist in gender relations (Butler, 1999; Grosz, 1990; Lorber, 1994; McDowell & Pringle, 1996)? 485 Affinity #9 Use of Power drives affinity #4 Money. There are varied reactions to money as some men feel it is critical to being able to act and affect change while others seem to think it is not as important. The men who claim money is not an essential component to affect change cite examples of such men as Jesus and Gandhi. The researcher questioned the idea that affinity #4 Money might mean currency its most literal translation. Instead she expanded on the notion of money whereby it served as the equivalent of access to resources. While men like Gandhi and Jesus may not have had actual currency, which may never be truly determined, they did have access to resources. The majority of men see money as essential to power and identity and report that it is indeed a measure of a man s success. Having money, according to the men s constituency, is an indicator of authority and influence and is critical to increasing one s power. It is important to notice one danger associated with homogenizing groups, such as men in this case, whereby assumptions of collective identity, i.e. that all men want money, constitute an internal feature of a group or an individual (Butler, 1999; Lorber, 1994). In other words, when and where do regulatory practices and assumptions about gender formation make up identity? Have notions of traditional and expected gender socialization processes also defined the parameters and substance of identity construction (Lorber, 1994)? How mistaken have researchers been in their efforts to analyze gender only to erroneously confuse identity with normative ideals (Butler, 1999)? The researcher is hopeful 486 that addressing these types of questions will continue to advance the examination of gender, power, and identity in a multitude of settings. Next, a review of the possible routes of the remaining affinities is examined. Money back to the Respect Feedback Loop or on to Influence and Prestige (Affinities #4 5 - 6 7 3 9 4 or #4 10 8) The only feedback loop in the men s System Influence Diagram (SID) was discussed above where affinity #4 Money could either feed back into the loop or move on to the rest of the system as represented by affinities: #4 10 8. In this section the affinities Money, Influence, and Prestige are examined. When affinity #4 Money feeds into affinity #10 Influence it too could spin negatively or positively. For some men money has a negative connotation and feeds into influence as a way to manipulate, coerce, or force others to do things they might not have wanted to do otherwise. Under different circumstances influence could be interpreted as positive in terms of sway, motivation, and inspiration. In the case of a positive or a negative spin both function whereby power operates most effectively when people are unaware of its presence and believe that they are doing what they choose to do (Maguire, 1996, p. 9). According to Maguire (1996) men frequently rationalize how influence operates by either denying or confirming its impact based on whether followers embrace or dismiss its success or failure rate. 487 Affinity #10 Influence impacts affinity #8 Prestige in either a positive or negative spin as well. The men view Prestige as creating a sense of personal wellbeing, appreciation, and sincere recognition while others view it as false flattery resulting in unsolicited visibility. Unsure of whether to trust its authenticity Prestige is seen as both highly desirable and suspiciously unreliable. One male interviewee associated Prestige with cowboys and President Bush. He suggested that while the political ramifications of such a public image hinted at the nature of institutionalized authority it also indirectly intimates the rugged individualism that is independent and outside the private world so often attributed to women s sphere (McDowell & Pringle, 1996). Yet, in the private world of personal relationships and family, men can exercise their power in equally as abusive a manner. Some men get prestige based on external things like title while others get prestige from their work and the contributions they make to their organizations. In all cases, however, it is agreed that power brings prestige. Another note of caution seems appropriate here. Namely, that no more than women, under the practice and conceptualization of feminism, are assumed to be monolithic in scope are men as a group homogenous. For example, no more are the multi-layered practices of power in American society where gender dominance and its sources of ideology used as a systematic and critical theoretical base for masculine homogeneity used than are men attacking men under same sex subordination and denigration (Lorber, 1994). 488 The next analysis of the Women s System Influence Diagram (SID) is also divided into parts for easier examination. Relationships between and among the affinities interact to explain gender, power, and identity for female community college administrators. WOMEN I. Character/Personal Qualities to Frame of Reference to Vision to Goal Oriented (Affinities #1 - 2 6 - 4) II. Personal Comfort and Health to Double Standard to Perseverance to Skills Feedback Loop One (Affinities #8 3 7 5 8) III. Double Standard to Perseverance to Skills to Appearance to Collaboration Feedback Loop Two (Affinities #3 7 5 9 10 - 3) IV. Character/Personal Qualities to Frame of Reference to Vision to Goal Oriented (Affinities #1 2 6 - 4) Similar to the men s system, the women s system starts with affinity #1 Character/Personal Qualities but it is there that the similarity ends. When examining the women s system and looking at the first grouping of affinities comprised of Character/Personal Qualities to Frame of Reference to Vision to 489 Goal Oriented (or affinity #1 to #2 to #6 to #4) the sequence of affinities reveals that women s sense of identity and power starts with the personality, behaviors, attitudes, values, and the like as represented under affinity #1. Women s Character/Personal Qualities includes such notions of a strong sense of self-efficacy, honesty, integrity, valuing diversity, empowering others, resiliency, perceptiveness, and resourcefulness. A side note here is relevant that is when such statements as the previous one were composed the researcher was guilty herself of analyzing the data in way that was perhaps indicative of her tendency to essentialize particular qualities as female, not male. For example, gendering society whereby notions of feminine characteristics serve, as a solution to masculine characteristics is shortsighted and na ve (Grosz, 1990). The misunderstood implication is that women s qualities emerge out of their biology rather than through acquired learning reflective of a feminine psyche and body (Chodorow, 1989). Continuing with the system comparison, when the sequence of affinities comprised affinities of #1-#2-#6-#4 are spun in a positive manner affinity #1 Character leads to affinity #2 Frame of Reference in a way that causes women to see the world in a way where they feel they can affect change. When spun in a negative fashion Character drives Frame of Reference in a way that causes women to be cynical and judgmental about how the world operates. This is relevant because according to Maguire (1996) and Muscio (1998) knowledge of 490 the mechanisms by which power are exercised are no exception. For example, having the knowledge of how a system works enables one to play the system better so if women recognize, which many do not, that they are perceived as affecting change, perhaps it is then possible to actually do so. To succeed in terms defined by a male-oriented society, which is the paramount indicator in American society, requires accepting a set of values and attitudes which men, not women, have defined (Butler, 1999; Muscio, 1998). While women often unconsciously accept this set of values and attitudes as defined by men, they participate in a masculine, polarized way for which they pay the price (Butler, 1999; Maguire, 1996; Muscio, 1998). The majority of time, however, the women interviewees see affinity #2 Frame of Reference in a different light. They describe their worldview as being shaped by experiencing such things as watching their brothers being treated differently when they were growing up. The women endure jokes about blondes that are meant to diminish women with light colored hair as not being thinking creatures (Rowe, 1995). They talk about dealing with institutionalized sexism and racism and how those elements are evident between women as well as between men and women (Grosz, 1990). The family, media, religion, and schooling are used as examples of vehicles used to send messages to women indicating their second-class status (Muscio, 1998). The most commonly used expression when talking with the women abut how they view their environment 491 was over and over, It is a man s world. While the women seem in agreement about it being a man s world, Heyes (2000), McDowell & Pringle (1996) and Muscio (1988) state that post-structuralists insist that language and discourse are highly suspect as they relate to claims of universal truth. Butler (1999) and Maguire (1996) add that discourse is always political in nature and is indicative of power relations and context. Believing that language is reality always confuses the political act that discourse is. Further, according to Maguire (1996), the reality of our everyday lives is conveyed to us through social and political institutions which serve as the framework upon which men and women s reality hangs (p. 18). For example, when men and women work in social institutions such as education, which have a sense of purpose, perhaps serving students for instance, they believe, for the most part, that what they are doing is fulfilling a personal if not institutional mission. This is the point at which both men and women face the insidious side of power, which operates by controlling our perceptions of ourselves, our awareness of reality, by exercising manipulative control over our minds (Maguire, 1996, p. 24). Maguire remarks that while the term paranoia may enter our consciousness perhaps it is the failure to perceive such a persistent and sinister injustice that in fact completes the circle that power is at play (Maguire, 1996). Yet what does education do but gear schooling and training to fit people into society in ways that are meant to control and reflect the dominant images and 492 values of civilization? Further, schooling and training condition people to go on accepting these practices (Muscio, 1998). All institutions are constructed with just as much intent of hegemonic purpose as prisons or hospitals (Kramer, 1991; Maguire, 1996; Muscio, 1998). Being assertive and taking power are seen as the tools necessary to being able to combat the unequal playing field women feel they always face (Heyes, 2000; Muscio, 1998). And still these behaviors are managed. When women deviate from accepted notions of behavior frequently their activities are adopted, absorbed, and made acceptable for societal interaction through the colonization of their unconventional conduct (Maguire, 1996, p. 25). Or their behavior is labeled as undesirable, perverse, weird, or marginal but this is another attempt to undermine its appeal and to isolate those involved (Maguire, 1996; Muscio, 1998). Whether spun negatively or positively affinity #2 Frame of Reference feeds into affinity #6 Vision. Vision is seen as essential to personal and professional success. Many women are motivated to become role models for their communities and families and explain that without vision nothing could be accomplished. One woman described how she communicated and shared her vision with others when she explained how she gave her employees a metaphoriclike compass pointing north. She did not tell them verbatim how to get from point 493 A to point B but instead pointed them in the right direction and let them determine the best way to reach their target. A logical next segue is to affinity #4 Goal Oriented. Again, women unanimously agree that being goal oriented is essential to achieving success. Many feel their strong sense of purpose could be attributed to their upbringing and watching women that had been influential in their lives (Muscio, 1998). People that the women s group admire have a goal orientation and it is often their example that serves to motivate the women interviewees in their quest for power and identity. When the same affinity spins in a negative direction disillusionment becomes apparent where some describe the insidious nature of women attacking women. A common theme is accusing one another of being too goal oriented, for example, by focusing on their career as opposed to not spending enough time being a wife and mother. One woman even describes her view of being goal oriented as being borderline psychotic. She explains that women s goal orientation in many cases can be attributed to being driven, not giving up, and always setting new goals once present ones are achieved resounding of the logic prescribed for men. It is suggested that powerful women must be prepared to deal with enemies along the way who do not want to see them succeed. Personal Comfort and Health/Double Standard/Perseverance/Skills Feedback Loop One 494 Affinities (#8 3 7 5 3) In this scenario the women s first feedback loop is comprised of the following affinities: #8 Personal Comfort and Health to affinity #3 Double Standard to affinity #7 Perseverance to affinity #5 Skills and back to affinity #8 Personal Comfort and Health. Beginning with affinity #8 Personal Comfort and Health all of the women interviewees describe how essential taking care of oneself is to being an effective leader. Yet many of the women interviewees also comment on how difficult finding the time to self-nurture is. Learning to be responsible for your body takes time. It s taken you all your life to learn how to alienate yourself to the point of total irresponsibility (Muscio, 1998, p. 40). Still, many participate in some form of exercise including running, swimming, biking, or yoga while others prefer hobby like activities such as refinishing furniture, attending cultural events, or taking day trips to close by surrounding towns. Some women like to socialize for relaxation while others prefer solitude, peace, and quiet to rejuvenate themselves. As has been the case with each affinity thus far, Personal Comfort and Health could spin negatively. One woman described how she had witnessed the phenomenon of watching women who could not walk away from their work for even short periods of time. She gave examples of women she had seen who had become obsessed with their work and simply could not put it down even when 495 they were away from their office. Ultimately the result of this compulsion interfered with their ability to be effective and innovative leaders. Next, affinity #8 Personal Comfort and Health impacts affinity #3 the Double Standard. When spinning in a positive direction Personal Comfort and Health feeds into the Double Standard whereby it serves to motivate women to be better, work harder, and achieve more than their male counterparts. This calls to mind a conclusion drawn by Phillips (1996b) when she describes the dilemma the feminist movement continues to struggle with regarding equal treatment for women versus procuring special needs. While women undoubtedly have an equal right to work, for example, they may actually need more than the men. They need maternity leave; they need workplace nurseries; they need extra safety conditions when pregnant; they may need time off for menstruation (Phillips, 1996a, p. 210). Yet, Phillips (1996b) stated in an article written earlier that same year, that once anyone made the reference that pre-menstrual tension interferes with concentration, that pregnancy can be exhausting, that motherhood is absorbing, you are off down the slope to separate spheres (p. 219). Such dilemmas raise the debate of equality versus difference (Lorber, 1994). Clearly, the debate about equality in the public sphere versus giving value to the private sphere continues to divide feminists (Mitchell, 1974). 496 There is complete agreement among the women s constituency that a Double Standard does indeed exist. It comes across in the unspoken expectations for women such as dress and behavior where women are expected to be conservative and appropriate in their humor, language, choice of clothing, behavior, and the like (Lorber, 1994; Mitchell, 1994; Muscio, 1998). Frustration with men taking credit for women s work and being expected to conform or compliment male created notions of normalcy were frequent complaints. Pateman (1996) rallies that while so many women are in the workforce their standing as workers is still precarious suggesting that while women perform at a level at least equal to that of men their status as complete human beings who are competent and worthy remains shaky. Subsequently, is the implication that women still lack the means to be recognized as worthy citizens by virtue of their economic dependence on men where the value of their work largely focuses on their contributions in the private arena (Kramer, 1991; Pateman, 1996). When affinity #3 the Double Standard feeds into affinity #7 Perseverance and is spun positively this relationship serves as the impetus for women to affect change and commit to their students. When spun negatively it makes women hesitant about the increased level of visibility and scrutiny they are subject to in executive positions (Butler, 1999). In some cases women prefer the invisibility and subsequent lack of ownership and responsibility for their actions. 497 In both instances of positive and negative spinning, women must beware of the tendency to assume that women are naturally equipped to nurture and care for others (Heyes, 2000; McDowell & Pringle, 1996). Taken a step further one woman described how difficult it was for women to move from affinity #3 the Double Standard to affinity #7 Perseverance when they felt they were always confronted with the pressure of having to be better than their male colleagues. Fear of failure also served as a cause to persevere. From a different but equally as valuable angle, women also differentiate themselves from other women when it comes to race, class, religion, sexual orientation and the like (hooks, 1991; Mairs, 1996). Unsurprisingly, the unity that some feminists presuppose exists in the feminist movement by virtue of sharing female-ness alone is a fallacy (Grosz, 1990). No more is femaleness a single consolidating element under the realm of feminism than woman-ness is to the idea that sex encompasses an exhaustive identity (Butler, 1999). Still, the women interviewed for this study felt they had to be better than other women as well as men. After all limited resources, such as desirable job positions, require women to define themselves within and against other women and their traits, behaviors, values, characteristics and the like (Rowe, 1995). Another example is seen as delineated in Rowe (1995) when she provides an account of mythological Medusa. In this scenario Medusa brags of her beauty to Athena causing Athena to become extremely jealous and vindictive. Athena changes Medusa into a 498 monster with fangs, snakes for hair, and with impenetrable eyes signifying her as an evil woman. Even further, another illustration of the sometimes hostile relations between women can be seen in the dynamic that Mitchell (1974) reports as, the enforced recognition of her inferior clitoris, a woman compensates for the great hurt by making her whole body into a proud substitute. She has to develop her threatened narcissism in order to make herself loved and adored. Vanity thy name is woman (p. 116). As if Persevering in light of the Double Standard is not difficult enough women also recognize that when other women subversively plot against them it further strains the efforts of powerful women who want to lead. Furthermore, unitary and universalist theories that meta-normatively define gender relations reflect a positivist/post positivist paradigm. Never have gender issues been so clearly demarcated. Absolutes and rigid parameters are social constructions that cause conflict and confusion when men and women feel like they are failing to meet expected criteria (Heyes, 2000; Lorber, 1994). Breaking the traditional hold that such strangulating notions have on men and women could perhaps pave the way for more theory and discourse about roles and gender (Kramer, 1991; Muscio, 1998). For example, what is needed is a more critical examination of how binary constructions of man and woman are often seen as synonymous whereby it is assumed that gender mirrors sex (Butler, 1999; Lorber, 1994). Perhaps the interruption or breaking the kind of language that has 499 been indicative of post-modernism and perhaps the exploration of alternative ways of thinking and acting could emerge that would be useful for political practice (Scott, 1996). According to Heilbrun (1979) Lacan and Derrida s focus on the historically phallocentric language cannot change women s psyche unless a new female-centered language emerges. According to Scott (1996) calling into question universalist themes, while seemingly threatening also expands, our notions of what is natural, such as the artificial binary definitions of man and woman (Grosz, 1990; Heyes, 2000; Lorber, 1994). Foucault clearly illustrates how challenges to dominate discourse about gender (race, class, and all other ism s ) have failed (Scott, 1996). Marginalized, silenced, and ignored critical analysis of existing institutionalized constructions are dismissed as too radical (Muscio, 1998; Scott, 1996). Simple solutions to difficult problems never work. As Lorber (1994) and Scott (1996) suggest, Foucault s work offers an alternate way to view socially constructed notions of normalcy and acceptability whereby such assumptions about men and women as having one and only one sex are questioned. Similarly, Derrida s ideas about deconstruction as a dismantling of binary constructions throws the meaning behind gender in doubt (Scott, 1996). Such constructions are not arbitrary but instead have political, economic, and social purpose. Buying into the illusion of binary opposition, offers false clarity and safe assurance that men and women are polar opposites (Grosz, 1990). But 500 deconstructivism does not annihilate all values and differences any more than it suggests sameness (Grosz, 1990). The antithesis of one does not begin to answer the problematic nature of such relations and social constructions. In each instance contexualization must be specified (Scott, 1996). Undercutting the assumptions that are both the parameters and the substance of gender theory is the point. This can be seen in the SIDs of both the men and the women. With the exception of the first affinity Character/Personal Qualities, which both constituencies share the men and women delineate different elements as they relate to gender, power and identity. Hidden in the spaces within and between the affinities but more obvious during the interview process the same elements are referenced albeit under different pseudonyms. For example, while the affinity Respect does not appear in the women s SID and does in the men s system it does not mean that women do not want to be respected. However, their route for achieving respect is not only different but is a byproduct of the relationships between the other affinities indicated. When we resume analysis of the affinities Perseverance spun positively suggests that women have feelings of increased options, having self-determination for the direction of their lives, and a sense of power agency that gives them more control over who they are and could become (Muscio, 1998). Still, according to Lorber (1994), such psychoanalytic feminists as Chodorow, Irigaray, and Mitchell who built their theories based on ideas from Freud and Lacan, reports that 501 differences between the sexes as polarizing influences have focused their origins on the emergence of family relationships including but not limited to marriage. In affinity #5 Skills the Double Standard informs women what skills they most need to be effective leaders. Growing up watching how their brothers, fathers, and male friends were treated differently than their mothers, sisters, and girlfriends served to encourage women interviewees to be resilient, vocal, and driven. Having a strong sense of self-awareness and excellent analytical skills using micro-and macro- perspectives serves women well. Yet, when spun in a negative fashion Skills are seen as limiting to success when not combined with the other three affinities, #9 Appearance and #10 Collaboration or back to affinity #8 Personal Comfort and Health associated with the first feedback loop. In other words, Skills by themselves are not enough to make a woman a successful leader. Taken together the four affinities Personal Comfort and Health, the Double Standard, Perseverance, and Skills constitute the first feedback loop in the women s system and account as a significant indicator of how inter-related these four affinities are to the success of any one of them taken alone. In the next section the women s second feedback loop is examined. Double Standard to Perseverance to Skills to Appearance to Collaboration Feedback Loop Two (Affinities #3 7 5 9 10 - 3) 502 While the illustration of feedback loop two is less obvious and winding in nature it too reveals the interconnected way in which the last five affinities link to form a system of their own. Some of the affinities in this feedback loop also appear in feedback loop one but with the addition of other elements, change the nature of this loop to indicate a different pattern of female power and identity. Affinity #3 the Double Standard starts this feedback loop and in ways identical to the role it served in the previous feedback loop it recreates its interconnected nature to affinity #7 Perseverance and on to affinity #5 Skills. The first three elements of feedback loop two, whether spun negatively or positively, represent essentially the same kinds of relationships as discussed in the women s first feedback loop. However, it is at this point that the nature of the second feedback loop changes. When affinity #5 Skills impacts affinity #9 Appearance it reveals another illustrative dynamic between the elements. Spun negatively, when Skills feeds into Appearance it does not matter how professional a woman seems if her Skills are inadequate. She is still perceived as unable to do the job. In reverse, if a woman s skills are impeccable and she appears dressed inappropriately again her possibilities for respect and advancement become severely limited. When spun positively excellent skill acquisition combined with a professional appearance serves women well and drastically improves their chances for success. 503 Given either one of these scenarios it makes sense that given the racism that exists in the women s movement in some equally as twisted way Black, Hispanic and White women do not experience this dynamic between the elements in the same ways. For example, racism might play a bigger role in the perception of skill qualification or appropriate appearance than gender when Black or Hispanic women are compared to White. Issues of such things as level of competence, preference, identity, and power work to institutionalize and marginalize some groups of women more than others while simultaneously confusing issues of color with issues of power (Phoenix, 1996). Women experience their oppression differently where gender has a decidedly racist and class-ist based character (Phillips, 1996a). When affinity #9 Appearance feeds into affinity #10 Collaboration another interesting thing happens. When a woman appears presidential her chances of successful collaboration are greatly increased. When spun negatively women find themselves as less cooperative, less willing to compromise, and more control oriented. It is at this point that Collaboration feeds back into affinity #3 the Double Standard and feedback loop two repeats its cycle again. Next, a condensed version of what the data and theory mean will be explored as it pertains to conceptualization (theory) and actualization (practice) as they react to positive and negative spins. 504 WHAT DOES IT ALL MEAN? In the previous section, the Men s and Women s System Influence Diagrams (SIDs) were compared using feminist conceptual frameworks to place the data in context relevant to this study. The next step is to begin addressing the question: What does it all mean? In other words, what does the information gleaned thus far mean for understanding gender, identity and power now and for future research? Illustration 5.20 is first the (Men s Final System Influence Diagram) (SID) followed by Illustration 5.21, the (Women s Final System Influence Diagram (SID) for a visual representation of how they appear together. 505 Illustration 5.20: Men s Final SID 7. Sources of Power 3. Formal Powe 5. Respect 1. Character 2. Planning 6. Relationships 4. Money 9. Use of Power 10. Influence 8. Prestige 506 Illustration 5.21: Women s Final SID 10. COLLABORATION 1. CHARACTER 2. FRAME OF REF 6. VISION 4. GOAL ORIENTED 8. PERS. COMF & HLTH 3. DOUBLE STANDARD 5. SKILLS 7. PERSEVERANCE 9. APPEARANCE Once a visual representation is examined the reader will recall that the three areas of focus for this study are Gender, Power, and Identity. As such, the researcher suggests that one s identity creates an understanding of power whereby the other two elements of the system are involved with gender in a three-element feedback loop. This dynamic explains that any two components of the feedback loop are understood best only in relation to a third affinity. For example, Gender is best understood when power as a mechanism for control, influence, or exchange is mediated with identity. Conversely, the conceptualization and actualization of Power is best understood where Gender as a substructure of identity is formulated. Thirdly, Identity is best understood as it relates to Gender 507 and Power to create self-consciousness. This dynamic is represented in a threeway feedback loop, as depicted in Illustration 5.22 Illustration 5.22: Three-Way Feedback Loop Gender Power Identity This interaction of these three affinities in a feedback loop prompts such questions as the following: How does Gender influence the meaning of Power and/or Identity?; How does one s understanding of Power relate to one s identification as a man/woman?; and How does one s sense of personal identity as a man or a woman impact the nature of power? In Illustration 5.23 below there is the Men s Final System Influence Diagram (SID) above the Three-Way Feedback Loop. Below the Three-Way Feedback Loop is the Women s Final System Influence Diagram (SID) which provides a visual representation of how the Three-Way Feedback Loop is a condensed depiction of the Men s and Women s Final SIDs . 508 Illustration 5.23: Three-Way Feedback Loop with Men s and Women s SIDs 7. Sources of Power 3. Formal Power 5. Respect 1. Character 2. Planning 6. Relationships 4. Money 9. Use of Power 10. Influence 8. Prestige Gender Power Identity 509 1. CHARACTER 2. FRAME OF REF 6. VISION 4. GOAL ORIENTED 8. PERS. COMF & HLTH 3. DOUBLE STANDARD 10. COLLABORATIO 5. SKILLS 7. PERSEVERANCE 9. APPEARANCE Since much of the next section could be an entirely new study that is beyond the scope of this research, a condensed explanation for what the three-way feedback loop means for implication is presented. Beginning with the affinity Gender, such ideas as conceptualization versus actualization, affinity timbre, positive and negative spins, and the various relationships between the affinities will be reviewed. GENDER Any two of the affinities in the three-way feedback loop are understood best only in relation to a third element. In the first round of analysis Gender will be examined as it relates to Power and Identity. For example, Gender is best understood when Power is identified as masculine or feminine in nature. 510 Conceptualizing notions of how Gender impacts Power and Identity become more elucidated when one understands how the socialization patterns transmitted to newborns, the researcher would argue that even prior to birth gender expectations are placed on fetuses and/or even the desire for a boy or girl as it pertains to wishing to become parents, create a framework for how the infant will be taught, guided, influenced, and expected to think and behave. Actualization for understanding the same dynamic between Gender, Power and Identity is then the tangible realization of putting into motion contrived and artificially constructed notions of what men and/or women should be like. It is possible that in the case of those people who are not heterosexual messages about what is appropriate for each gender mutate into some other equally as valuable but different arrangement. But that idea is beyond the scope of this study therefore the researcher will focus on a heterosexual orientation. The affinity Gender influences the meaning of Power when it serves as the prime motivation for how an individual will identify who they are in relation to the context in which they reside. Further, the exercise of one s power will be mediated by how one identifies oneself and how they feel being male or female defines the scope of their power. For example, according to the data gathered from the interviews, men might view their socialization as males as entitling them to dominant, meta-normative ways of being. These prescribed ways of thinking and acting are accorded to males by virtue of their male-ness as transmitted from 511 parents and other environmental factors. Hence, learning how to be male or female is so pervasive that resisting the osmosis-like effect that seeps into infants is virtually irresistible. For some individuals it is not until young adulthood that the awareness of disjointed ways of feeling, when compared to gender socialization designated for one s sex, do not align that people can consciously conceive of and resist meta-normative standards of behavior, thinking, and physicality. Patriarchal ideology both encourages and oppresses men in ways that socially constructed notions of gender prescribe. Hence, the isolation and separation that non-heterosexual and non-Caucasian men feel is obvious since they do not necessarily identify with meta-normative standards of White, Eurocentric masculinity. Similarly, the researcher would argue that for White heterosexual men there is little room for the exploration of other ways of being since they have been given a blueprint of appropriately gendered ways of thinking and behaving. To question these prescriptions is considered the betrayal of a real man s role in society. Answering such questions helps elucidate how being a man or a woman indicates leadership potential. In fact, the researcher argues that once an individual defines him or herself as male or female, via socialization patterns, that the other two affinities, Power and Identity, combine in a three-way feedback loop that determine how that individual operates in the world. 512 Any one or more of the elements in the three-way feedback loop can spin in a positive or negative direction. When Gender spins in a positive direction it affects Power and Identity in ways that enable that individual to align their belief systems, as dictated by their environment, to meta-normative standards. Behavior that is congruent with their roles as leaders produces a desired and expected outcome of efficiency, effectiveness, and influence. For example, when a man identifies himself as masculine, assuming masculinity in this case is defined as patriarchal, then his identification as a man forecasts the span of his Power. The perception is that a real man who has a firm grasp of who he is as a person is more likely to exercise his power in a way that affects positive change. In contrast, when Gender has a negative timbre it affects Power and Identity in ways that cause the loop to spin in adverse ways. Fragmentation or contortion convert Power and Identity into mechanisms for abuse and control. This dynamic can also affect change but often at the expense of people s and/or organization s welfare and health. While this scenario may in fact work for a limited amount of time, the life cycle of the misuse of power is certainly shortened and made less effective over time. For example, if strength, ruggedness, independence, and assertiveness are characterized as masculine traits then men who identify as such increase the likelihood of their being able to exercise power and identity as such. Some men will chose to do so in ways that are either negative as in abusive, dominating, and controlling or positive as in 513 effective, efficient, and influential. Next, is a brief overview of what the affinity Identity means as it relates to Gender and Power in the three-way feedback loop. IDENTITY When beginning the feedback loop at the affinity Identity and how it drives Gender and Power, it is clear that how one defines oneself impacts whether they recognize themselves as male or female. In turn, identification as a man or a woman often reveals his or her correlating sphere of their power. For example, conceptualizing notions of how Identity impacts Gender and Power is best seen when one s behaviors, traits, characteristics, thoughts, values, attitudes, and beliefs are in alignment with one s gender and how gender identification entitles (or not) one to demonstrations of power. The establishment of an ego-identity subsumes a masculine or feminine orientation whereby parallels can be drawn regarding the realm of one gender s power over another. In actualizing this concept the components that make up one s identity unite to ordain one as a male or female, which thus predicates the sphere of power he or she may exercise. Identity influences Gender and Power whereby it too can serve as the prime motivation for how individuals will recognize and associate themselves in relation to the people and environment in which they live and work. For example, if meta-normative standards of men s behavior, thoughts, beliefs, values, attitudes, traits and characteristics revolve around such essentializing things as fortitude, discipline, competition, and controlling the public sphere then their 514 gendered socialization processes and their according sphere of power is likely to be in harmony with notions of acceptable and expected masculinity. A man s identity would align with society s prescribed ways of how men should behave and think to produce a large and all-encompassing sphere of influence. To reiterate, when the loop is spun in a positive direction Identity affects Gender and Power whereby it reinforces, affirms, and reflects a man s valued way of being. The researcher would like to acknowledge that conclusions about the tone of an affinity s spin and the relationship between the three-way affinity feedback loop are almost inescapable as they reflect the participants viewpoints. They are an engrained part of operating in the world that is almost equal to the air we breathe in terms of self-determination. That is why women who are seen as assertive, which may perhaps not be in alignment who predicated notions of femininity, then accuse and attack other women as not being good mothers, for example. Conversely, some men are seen as powerful but not in ways that necessarily demonstrate affectionate or loving ways of being. Not only would a conscious and permeating self-awareness have to be almost always present to escape such patterns but also one would have to exercise extreme diligence and strength to identify and reject such prescribed ways of thinking and behaving. There have been instances of individuals attempting to break with convention and even examples of people who have been successful doing so, but frequently conscious attempts at dismantling and/or rejecting 515 socially prescribed ways of being are done at significant emotional cost and sacrifice. Still, the satisfaction and joy that those individuals feel when they perceive they have successfully re-created themselves cannot be ignored. When the loop spins in a negative direction Identity affects Gender and Power whereby it dictates for men the antithesis to any behavior that might suggest passiveness, effeminacy, or docility. For example, a man who identifies himself as fearless, confident, and action-oriented may use those qualities to reinforce and validate, even valorize, his gender socialization and consequently the sphere of his power. If the timbre of the affinity is negative, he might interpret, as a consequence of his masculine orientation, that his realm of power is not only vast and deep, but also prepped for his willful exertion of exploitation. Further, when a negative spin happens one will discover that many men twist their sense of self-identification into behaviors that are domineering, greedy, and selfserving. While this route can be powerful and is not uncommon it is not often the selection of choice for what is regarded as desirable leadership for community colleges. Power as another element in the three-way feedback loop is examined next. POWER The affinity Power could also be the main driver of the other two affinities, Gender and Identity, in the three-way feedback loop. It is best understood when the breadth and depth of Power based on a masculine or 516 feminine orientation is parallel with how one sees oneself in relation to the world. When using essentializing constructs to examine Power as it relates to Gender, one could assume that a broad and seemingly bottomless span of power might belong most often to the public sphere of men while a narrow and confined span of power often associated with the private realm belongs to women. An alternative way of analyzing the sphere of one s power is to place men s influence as one that has charismatic qualities, is persuasive, and authoritative. Women s sphere of power might be attributable to such concepts as nurturance, accommodation, and relational in nature which for both the men s and women s constituencies are still essentializing viewpoints. examples of ways to conceptualize notions of power. When actualizing ideas about Power as it affects Gender and Identity issues of sameness and difference are true in similar ways as outlined in the previous sections. Actualizing for women may mean that while female These are two community college administrators are beginning to make inroads into public demonstrations of power they sometimes still rely on old, outdated ways of thinking. This is evidenced by the commentary in the women s interviews. For example, one female interviewee stated, Women pursue goals more collaboratively. They work more cooperatively and bringing everybody on board is important to them. A sense of women s power as being relational and creating an environment of non-threatening, non-competitive alliances is suggested. 517 Another female subject commented that powerful women are not attractive. The powerful woman sitting around the table with a bunch of Hillary Clinton is a good powerful men is not going to be very feminine. example. She is not the most attractive person. She is very outspoken and aggressive and she is right in there with the guys. Assumptions about femininity as synonymous with beauty constrain women s ideas about how powerful or not a woman is or can be. Further, a third female respondent reported that men s behavior and access to power is inevitable and that women must thus accept it. I have learned for the most part that older men, God love em, just cannot help it. This is an undeniable expression of the concept that boys will be boys and that part of coping with dominant, masculinized notions of thinking and acting are unchangeable and enduring. The overarching theme for the women s group was that, while witnessing and experiencing increased access to power is felt on occasion, women who are made aware of opportunities for power, still unconsciously or not identify with patriarchal concepts of language, behavior, and cognition. Men and women interpret Power differently. For men, Power means having such things as professional relationships, formal power, money, and prestige. In addition, the men s constituency identified Power as essential to affecting change. One of the vehicles for transmitting Power, according the 518 men s group, can be seen by virtue of masculine-associated ideas about what the accumulation of wealth says about who men are. Participating in, finalizing, and being publicly recognized for the completion of open and unrestricted business dealings illustrates in visible ways how men feel they increase their sense of Power. Women, in contrast, interpret power as more internal in nature. For example, one interviewee claimed, There are women that are at home changing diapers right now that are powerful. The women s group reported that it was For example, when their responsibility to manage multiple responsibilities. women make the decision to go to graduate school it is their charge to account for how working a full-time job and managing a family might work. Men, according to the women s constituency, have the freedom to be less concerned with multiple responsibilities enabling them to focus on their education and career alone. These differences affect Power as it relates to Gender and Identity in ways that not only determine present ways of acting and thinking but also forecast relational implications for men and women in the immediate future. In this scenario, Power as the quintessential motivation for Gender and Identity, impacts men and women whereby they establish and maintain accepted masculine and feminine notions of conduct. These masculinized and feminized ways of being create spaces for the formulation and preservation of identity. 519 When Power is the driver and its timbre is positive, men and/or women, form their sense of self in a way that conforms to conventional notions of what masculine or feminine parameters have historically been put in place. These genderized restrictions then impact Power whereby men recognize expected spheres of influence. The pressure American society places on men and women to fulfill traditional ways of operating paves the way for them to follow an appropriately designated gendered path. The researcher does not intend to propagate or promote customary roles for men or women but instead notices the dilemma created for individuals who struggle with internalized questions about what they feel they should do versus what they want to do. An example of this dynamic can be seen when one acknowledges that women have not been given the power afforded to men. Seizing power has been the modus operandi for the majority of women who have been able to rise above accepting what has been traditionally handed out to them. Integrating, dismissing, dispelling, or believing and agreeing to long-established patterns of conventional thought and action seems to be the challenge as women continue to advance into executive leadership positions. That does not however, absolve the men s group of any blame or responsibility. Instead, much of the perpetuation of patriarchal constructs is continued because many males, like those associated with the men in this study, exercise oppression in a variety of places under a multitude of environments. It is 520 difficult to place all of the blame squarely on the men s shoulders since they too are victims of inherited ways of essentializing gender. Men are also challenged by such controversial notions via such mechanisms as sexual orientation, classism, ethnicity, religious affiliation and the like. In addition, men are learning how to interact with women as women become more numerous and visible in their roles as bosses and leaders. In a similar fashion, women are learning how to adjust to men who chose to be nurturing and demonstratively domestic. While many women articulate their desire for spouses to participate more equally in home and family affairs when men do women sometimes are perplexed about how to respond to a often unexpected masculine construct. Indeed, both sexes have internalized but unarticulated concerns about the dual interface between one way of being versus another. Furthermore, other individuals are discovering ways of trying to negotiate the integration of both ways of being simultaneously. When the affinity Power is spinning in a negative direction there can be confusion that causes unpredictable behavior, living one way publicly and another privately, abusing people, acting immorally, taking advantage for self-serving purposes, and the like. The result is conflicting, cross-cutting interests that mislead and exploit oneself and other people. Questions about why one might feel dissonant, as though their sense of self is not clearly defined, in the process of 521 being formulated, or in conflict with who one wishes to be, clash or are in discordance with the other two affinities, Gender and Power. The researcher concludes that Power influences the very nature of the acquisition and substance of information and knowledge. This conclusion indicates that Power and therefore knowledge are organized into regimes, which are largely determined by one s identification as a man or as a woman (N. Northcutt, personal communication, March 18, 2004). In addition, men and women understand Power differently, since they use dissimilar mental models and metaphors (see each constituency s SID and interviews) to depict their understanding of Power (N. Northcutt, personal communication, March 18, 2004). The effects of power that are differentially exercised by women and/or men create a sense of place for one s identity. Therefore, those differentials in the meaning of power are associated with the difference in the meaning of identity for women and men. The Men s and Women s Final System Influence Diagram (SID) suggests that Gender, Identity, and Power combine to form a three-way feedback loop that indicates that any one of the affinities does not tell the full story unless it is examined in relation to the other two elements. Any one of the elements can serve as the driver of the other two when analyzing how drivers interact, inform, and enlarge one s understanding of the loop s impact. In addition, any one of the 522 affinities or all three can at any point in time reflect a positive or negative timbre, which then causes the loop to produce the desired or unwanted results. These findings open a dialogue for the often mixed reactions to questions about Gender, Identity, and Power as reported by the men s and women s groups. For the purposes of this study, such issues could potentially create a space for the increased exploration and discussion of leadership in a community college setting. The researcher believes that discourse around executive leadership as it relates to Gender, Identity, and Power has been suspiciously feared for what the analysis of them might uncover. The shadowing of these issues does not reflect current thought processes as can be seen from the data collected in Chapter IV. Ideas about Gender, Identity, and Power are being debated while articulation and open discussion about their meaning is largely absent. It is the free exchange of ideas that has been missing keeping the relevant subject matter, such as that in this study, falsely ignored. In an effort to avoid the often unpleasant confrontation that can illuminate confusion and remove trepidation and apprehension about ways of being instead serves to reinforce artificially constructed notions of dominant and submissive thought and action. This frequently happens under the pretense that denying such important factors as Gender, Identity, and Power are at play only act to perpetuate the uncertainty and mystification about why things are the way they are. 523 CONCLUSION According to Cejda, McKenney, and Fuller (2001), Fisher (1984), Kelly (2002), Kerr (1984), and Wright (1997a) massive numbers of higher education employees will be retiring over the next ten years. What this suggests for the future leadership of community colleges is that finding a steady and even better qualified pool of leaders are few. Intrinsically related, in perhaps unforeseen ways, is the presupposition that male and female administrators must have an idea of their sphere power and identity before they can effectively lead. What this means for the future of community colleges is that the leadership crisis that has been affecting them is beginning to be addressed in this study. The purpose of this study was to draw upon feminist conceptual frameworks to highlight how socially constructed notions of masculinity and femininity affect power and identity within the American community college. While the report is limited to education, the author hopes that what is learned about women and men community college leaders will inform and enlarge our understanding of power and identity in other realms as well. The researcher explored this phenomenon using Interactive Qualitative Analysis (IQA) data collection and analysis methods to determine elements and relationship dynamics, and to produce a system representation of gender, power, and identity in the American community college. 524 The last phase of the study involved interpreting the results. Following a comparison of the two constituency groups composite systems, conceptual implications of the systems were explored and inferences drawn to link the systems based on theoretical perspectives. Theoretical implications were identified regarding gender, power, and identity. The results of the study provide information for administrators, faculty, staff, students, boards, and consumers of education in the effort to actualize and improve methods of self-discovery as they pertain to gender, power, and identity for leadership in American community colleges. Since actual implications for the systematic exploration and evaluation of gender, power, and identity were beyond the scope of this study, further research is recommended to demonstrate the utility of these systems. However, information gleaned from the study establishes and enriches a framework, which shows how men and women are defined, constrained and in some cases propelled by the sets of social relations and institutional practices that construct gender divisions in American community colleges (McDowell & Pringle, 1996). In addition, the focus of the study intended to show that not only were women and the characteristics of femininity defined in opposition to men and masculinity, but that there were significant differences between men and women themselves on the basis of, for example, their class position, their race or ethnic identity, age, and sexuality (McDowell & Pringle, 1996, p. ix). These features are some of the most challenging issues facing leadership in community 525 colleges today as they pertain to gender, power, and identity. Struggling with issues of diversity, difference, commonality, and a plethora of conflicting interests is a common feature both of the women s and men s constituencies that has an impact on the development of leadership in American community colleges (McDowell & Pringle, 1996). While breaking convention with social constructions of gender, power, and identity may seem too daunting for any one individual such inquiries as where can I sign up and who can I talk to abound (Jordan, 1996)? Yet, the vast and frequently overwhelming nature of beginning to address such concerns cause many to approach the subject in a piecemeal and disjointed fashion (Jordan, 1996). While such initiatives as starting a women s network or arranging a single father s support group have improved the lives of many, they do not begin to address the divisions such as race and class that continue to plague each constituency within and against (Ramazanoglu, 1996). The liberation of both constituencies would seem to come from the critical questioning of gender, power, and identity and how it is used within and against each population. Domination and oppression in all its forms cannot be eradiated without the dismantlement of every ism. One source of oppression cannot be separated from the other therefore attacks on a multitude of fronts must be initiated. The development of political strategies that reverse the antagonisms and conflicts that weaken both constituencies sense of power and identity cannot 526 begin to be resolved while contradictory interests work within one group or the other (Ramazanoglu, 1996). 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Albany, NY: State University New York Press. Young, I.M. (1990). Justice and the politics of difference. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Young, I.M. (1997). Intersecting voices: Dilemmas of gender, political philosophy and policy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Young, M.D. & McLeod, S. (2001). Flukes, opportunities, and planned interventions: Factors affecting women s decisions to become school administrators. Educational Administration Quarterly, 37(4), 462-502. Zinn, H. (1980). A people s history of the United States. New York, NY: Harper & Row Publishers. Zou, Y., & Trueba, E.T. (2002). Ethnography and schools: Qualitative approaches to the study of education. New York, NY: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Zwerling, L.S. (1976). Second best: The crisis of the junior college. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. 590 Vita Juliet Kathryn Cadenhead was born in Luling, Texas on December 3, 1961, the daughter of Julie C. Howell and Walter Cadenhead. After completing her work at Interlochen Arts Academy, Interlochen, Michigan, in 1980, Juliet worked as a performing artist in both Texas and New York. A professional dancer and actress she began teaching adult ballet, tap, jazz, and exercise classes at the age of thirteen and continued to do this for the next fifteen years. It was also during this period that she appeared in the movie, Songwriter, with Kris Kristofferson and Willie Nelson, and made numerous appearances on the daytime soap operas As the World Turns and Another World. Kate made television commercials for Chevrolet, Zales, Stop n Go, Crime Stoppers, and International House of Pancakes. Her theater experiences included starring roles in the following productions: Gypsy, You re a Good Man Charlie Brown, Carnival, and West Side Story. While living in New York, Kate was contracted with Lester Lewis Associates for voice over work and did commercial spots for such acts as The Bee Gees. In addition, she was a commercial and print model for Zoli and a professional dancer with the Joffrey II Ballet. In 1990 she entered Rutgers University in New Jersey where she received her Bachelor of Arts. Next, she was employed in business in both the public and 591 private sector where her career spanned more than ten years and included such positions as business manager, organizational development curriculum developer and trainer, human resources generalist, and administrative specialist. Kate has worked for publishing houses, the City of Austin, the United States Tennis Association, the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, and Texas Commission on the Arts. She also has primary and secondary teaching experience. In 1999 she attended The University of Texas at Austin where she earned her Master of Arts and where in 2004 she completed her Ph.D. in Higher Education Administration. Kate most recently has worked as a presidential intern to Dr. Jerry Sue Thornton of Cuyahoga Community College, taught undergraduate management courses at the University of Texas at Austin, and worked as a consultant to the Austin Police Department and Austin Ballet Theater. Permanent Address: 6010 Avery Island, Austin, TX 78727 This dissertation was typed by Juliet Kathryn Cadenhead. 592

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Path: Texas >> BENJAMINSM >> 042 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Maureen Reindl Benjamins 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Maureen Reindl Benjamins certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Religion and Preventive Health Care Use in Older Adults Committee: __ Rob...

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hamiltont84490.pdf
Path: Texas >> HAMILTONT >> 84490 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Tracy Chapman Hamilton 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Tracy Chapman Hamilton Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Pleasure, Politics, and Piety: The Artistic Patronage of Marie de Brabant Comm...

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Path: Texas >> KOTRLAKA >> 518287 Fall, 2009

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Description: Copyright by Tracie Culp Harrison 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Tracie Culp Harrison Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: The Meaning of Aging for Women with Childhood Onset Disabilities Committee: Alex...

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Path: MD University College >> ASIA >> 2092 Fall, 2009

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Description: Copyright by Michelle Valleau Achacoso 2002 The Dissertation Committee for Michelle Valleau Achacoso Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: \"WHAT DO YOU MEAN MY GRADE IS NOT AN A?\" AN INVESTIGATION OF ACADEMIC EN...

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STAT200A42186896.doc
Path: MD University College >> ASIA >> 2088 Fall, 2009

Description: UMUC, Asia STAT 200: Introductory Statistics 3 semester credits Fall session 2: 2008 Yongsan : T Th 1800-2100 FACULTY CONTACT INFORMATION: Assistant Professor: Antonia (Toni) Yoon E-mail:ayoon@asia.umuc.edu Phone #: (DSN) 723-4295; Leave message. ...

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Path: Texas >> MICHALSKYL >> 026 Fall, 2009

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Description: Copyright by David T. Lodowski 2004 The Dissertation Committee for David Thomas Lodowski Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Structural Basis for the Regulation of GRK2 by G Committee: John Tesmer, Supervisor...

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Description: Copyright by David Allan Raichlen 2004 The Dissertation Committee for David Allan Raichlen Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: The Relationship Between Limb Muscle Mass Distribution and the Mechanics and Energ...

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Description: Copyright by Natasha Jum Mehdiabadi 2002 The Dissertation Committee for Natasha Jum Mehdiabadi Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: ANT SYMBIOSES: COLONY-LEVEL EFFECTS OF ANTAGONISTIC AND MUTUALISTIC INTERACTION...

borisovasa86653.pdf
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Abuhakema504399.pdf
Path: Texas >> ABUHAKEMA >> 504399 Fall, 2009

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hw03_solution.doc
Path: Penn State >> ME >> 581 Fall, 2009

Description: ME 581 - Spring 2008 HW03 Name _ 1) View the web cutter video \"wc.mov\" from the class web page. JPG images are provided in \"wc_images.zip\". Be certain to read the \"read_me.txt\" file within the ZIP. Use suitable software to digitize the location of...

oestreichj19588.pdf
Path: Texas >> OESTREICHJ >> 19588 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Jrg Oestreich 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Jrg Oestreich Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: FROM ECOLOGY TO NEURAL MECHANISMS: A NEUROETHOLOGICAL APPROACH TO A NOVEL FORM OF MEMORY Commit...

evstatieve01477.pdf
Path: Texas >> EVSTATIEVE >> 01477 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Evstati Georgiev Evstatiev 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Evstati Georgiev Evstatiev certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: A Model for Multi-Wave BeamPlasma Interaction Committee: Philip J. M...

paschvaldesg042.pdf
Path: Texas >> PASCHVALDE >> 042 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Grete Mara Pasch Valds 2004 Identifying, Selecting, and Organizing the Attributes of Web Resources by Grete Mara Pasch Valds, BSc, MSc, MLIS Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the School of Information The University of Texas at...

alvaradocg86236.pdf
Path: Texas >> ALVARADOCG >> 86236 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Cassandre Giguere Alvarado 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Cassandre Giguere Alvarado Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: EMIC PERSPECTIVES: THE FRESHMAN INTEREST GROUP PROGRAM AT THE UNIVERSI...

martinssonpj026.pdf
Path: Texas >> MARTINSSON >> 026 Fall, 2009

Description: The dissertation committee for Per-Gunnar Johan Martinsson certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Fast multiscale methods for lattice equations Committee: Gregory Rodin, Supervisor Ivo Babuka, Supervisor s Jer...

makowitza504694.pdf
Path: Texas >> MAKOWITZA >> 504694 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Astrid Makowitz 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Astrid Makowitz Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: THE GENETIC ASSOCIATION BETWEEN BRITTLE DEFORMATION AND QUARTZ CEMENTATION: EXAMPLES FROM BU...

andersonmw81540.pdf
Path: Texas >> ANDERSONMW >> 81540 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Matthew William Anderson 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Matthew William Anderson certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Constrained Evolution in Numerical Relativity Committee: Richard Matzner...

martinezrs39334.pdf
Path: Texas >> MARTINEZRS >> 39334 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Rebecca Suzanne Martnez 2002 The Dissertation Committee for Rebecca Suzanne Martnez Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: A COMPARISON OF LEARNING DISABILITY SUBTYPES IN MIDDLE SCHOOL: SELF-CONCEPT, ...

elshayebta87380.pdf
Path: Texas >> ELSHAYEBTA >> 87380 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Tarek Abu Serie Elshayeb 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Tarek Abu Serie Elshayeb Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Integrated Sequence Stratigraphy, Depositional Environments, Diagenesis, a...

cowmeadowr17589.pdf
Path: Texas >> COWMEADOWR >> 17589 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Roshani Barbara Cowmeadow 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Roshani Barbara Cowmeadow Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Molecular mechanisms of alcohol tolerance in the fruit fly. Committee: ...

schougaardsb029.pdf
Path: Texas >> SCHOUGAARD >> 029 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Steen Brian Schougaard 2002 The Dissertation Committee for Steen Brian Schougaard certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: DEVELOPMENT AND STUDY OF HIGH-TC SUPERCONDUCTOR CONDUCTIVE POLYMER ASSEMBLIES ...

kordoskyma87090.pdf
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Description: BAA \"@ 87 4 1 ) # % # ! 9565320(\' ! ) u ) $fdvFD 7 ! q n 5XatWs r 1 63Q6\"fn 7 p D ! ) p 6XFgf\" FD 7 h ! p n m ) l # 5d5$q6o66\"p1 s ! ! I I \"$G5PQ y kPc3\'ji g hf e d v y y x v ...

metcalfets016-x.pdf
Path: Texas >> METCALFETS >> 016 Fall, 2009

Description: u { y su } m {grYVHtAr s { u { ugVR{7 s{ ~ us y } s Vgroz67toVc u ~ u{ ~ } |x{ m n s ~ Vz\"HUo\'6UVrrwpVo% u ~ u{ ~ } |u{ yx s v pu s q p n m V\"zrr6Ugrz6%wH6trXoPl k h h f fd jige e he g w e r EyEE t t e w r t r p syx...

bocknackbm84986.pdf
Path: Texas >> BOCKNACKBM >> 84986 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Brian Matthew Bocknack 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Brian Matthew Bocknack Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Electrophilic Trapping of Enolates in Tandem Reaction Processes and (1,3-Diket...

mahdjoubid26824.pdf
Path: Texas >> MAHDJOUBID >> 26824 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Darius Mahdjoubi 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Darius Mahdjoubi certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Knowledge, Innovation and Entrepreneurship: Business Plans, Capital, Technology and Growth...

vanderveenaa029.pdf
Path: Texas >> VANDERVEEN >> 029 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Arthur Alvin VanderVeen, Jr. 2002 The Dissertation Committee for Arthur Alvin VanderVeen, Jr. certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Other Minds, Other Worlds: Pragmatism, Hermeneutics, and Construct...

crabtreejc17037.pdf
Path: Texas >> CRABTREEJC >> 17037 Fall, 2009

Description: ...

steubingdm73657.pdf
Path: Texas >> STEUBINGDM >> 73657 Fall, 2009

Description: ...

johnsonhl692102.pdf
Path: Texas >> JOHNSONHL >> 692102 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Helen Louise Johnson 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Helen Louise Johnson certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation CONSEQUENCES OF HIGH-STAKES TESTING: CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES OF TEACHERS AND STUDENTS...

quintopozosd022.pdf
Path: Texas >> QUINTOPOZO >> 022 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by David Gilbert Quinto-Pozos 2002 The Dissertation Committee for David Gilbert Quinto-Pozos Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Contact Between Mexican Sign Language and American Sign Language in Tw...

micklerpj516685.pdf
Path: Texas >> MICKLERPJ >> 516685 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Patrick John Mickler 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Patrick John Mickler Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Controls on the stable isotopic composition of speleothems, Barbados, West Indies ...

00000011.pdf
Path: Carnegie Mellon >> TERA >> 05102571 Fall, 2009

Description: ...

00000011.pdf
Path: Carnegie Mellon >> DISK >> 05102571 Fall, 2009

Description: ...

strycharskiat042.pdf
Path: Texas >> STRYCHARSK >> 042 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Andrew Thomas Strycharski 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Andrew Thomas Strycharski certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: \"stronge and tough studie\": Humanism, Education, and Masculinity in Rena...

podorozhnyr48572.pdf
Path: Texas >> PODOROZHNY >> 48572 Fall, 2009

Description: ...

alexandermw25054.pdf
Path: Texas >> ALEXANDERM >> 25054 Fall, 2009

Description: ...

batchelorme80690.pdf
Path: Texas >> BATCHELORM >> 80690 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Margaret Elizabeth Batchelor 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Margaret Elizabeth Batchelor certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: The Balance between Positive and Negative Interactions in a Savann...

franzosajw504611.pdf
Path: Texas >> FRANZOSAJW >> 504611 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Jonathan William Franzosa 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Jonathan William Franzosa Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Evolution of the Brain in Theropoda (Dinosauria) Committee: Timothy Row...

brumbaughms81936.pdf
Path: Texas >> BRUMBAUGHM >> 81936 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Michael Shawn Brumbaugh 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Michael Shawn Brumbaugh certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: ROOT HERBIVORY IN GRASSLANDS AND SAVANNAS: THE POTENTIAL ROLE OF JUNE BEETLE...

abplanalpbs52539.pdf
Path: Texas >> ABPLANALPB >> 52539 Fall, 2009

Description: ...

notes_05_02.doc
Path: Penn State >> ME >> 481 Fall, 2009

Description: Notes_05_02 1 of 7 Experimental Planar Kinematics all for k=1 to m landmarks fo = ( fk) / m {xo} = ( fk {xk} ) / m fo {vo} = ( fk{vk} ) / m fo {ao} = ( fk {ak} ) / m fo {jo} = ( fk {jk} ) / m fo = ( fk vyk (xk-xo) - fk vxk (yk-yo) ) / ( f...

ulloabarbaran022.pdf
Path: Texas >> ULLOABARBA >> 022 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Fernando Valentin Ulloa Barbaran 2002 COMPOSITE STRUCTURAL MEMBERS FOR SHORT SPAN HIGHWAY BRIDGES by Fernando Valentin Ulloa Barbaran, B.S., M.S. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Texas...

poppendieckdg026.pdf
Path: Texas >> POPPENDIEC >> 026 Fall, 2009

Description: The Dissertation Committee for Dustin Glen Poppendieck certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Polycyclic Aromatic Hydrocarbon Desorption Mechanisms from Manufactured Gas Plant Site Samples Committee: __ Raymond C...

abelturbyms87316.pdf
Path: Texas >> ABELTURBYM >> 87316 Fall, 2009

Description: ...

adejumobisa73660.pdf
Path: Texas >> ADEJUMOBIS >> 73660 Fall, 2009

Description: ...

mckelveyme504487.pdf
Path: Texas >> MCKELVEYME >> 504487 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Michael Eugene McKelvey 2004 The Treatise Committee for Michael Eugene McKelvey Certifies that this is the approved version of the following treatise: MAKING AMERICAN OPERA IN THE 1990\'s: The Co-Commissioning and Co-Producing of Housto...

sankaralingamr029.pdf
Path: Texas >> SANKARALIN >> 029 Fall, 2009

Description: Copyright by Ranganathan Sankaralingam 2002 The Dissertation Committee for Ranganathan Sankaralingam certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Techniques for Reducing Power Dissipation During Scan Testing Committee...

santamariarh60629.pdf
Path: Texas >> SANTAMARIA >> 60629 Fall, 2009

Description: ...

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