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by Copyright Tracy Chapman Hamilton 2004 The Dissertation Committee for Tracy Chapman Hamilton Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Pleasure, Politics, and Piety: The Artistic Patronage of Marie de Brabant Committee: _____________________________ Joan A. Holladay, Supervisor _____________________________ Jeffrey Chipps Smith _____________________________ Martha Newman _____________________________ Penelope Davies _____________________________ Anne D. Hedeman _____________________________ Michael Davis Pleasure, Politics, and Piety: The Artistic Patronage of Marie de Brabant by Tracy Chapman Hamilton, B.A., M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin December 2004 Acknowledgements I would like to begin by thanking Larry Nees who first tuned me into a medievalist. In the years since then Joan Holladay taught me how to think like one. She has been a model for me in her scholarship and in her abilities as an advisor, and additionally has become a wonderful friend. Her years of critique and encouragment shaped all that is good in this work. Martha Newman and Marjorie Woods were also responsible for setting me on the path that results in this dissertation and career. I am lucky to have had such supportive and gifted mentors. Penelope Davies inspired me through her own approachs to Art History and Jeff Smith's unfailing barrage of questions has helped me refine my argument. Help from Anne D. Hedeman and Michael Davis, both on the dissertation and the delights of scholarship and cuisine one can encounter in Paris place me happily in their debt. The guidance of Patricia Stirnemann, Mary and Richard Rouse, Bill Clark, and Peggy Brown in the early stages of research abroad paved the roads that would have otherwise been rocky at best. The staff at the Salle des Manuscrits at the Richlieu branch of the Biblioth que nationale in Paris was always helpful, and continue to make going to work there an extraordinary experience. I am also indebted to the women and men of the Archives nationales who made the often labrynthine process of studying documents less disorienting. My thanks also go to the proctors of the Salle de Lecteur at the Biblioth que royale Albert 1er in Brussels, where my reserved desk was stacked high iv with the evidence of their unflagging courteousness. The other figures who made this journey so delightful are my peers whose similar explorations allowed for important exchanges. Thanks especially to Lauren Hackworth Petersen, Margaret Woodhull, Mickey Abel, Maureen Quigley, and Nina Rowe. For providing research support, I am grateful to the Samuel H. Kress Foundation, The Belgian American Educational Foundation, and the University of Texas at Austin for a grant in in the form of a Continuing Fellowship. As everyone who has made it through such an undertaking knows the support of family and friends is the invisible force that allows one to succeed. Sigrid Knudsen, Foster Foreman, and Mindy Johnston provided me with a haven of laughter in the "quiet" of the Slide Library. Recently I acquired a whole new family upon arriving at Sweet Briar College and for their encouragement I will always be indebted. Without the emotional and physical help of my parents or shall I say my children's grandparents Carolyn and Ken Chapman, Karen and Carl Ramey, and Jim and Jan Hamilton I would not be typing these final sentences today. The long-distance words of wisdom from my sister Dena La Fleur and her husband, Jim, with whom I undertook the parallel journeys of childbirth and dissertationbirth, kept me laughing at what seemed insurmountable labors. My grandparents, Dick Hutton and Florence Rodgers, continue to inspire me with their amazing lives and stories and it is to them and their equally delightful greatgrandchildren, Niall and Avi, that this work is dedicated. Finally, I must thank my darling husband, Brad. His patience and impatience kept me moving forward, and it is to many similar travels both his and mine that I look forward to now. v Pleasure, Politics, and Piety: The Artistic Patronage of Marie de Brabant Publication No. _____________ Tracy Chapman Hamilton, Ph.D. The University of Texas at Austin, 2004 Supervisor: Joan A. Holladay This dissertation examines the patronage of Marie de Brabant, queen of France (12601322), and how her commissions transformed the atmosphere of the late Capetian court. Bringing with her from her native duchy of Brabant an established set of cultural preferences strikingly different from those that the saintly Louis IX had promoted in Paris for the previous half century, she introduced a love of secular material and elaborate ceremony upon her arrival in 1274. Taking the form of manuscript illumination, sculpture, stained glass, and architecture, as well as literature, music, science, history, genealogy, ritual, and finery, Marie's patronage set a trend for courtly consumption for the remainder of the medieval period. Nearly always political in nature, her commissions were nonetheless sumptuous to behold, whether secular or sacred in content and they vi announced her status as Carolingian princess and French queen. Analysis of the frontispiece of Biblioth que de l'Arsenal Ms. 3142, a richly illuminated miscellany of fictional, historical, and didactic poetry is crucial for understanding Marie's taste and priorities, and is complemented by study of her other commissions in Brabant and France. These commissions varied from large scale such as the addition of chapels to the east end of the church of Notre-Dame in Mantes or window programs for the chapel of St. Nicholas at the church of St.-Nicaise in Reims and her parent's necropolis at the church of the Dominicans in Louvain to smaller format the ch sse of Ste. Gertrude at Nivelles or the donor statues of the chapelle de Navarre at Mantes. Most numerous, however, are the manuscripts that made up her diverse library which included the secular romances of Adenet le Roi and the scientific treatises of Guillaume de Nangis as well as historical and religious texts all of which were illuminated by the most renowned and creative artists of the day. After an analysis of her patronage as queen and widow, I look to how her activities as patron and collector influenced other late Capetian royal women, many of whom Marie had raised and whose activities, in turn, complemented and complicated their mentor's vision of queenship. vii Table of Contents List of Illustrations...........................................................................ix Chapter One: Chapter Two: Introduction.............................................................1 Absorbing Brabantine Culture: Politics and Poetry in the Youth of Marie de Brabant.................................39 Chapter Three: Transforming the Court: New Roles in Politics, Art, and Ceremony....................................................... 86 Chapter Four: Chapter Five: Chapter Six: Deluxe, Didactic, Secular, and Spiritual: Manuscript Patronage in the Court of Marie de Brabant..................147 Carolingian Current: Promotion and Patrimony in the Patronage of Marie de Brabant..................................225 Conclusion............................................................295 Illustrations...................................................................................313 Appendices..................................................................................439 Bibliography................................................................................441 Vita...........................................................................................468 viii List of Illustrations Figure 1. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 1, detail: Marie and members of her court performing the poems of Adenet le Roi. Figure 2. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 71: acrostic revealing the names of Marie and Blanche de France. Figure 3. Paris, Biblioth que Nationale de France (hereafter BNF), fr. 844, Chansonnier de roi, fol. 6: portrait of Henri III on horseback opening his poems. Figure 4. Seal of Henri III de Brabant (1231-1261). Figure 5. Seal of B atrix de Brabant (1225-1288). Figure 6. Douai, Biblioth que municipale, ms. 711, Bestiaire, fols. 31v-32. Figure 7. Brussels, Biblioth que Royale Albert 1er, ms. 10607, Psalter of Guy de Dampierre, fol. 43: mermaid grotesque. Figure 8. Mons, Biblioth que de l'Universit , ms. 331, Le Conte del Graal by Chr tien de Troyes with continuations, fol. 267: Perceval and Blancheflor. Figure 9. Seal of Aleyde de Brabant (d. 1273). Figure 10. Seal of Marguerite de Provence (d.1295). Figure 11. Seal of Jean I de Brabant (1252-1294). Figure 12. Seal of Jean II de Brabant (c. 1275-1312). Figure 13. Seal of Jeanne de Flandres (1188-1244). Figure 14. Louvain, monastery of the Dominicans, aerial view. Figure 15. Louvain, church of Notre-Dame at the Dominicans, exterior from southeast. Figure 16. Louvain, church of Notre-Dame at the Dominicans, exterior from northeast. Figure 17. Paris, Ste.-Chapelle, exterior from south. Figure 18. Cologne, Minoritenkirche, exterior from east. Figure 19. Louvain, church of the Dominicans, plan. ix Figure 20. Nivelles, (from top to bottom), churches of St.-Paul, Notre-Dame, and St.Pierre (Ste.-Gertrude, after the 11th century). Figure 21. Tomb of Henri III de Brabant and Aleyde de Bourgogne, Louvain, church of the Dominicans. Figure 22. Paris, BNF, fr. 1456, Miscellany of works of Adenet le Roi, fol. 1: Marriage and nativity, frontispiece of Cl omad s. Figure 23. New York, J. Pierpont Morgan Library, ms. 240, Toledo Bible moralis e, fol. 8: Blanche of Castille and Louis IX commissioning the manuscript. Figure 24. Paris, BNF, fr. 1633, M liacin by Girart d'Amiens, fol. 1: courtly gathering. Figure 25. El Escorial, ms. T. I. 6, Book of Games, fol. 1: Alfonso X of Castile dictating the text. Figure 26. El Escorial, ms. T. I. 6, Book of Games, fol. 37: playing chess. Figure 27. Paris, Ste.-Chapelle, upper chapel, interior. Figure 28. Casket enameled with the arms of France and England, probably belonging to Marguerite de France or Isabelle de France, London, British Museum. Figure 29. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art. The Cloisters, ms. 54.1.2, The Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux, fol. 102v: opening folio of the Hours of Saint Louis with Jeanne d'Evreux before an image of St. Louis. Figure 30. Paris, BNF, lat. 8504, Kalila et Dimna, fol. 1v: portrait of Philip IV and his family. Figure 31. Paris, BNF, fr. 1633, M liacin by Girart d'Amiens, fol. 3: banquet scene. Figure 32. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 1: full folio Mariue de Brabant and members of her court and the author Adenet in the initial. Figure 33. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 72: Adenet and Robert d'Artois. Figure 34. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 1v: marriage of Ynabele and Mardigas. x Figure 35. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 120v: opening folio of Berte aus grans pi s with Pepin defeating the lion. Figure 36. Paris, BNF, fr. 12467, Miscellany of the works of Adenet le Roi, fol. 78v: opening folio of Berte aus grans pi s with Pepin defeating the lion. Figure 37. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 256: opening folio of Marie de France's Fables with a portrait of the author writing. Figure 38. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 273: closing folio of Marie de France's Fables with a portrait of the author reading. Figure 39. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 73: opening folio of Les Enfances Ogier with Ogier presented to Charlemagne. Figure 40. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 179: opening folio of Beuvon de Commarchis with knighting of the sons of Beuves, Gerart and Guielin. Figure 41. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 155v: Aristotle. Figure 42. Paris, BNF, fr. 1447, Berte aus grans pi s, fol. 21: Pepin defeating the lion. Figure 43. Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, ms. W. 760, Beaupr Antiphonary, fol. 3: donor portrait and scenes of Christ's ascension. Figure 44. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 73: Ogier presented to Charlemagne. Figure 45. Paris, BNF, fr. 1471, Miscellany of the works of Adenet le Roi, fol. 1: Ogier presented to Charlemagne. Figure 46. Montpellier, Biblioth que de la Facult de M decine, ms. H. 196, Montpellier Codex, fol. 88: Trinity. Figure 47. Montpellier, Biblioth que de la Facult de M decine, ms. H. 196, Montpellier Codex, fol. 63v: Lovers. Figure 48. Paris, BNF, fr. 24429, Miscellany, fol. 1: life of Christ. Figure 49. Paris, BNF, fr. 24429, Miscellany, fol. 25: Evaus and Nero. Figure 50. Paris, BNF, fr. 24429, Miscellany, fol. 45v: queen distributing alms. xi Figure 51. Paris, BNF, fr. 24429, Miscellany, fol. 49: queen kneeling before God. Figure 52. Paris, BNF, fr. 24429, Miscellany, fol. 58v: queen reading with confessor. Figure 53. Paris, BNF, fr. 24429, Miscellany, fol. 60v: queen reading before Virgin and Child. Figure 54. Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, 10.144, Gilles de Rome, De Regimine principum: king and queen advise their children and a tutor. Figure 55. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 311: "The Three Living and the Three Dead." Figure 56. New York, J. Pierpont Morgan Library, ms. 1042, Breviary of the Ste.Chapelle, fol. 8: Marie kneeling before the Virgin and Child in the Beatus vir initial. Figure 57. New York, J. Pierpont Morgan Library, ms. 1042, Breviary of the Ste.Chapelle, fol. 47: David ascending. Figure 58. Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek, Solger ms. 4.4, Nuremberg Hours, fol. 179v: owner portrait ascending steps to heaven. Figure 59. New York, J. Pierpont Morgan Library, ms. 1042, Breviary of the Ste.Chapelle, fol. 92v: Trinity. Figure 60. Paris, BNF, lat. 12834, Martyrology of St.-Germain-des-Pr s, fol. 49: May calendar page. Figure 61. Abbey of St.-Denis, plan of royal tombs, 1263-1264. Figure 62. Abbey of St.-Denis, plan of royal tombs, 1306. Figure 63. Medal depicting Marie's coronation. Figure 64. Crown of Jeanne d'Evreux. Figure 65. Berte aus grans pi s cycle, from Mus e du Ch teau de Cruet. Figure 66. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 129v: coronation of Clovis. Figure 67. Oxford, Christ Church Library, ms. E. 11, Treatise of Walter of Milemete: coronation of Clovis. xii Figure 68. Paris, Biblioth que Ste-Genevieve, ms. 782, Grandes Chroniques of Philippe III, fol. 121v: coronation of Charlemagne. Figure 69. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles: full view. Figure 70. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles: Virgin and Child. Figure 71. Shrine of St. Elizabeth of Hungary, Marburg, St. Elizabeth's. Figure 72. Ch sse of St. Romain, Rouen, Cathedral Treasury. Figure 73. Saint-Sepulchre Reliquary, Pamplona, Cathedral Treasury. Figure 74. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles: St. Gertrude and saints. Figure 75. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles, roof: Pepin, Itte, and Gertrude. Figure 76. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles, roof: Gertrude and St. Amand. Figure 77. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles: Gertrude. Figure 78. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles: crucifixion. Figure 79. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles: crucifixion archivolt. Figure 80. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles: Virgin at Calvary. Figure 81. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles, roof: pilgrims at the shrine of Gertrude. Figure 82. Grande procession de sainte Gertrude. Figure 83. Louvain, church of Notre-Dame at the Dominican monastery, burial chapel of Henri de Brabant and Aleyde de Bourgogne: window. Figure 84. Louvain, church of Notre-Dame at the Dominican monastery, burial chapel of Henri de Brabant and Aleyde de Bourgogne: window (detail). Figure 85. Louvain, church of Notre-Dame at the Dominican monastery, burial chapel of Henri de Brabant and Aleyde de Bourgogne: wall painting. Figure 86. Reims, church of St.-Nicaise, plan. Figure 87. Seal of Philippe IV (1268-1314). xiii Figure 88. Evreux cathedral: window of Louis d'Evreux from bay 12 (see following figure). Figure 89. Evreux cathedral, plan. Figure 90. Reims, church of St.-Nicaise, west fa ade. Figure 91. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, plan. Figure 92. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, aerial view. Figure 93. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, east end. Figure 94. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, exterior view from east. Figure 95. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, west fa ade, south portal. Figure 96. Mantes, plan of church square. Figure 97. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, exterior view from west. Figure 98. York, Minster, window displaying royal woman wearing heraldry of England and France. Figure 99. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, exterior view from south. Figure 100. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, interior view from across ambulatory. Figure 101. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, interior view from south aisle. Figure 102. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, interior view. Figure 103. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, interior west window. Figure 104. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, east end, exterior. Figure 105. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, chapel of Notre-Dame. Figure 106. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, statues of royal donors. Figure 107. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, statues of saints. xiv Figure 108. Paris, Portal of College de Navarre flanked by statues of Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne and Philippe IV. Figure 109. Roger de Gaigni res, drawing of Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne from College de Navarre, Paris. Figure 110. Roger de Gaigni res, drawing of Philippe IV from College de Navarre, Paris. Figure 111. Plan of late fourteenth-century Paris. Figure 112. Paris, monastery of the Cordeliers, plan. Figure 113. Paris, monastery of the Cordeliers, cloister and sacristry, plan. Figure 114. Paris, monastery of the Cordeliers, church, plan. Figure 115. St.-Denis, view of tombs from gallery of western side of north transept. Figure 116. Tombs of Marguerite d'Artois and Louis d'Evreux, St.-Denis (originally at Jacobins). Figure 117. Tombs of Marguerite d'Artois and Louis d'Evreux, St.-Denis (originally at Jacobins). Figure 118. Tomb of Cl mence d'Hongroie, St.-Denis (originally at Jacobins). Figure 119. Tomb of Blanche de France, St.-Denis (originally at Cordeliers). Figure 120. Roger de Gaigni res, drawing of tomb "niche" of Blanche de France, choir of church, monastery of the Cordeliers, Paris. Figure 121. Tomb of Robert d'Artois, St.-Denis (originally at Cordeliers). Figure 122. Tomb of Isabelle d'Aragon, St.-Denis. Figure 123. Tombs of Jeanne de Navarre and her brother, St.-Denis. Figure 124. Relief of Blanche de France and Louis from the Cordeliers, Paris, Mus e Carnavalet. Figure 125. Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, ms. St. Peter, perg. 92, Breviculum seu parvum Electorium by Thomas le My sier, fol. 12: author presenting his manuscript to Jeanne de Bourgogne accompanied by her mother, Mahaut, comtesse d'Artois. xv Figure 126. London, British Library, ms. Harley 4431, Miscellany containing the writings of Christine de Pizan, fol. 3: Christine presenting her manuscript to Isabeau de Bavi re. xvi Chapter One Introduction ...our present knowledge strongly suggests that the great feudal courts of Champagne and Flanders and Burgundy performed a far more important part in the development of French literature than did the court of the Capetian kings. This situation changed when Philip III came to the throne... and married the young Mary of Brabant. With Philip...the French king and his entourage began to take an interest in literature and the royal court became a wellspring of literary patronage.1 Fawtier's brief description of the state of literary affairs at the court of France in 1274 could well apply to royal patronage of art. While he mentions Marie de Brabant in the context of literary patronage, Fawtier does not connect the appearance of the new queen with the subsequent rise of secular interests at court; instead he cites the king, Philippe III, as the mover in these events. This omission on Fawtier's part is not unusual, especially for the date he was writing, and one can easily dismiss it by noting that his book concerns the kings, not the queens, of Capetian France. And yet, even in more recent scholarship such as Richard and Mary Rouse's Manuscripts and their Makers, whose authors do credit Marie for supporting the literary scene, she still receives only a few pages of attention.2 If we reshape our inquiry into court patronage, however, we will 1 Robert Fawtier, The Capetian Kings of France: Monarchy and Nation, 987-1328 (London; New York: Macmillan; St. Martin's Press, 1960), 217. Fawtier mistakenly dates Philippe III's accession to 1285, the year of his death. As I will show below, this date is of extreme importance for a study of Marie, for it begins her long and productive widowhood. 2 Richard and Mary Rouse, Manuscripts and their Makers: Commercial Book Producers in Medieval Paris 1200-1500 2 vols. (London: Harvey Miller, 2000), 99-103. See below for a larger discussion of the previous literature. 1 find that the historical record reveals important contributions the queen, Marie de Brabant, made to this burgeoning secular court. Using contemporary sources and the objects she commissioned as our evidence, we can investigate Marie's role in transforming court patronage in late-thirteenth-century Paris. Coming from Brabant, a duchy with a court of great intellectual and literary activity, she brought with her cultural preferences that she promptly introduced to her new surroundings in Paris, through patronage of the arts, science, literature, and ceremony. In the following chapters I will examine Marie's commissions from 1274 until her death in 1321 and will analyze the dynamics of her patronage and its impact on other women of the royal house. I shall place Marie in her historical context by emphasizing her awareness of her place in a newly developing tradition of artistic patronage and by considering her as a member of a discrete group of royal patrons. Soon after the time of Marie's arrival the cultural interests of the court changed, a transformation that I attribute to the agency of Marie and the network of women she raised and influenced. I will explore how she created an appropriate setting for a certain type of secular exchange that revolved around architecture, books, sculpture, music, ceremony, dress, and science. The emerging importance of the secular and redefinition of the sacred during these last decades of Capetian rule becomes all the more striking when juxtaposed to the lengthy reign of Louis IX (1214-1270) that had ended just four years before Marie's arrival in Paris. Louis's actions and interests were primarily religious to the exclusion of all others, 2 so much so that he was canonized in 1297.3 We know of his biases not only through contemporary sources, such as his deathbed instructions to his son, Philip III, and the evidence of his extensive religious patronage, but also through legend that reports Louis voicing a strong prejudice against secular works.4 Arriving in Paris, with her love of romans, music, astronomy, history, finery, and festes, Marie had an immediate impact on the members of the Parisian court, as illustrated by the grand jubilee that accompanied her coronation the following year. I continue my study until the year of Marie's death, although the network of cultural patronage Marie had initiated continued long after 1321. For instance her granddaughter, Jeanne d'Evreux, survived Marie by fifty years, during which time she was an extraordinarily active patron and secular interests at court continued to flourish. As seen in the case of Marie, the patronage of the women who followed her discloses, in fact, quite the opposite of what previous scholarship has described: the women of the royal house did actively contribute to and affect their surroundings. They possessed unexpected authority over their environment, both personal and public. Patronage was an especially effective way for royal women to manipulate and construct both their individual environment and an image of themselves for others; it provided an acceptable 3 Les grandes chroniques de France, 9 vols., Jules Viard, ed. (Paris: Soci t de l'histoire de France, 1932), vol. 7, and Jean de Joinville, The Life of Saint Louis, in Chronicles of the Crusades, M. R. B. Shaw, trans. (New York: Penguin Books, 1986), 181-353. 4 See below, Chapter Three. 3 and visible method for wealthy women to alter their world within societal limits and norms.5 By studying trends in Marie's patronage we can explore how she perceived herself, both as a royal woman in the public eye who was embedded in a long tradition, and also as an individual seeking to introduce innovative and personal records of herself. In this use of patronage to communicate an agenda Marie was not alone. By the time of her death there existed at the Parisian court a sizeable group of dowager queens to exchange ideas and compete with and learn from one another. In order to ground my study of Marie's patronage, I have had to rethink court culture. Historically, scholars have conceived of the court in one of three ways: as a place that fostered the composition and performance of secular literature; a semiimaginary site modern scholars have drawn from secular literature that was concerned solely with the elevation of courtly actions and ideals, such as chivalry, love, and the 5 Religious and secular patronage was already a well-established means of empowerment for women and has been the focus of study by a number of scholars of ancient and early medieval culture. To cite just a few: Riet Van Bremen, "Women and Wealth," Images of Women in Antiquity, A. Cameron and A. Kuhrt, eds. (Detroit: Wayne State Press, 1983); D. E. E. Kleiner, "Imperial Women as Patrons of the Arts in the Early Empire," I, Claudia. Women in Ancient Rome, D. E. E. Kleiner and S. B. Matheson, eds. (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1996), 28-41; M. T. Boatwright, "Plancia Magna of Perge: Women's Roles and Status in Roman Asia Minor," Women's History and Ancient History, S. B. Pomeroy, ed. (Chapel Hill, North Carolina, University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 249-72; Leslie Brubaker, "Memories of Helena: Patterns in Imperial Female Matronage in the Fourth and Fifth Centuries," Women, Men, and Eunuchs: Gender in Byzantium, Liz James, ed. (London: Routledge, 1997), 52-75; Anne McClanan, "The Empress Theodora and the Tradition of Women's Patronage in the Early Byzantine Empire," The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women, June Hall McCash, ed. (Athens & London: The University of Georgia Press, 1996), 50-72; K. Ciggar, "Theophano: An Empress Reconsidered," The Empress Theophano, A. Davids, ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 49-63. 4 worship of the lady; or as the political and bureaucratic organization of a royal household where the king surrounded himself with knights and officials and to which only men had access.6 I find that none of these conceptions satisfactorily embodies the circumstances in late Capetian Paris, and none corresponds particularly well with the situation of the royal women who resided there. These were not otherworldly figures, worshipped by knights, but regal women, in charge of their households and with access to large sums of money that usually allowed them freedoms in their lives. By looking at how Marie combined the visual, ceremonial, literary, and political worlds I can suggest a more nuanced definition of court patronage and better create an image of the societal structure of this period and therefore of the world in which Marie functioned. Central to these questions of female patronage and court culture is the difference between female and male patronage. It has generally been assumed that men were the primary providers of large-scale, public works. In recent years, however, scholars have demonstrated that women were heavily involved in large-scale, politically motivated commissions, as well as being prolific, innovative, and active supporters of the manuscript trade. Did they inscribe specific concerns into their domain that differed from those of their male counterparts? Is there, then, a difference between the patronage of women and men? One must also be wary of the implications of "feminine" versus "masculine" imagery.7 By working from objects with a precise historical context instead 6 See below for further discussion of the state of scholarly literature in this field. 7 Caroline Walker Bynum has illustrated how slippery such terminology can prove to be. See, for example, Holy Feast, Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987) or her collection of essays, 5 of relying on traditional stereotypes, I hope better to determine what qualifies as "female patronage" at this place and time. I predict that we will consequently have to overhaul our perceptions of what we presently consider two disparate realms. The recent burgeoning of critical literature on women in medieval society has opened the door to further inquiry. Case studies have begun to appear on female patronage, but few are concerned with this period of French history, which itself has only attracted art historical attention in the last twenty years. This previous lack of interest can be attributed primarily to the two charismatic kings that precede and follow this era, Louis IX and Charles V (1338-1380). Historians and art historians alike have seen their reigns as peaks of cultural achievement, leaving a gap in scholarship only now being filled for the period in between. Although these kings are purposefully not the focus of my study, they can both act as foils to and, in Louis's case, as a moral role model and revered ancestor for Marie. What Marie and her successors had achieved was so deeply embedded in the court setting that, by 1364, when Charles V came to the throne, he paid tribute to them by collecting their objects and echoing their cultural activities as part of his perceived royal heritage. This discerning collector actively sought and purchased many of his ancestors' manuscripts and objects, including those owned by these women. I suggest that by mining the visual and documentary record we can begin to comprehend to what extent Marie influenced her contemporaries and successors. As queen and mother she was responsible for the education of the noble children living at Fragmentation and Redemption: Essays on Gender and the Human Body in Medieval Religion (New York: Zone Books, 1992). 6 court. It was Marie who ultimately controlled the household: what meals were served, how many candles were lit, how much wine was poured, which tapestries were displayed in the hall versus the queen's chambers, what music was performed and who recited it, what books were purchased and read, which garments were made of the latest fabric from Artois and for which occasions they were appropriate.8 Considered in this light, her taste and proclivities would have greatly affected anyone living under the royal roof. She was, no doubt, surrounded by numerous advisors and servants to aid in making these decisions and carrying them out. Yet, as queen it was her command that prevailed. Through a study of Marie de Brabant's patronage of the literary, plastic, and painted arts, within the context of her more highly visible ceremonial and architectural commissions, we can experience how she manipulated the design of her courtly spaces in order to present herself as a powerful monarch, a beneficent queen, a learned woman, a deserving mother, and a pious daughter. That Marie often chose innovative materials and iconographies that would later in the fourteenth century become the norm to create these images signals her importance in late medieval patronage. My contribution to the field will be two-fold. I will first examine the patronage of Marie de Brabant, demonstrating how it responds to the socio-political domain of the French court. Marie's background in Brabant, her infusion of secular subject matter into the French court along with a revisualization of the sacred, and her specifically political patronage will be the subject of the next four chapters. In the concluding chapter I will 8 These details of the daily activities at court are recorded in household inventories, in the Comptes de l'Argenterie, or in other archival sources related to the Maison de la Reine. 7 then consider in greater depth Marie's interactions with the other royal women of the French court, looking in particular at funerary and collecting concerns.9 To ground this discussion, I would first like to investigate the background that helped shape Marie's identity and influenced her cultural patronage. Having gained a sense of the socio-political context that surrounded and motivated Marie's commissions, I will analyze the objects and monuments that best seem to sum up her vision of herself. In addition to more traditional objects of art historical inquiry, I will consider how ritual, courtly gatherings, and display can enable a broader definition of "visual" patronage in Marie's court. Although on the surface the primary motivation behind Marie's patronage may seem to have been the pure pleasure of surrounding herself with magnificent possessions and foundations that trumpeted her devotion and good taste, I will show that the promotion of family and self was by no means secondary. In the creation of a coronation ceremony, a celebratory joust, a royal chapel, a family memorial, a saint's reliquary, or a library of manuscripts, her interests crossed the border between public and private as we see them today. In the late thirteenth-century, however, these lines were far less distinct: even in the pages of a personalized manuscript we can find agendas that were meant to speak to a widespread audience, and in the well-frequented, communal arena of a popular saint's shrine one might unveil surprisingly personal references. Placed within their original context, the commissions of Marie rarely lack a political message of some kind. She was, of course, not alone in this manipulation of visual 9 This last chapter is part of a larger project on the commissions and collecting habits of late Capetian royal women. 8 forms, and we will see that much of her patronage provoked or responded to similarlymotivated creations. Marie's life and patronage were concentrated in two, well-connected regions of northern Europe: Brabant and the Ile-de-France. The dukes of Brabant were important allies for the kings of France and often acted as a buffer between their southern neighbor and the Low Countries and Germany and the Holy Roman Empireto the north and east. It was a wealthy duchy that benefitted from its position as conduit of trade and diplomacy. Paris, of course, was the primary locale of the French court. Under the reigns of its late-twelfth and thirteenth-century rulers, Paris had grown from the center of a small kingdom, to the capital of a much larger and more powerful mass of lands that made up France. These two geographical and political entities, and the routes that connected them, would be the focus of this queen's attention throughout her life. Marie's history can be further broken down into temporal and familial categories: youth, marriage, and widowhood define her persona as daughter, sister, cousin, wife, mother, and dowager queen. The momentous occasion of her coronation as the queen of France and the devastating day of her husband's death in 1285 were two pivotal moments of Marie's life. The first celebrated her marriage to the kingdom of France, a relationship which had already commenced with her nuptials to Philippe III the previous year. As queen of France she was now one of the most powerful women in Europe. She had at her disposal the resources and the obligation to create an appropriately luxurious and cultured setting for the members of the court, as well as to benefit needy or worthy institutions. 9 These responsibilities did not vanish with the death of Philippe III in 1285. They were made somewhat more challenging due to the less than loving relationship with her newly crowned stepson, Philippe IV.10 No longer the queen of the reigning king of France, Marie was forced to leave her apartments in the palais de Paris and the ch teau de Vincennes. But instead of deserting the worldly court she had created in Paris, she resituated it a short distance to the west, in the important town of Mantes. Moreover, as we will see, her connections to the capital were by no means severed, and she had family and friends throughout western Europe. Thus, the thirty-six-year period from 1285 to her death in 1321 is the second half of the story of Marie's continued influence at the French court. To understand how she was equipped physically, psychologically, and monetarily to refocus her energies in widowhood I will also look to the twenty-five years that preceded the death of Philippe III. Thus, I will consider how her early life in Brabant, her activities as young queen, and the relations she either continued or cultivated from 1285 until her death in 1321, all helped to shape her identity and how these influences manifested themselves in her cultural patronage. A moment fundamental to Marie's early years as queen, occurred just before the birth of her own firstborn, Louis. Late in her pregnancy the two eldest sons of Philippe III and Isabelle of Aragon (1243-1271) suddenly became ill and died. Pierre de la Broce, favored counsellor of Philippe, accused Marie of having poisoned the heirs to the throne 10 E. A. R. Brown, "The Prince is Father of the King: The Character and Childhood of Philip the Fair of France" The Monarchy of Capetian France and Royal Ceremonial (Aldershot, Great Britain: Variorum, 1991), 282-334, esp. 321-26. First published in Medieval Studies 49 (1987), 282-334. 10 of France. Philippe and Marie were estranged for almost two years before she was proven innocent, and while Elizabeth Brown views these events as traumatizing to the development of Philippe IV, they must have been equally pivotal for Marie. In the end queen and king were reunited and Pierre, along with his wife, were disgraced and dead.11 The men who helped clear Marie of the charges against her were her brother and cousins, the dukes of Brabant and Bourgogne and the count of Artois.12 The latter, Robert d'Artois, was often called away from his comital lands and the court in Paris to help in the defense of the kingdom of Sicily, where he acted as regent in the years after the death of Charles I (1227-1285). While Robert was away his daughter, Mahaut, the future countess of Artois (ca. 1270-1329), divided her time between the fabulous familial ch teau in Hesdin and the court of Marie in Paris. In the capital, Mahaut was also in the company of Jeanne, heiress to the kingdom of Navarre (1273-1305), who, with her mother Blanche d'Artois (ca. 1245-1302), had taken refuge in Paris the year after Marie married Philippe, because her uncle had contested her right to inherit these lands. Jeanne, only two when she arrived, was the cousin of both queen and king through her mother.13 The young princess was welcomed by Philippe III, who promised to defend her lands on her behalf on the condition that she would marry one of the royal princes and thereby bring the wealthy 11 I will address this scandal further in chapter three. 12 Jean I de Brabant (ca. 1252-1294), Robert II de Bourgogne (ca. 1245-1305), and Robert d'Artois (1250-1302). 13 Blanche's parents were Robert I d'Artois (1216-1249) and Mahaut de Brabant (12241288), thus she was first cousin to both Philippe and Marie. 11 and strategically-placed kingdom of Navarre into the inheritance of the French realm. She was betrothed to the third in line, Philippe, ensuring that he would one day have a kingdom of his own. After the deaths of the two eldest brothers, however, the young Jeanne and Philippe would in 1285 unite their legacies as queen and king of France and Navarre, making France's borders reach further than ever. Thus, along with Marie's own children, Louis (1276-1319), Marguerite (1279-1317), and Blanche (1282-1305), the court was populated with other royal princesses and princes whose futures were indelibly scripted by the politics and pastimes of their vibrant young queen. Another figure essential to interpreting Marie's life and patronage who arrived in Paris early in Marie's reign was Blanche de France (1252-1320), recent widow of Ferdinand, infant of Castille (d. 1275). The daughter of Louis IX, Blanche had come in contact with a whole new realm of literature and the arts during her nine years in Spain at the sophisticated court of Alfonso X (1221-1284) and her and Marie's friendship and collaborative approach to patronage is permanently recorded in the frontispiece of Arsenal 3142, a manuscript commissioned and owned by Marie de Brabant that will play an integral role throughout this dissertation (figs. 1 and 32). The themes displayed in this miniature structure my consideration of Marie for this project and in many ways define how I view female patronage and the courtly setting in Late Capetian France. It shows Marie in the company of her nephew, Jean II de Brabant, her sister-in-law, Blanche de France, and the renowned trouv re, Adenet le Roi. We see how Marie conceived of herself, and was conceived of by the artist, as a refined, regal figure. Reclining on her bed, she is both alert and relaxed, aware of her elevated 12 past and present position, head of a quintessentially courtly setting that is framed as a Biblical nativity scene. The royal group actively discusses its subject, each member clothed in heavy, gold-threaded drapery embroidered with his or her personal coat of arms. The intellectual game they are playing has them arranged in a way that vaguely reminds the viewer of a religious prototype, but one glance at the fictional text below which begins only after a full page of dedicatory comments assures the reader that this image, while refering to a Biblical, ancient, and more recent past, could only had been painted in the late thirteenth-century present. Troubadours, patrons, and heraldry had all been depicted before, but this arrangement, heading this collection of illumination and texts, produced in the Franco-Brabantine context, makes this image a succinct and prophetic commentary on the new multi-valent, courtly attitude and role of the queen under introduction to the established system. Marie may have transformed the court (just as Eleanor of Castile (1234-1290), wife of Edward I (1239-1307), was doing across the Channel in England)14 by introducing new styles and foci, but she was utterly aware of the the value of utilizing the past whether it be of the French or the Brabantine half of her robe to legitimize her present day actions. Where the production of this image fits into Marie's biography is one of the questions I attempt to answer in the following chapters. To do this, I have organized Marie's patronage thematically rather than chronologically. With the exception of the chapter that outlines her youth, when I explore how she promotes a new mode of courtly 14 John Carmi Parsons, Eleanor of Castile: Queen and Society in Thirteenth-Century England (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995). 13 ideology, I consider her patronage of manuscripts, ceremony, architecture, sculpture, and glass from all periods of her life. In my final chapter I introduce themes within her politics and commissions that were developed by other Late Capetian royal women. This chapter depends upon those that preceded it, just as the taste and patronage habits of these queens were prepared by Marie. State of the Scholarly Literature A number of late-nineteenth-century archival studies mention the patronage of the royal women of late Capetian France. Without these publications my topic would have been impossible; however, their authors did not discuss any of their material critically. Other drawbacks of such sources arise from lack of interest in the works of art mentioned in the documents and from their outdated references to works since found, lost, or destroyed. Still, the mere mention of a commission helps in piecing together patronage patterns and provides an important base upon which to build. These early sources make very few mentions of Marie de Brabant and so I have had to go, for the most part, to primary sources to piece together her patronage. The situation is better for Mahaut d'Artois and the women who followed Marie in the royal office. Mahaut, in particular, plays a major role in the work of Jules-Marie Richard, Chr tien Dehaisnes, and Louis L ger.15 These authors assemble all aspects of their subject's patronage ranging from 15 Jules-Marie Richard, "Le tombeau de Robert l'enfant aux Cordeliers de Paris," Memoires de la soci t de l'histoire de Paris et Ile-de-France 6 (1879), 290-304; Richard, "Les livres de Mahaut Comtesse d'Artois et de Bourgogne (1302-1329)," Revue des questions historiques 40 (1886), 235-41; Richard, Une petite-ni ce de Saint Louis Mahaut Comtesse d'Artois et de Bourgogne (1302-1329) (Paris: H. Champion, 1887); 14 garments, jewelry, and extravagant dinners to manuscripts, small and large scale sculpture, and architecture. Other early archival scholarship by Paulin Paris, LouisClaude Dou t-d'Arcq, A. M. Huffelmann, N. M. Troche, Christophe Butkens, and Pierre Fran ois Xavier de Ram similarly lists the manuscripts of Jeanne d'Evreux, inventories of Cl mence d'Hongroie and Jeanne de Bourgogne, the collegiate foundation of Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne, and Marie's patronage in Brabant.16 Also relevant in this regard is the extensive work of Leopold Delisle, former director of the Biblioth que nationale, concerning the libraries of the royal house, such as the three-volume set Le cabinet des manuscrits de la Biblioth que imp riale and his Recherches sur la librairie Richard, Inventaire sommaire des archives d partmentales ant rieures 1790, Pas-deCalais, Archives civiles (Arras: Imprimerie de la Soci t du Pas-de-Calais, 1878-87); Chr tien Dehaisnes, Histoire de l'art dans la Flandre, l'Artois & le Hainaut avant le XV si cle (Lille: L. Quarr , 1886); Louis L ger, Une petite-ni ce de Saint Louis: Mahaut, comtesse d'Artois et de Bourgogne, bienfaitrice de l'abbaye de Maubuisson (Pontoise: Bureau de la Soci t historique, 1890). A modern reading of Mahaut's will is found in J. P. Redoutey, "Les trois testaments de Mahaut d'Artois," M moires de la Soci t pour l'Histoire du Droit et des Institutions des anciens pays bourguignons comtois et romands 39 (1982), 161-78. 16 Aubin Louis Millin, Antiquit s nationales ou recueil de monumens, 5 vols. (Paris: Chez M. Drouhin, 1790-1799); Paulin Paris, "Livres de la reine Cl mence, femme de Louis le Hutin, morte en 1328," Bulletin du bibliophile, 2nd ser., 18 (1837), 561-64; Paris, "Livres de Jeanne d'Evreux, reine de France, femme de Charles le Bel (de 1325 1370)," Bulletin du bibliophile, 2nd ser., 18 (1837), 492-94; Louis Dou t-d'Arcq, Comptes de l'argenterie des rois de France au XIVe si cle (Paris: J. Renouard et cie, 1851); Dou td'Arcq, Nouveau recueil de comptes de l'argenterie des rois de France (Paris: Librairie Renouard, H. Loones, successeur, 1874); N. M. Troche, "Ancienne chapelle du coll ge de Navarre," Revue arch ologique 1 (1844-45), 192-200; Christophe Butkens, Troph es tant sacr s que profanes du duch de Brabant (La Haye: C. van Lom, 1724); Pierre Fran ois Xavier de Ram, "Recherches sur les s pultures des ducs de Brabant Louvain," Nouveaux m moires de l'Academie royale des Sciences et Belles-lettres de Bruxelles 19 (1845), 1-48 and plates. 15 de Charles V.17 Like Richard and Dehaisnes these authors catalogue or list the commissions pulling their information from original records. Many small references to single objects owned or commissioned by Marie and her contemporaries also serve as a foundation for my present and future work. In combination with more recent publications, this literature has aided me in beginning to establish the life and patronage patterns of Marie.18 17 (Paris: Imprimerie Imp riale, 1868) and (Paris: H. Champion, 1907), respectively. 18 C. Donnay-Rocmans, "La ch sse de Sainte Gertrude Nivelles," Gazette des BeauxArts 58 (1961), 185-202; Fran oise Baron, "Le ma tre-autel de l'abbaye de Maubuisson au XIVe si cle," Monuments et m moires de la fondation Eug ne Piot (Paris: Acad mie des inscriptions et belles lettres, 1971), 129-51; Baron, "Le decor sculpt et peint de l'h pital Saint-Jacques-aux-Pelerins," Bulletin monumental 83/1 (1975), 29-72; Erich Steingr ber, "Ein Reliquienaltar K nig Philipps V. und K nigin Johannas von Frankreich," Pantheon 33/2 (April-June 1975), 91-99; Gerhard Schmidt, "Zu einigen Stifterdarstellungen des 14. Jahrhunderts in Frankreich," Etudes d'art m di val offertes Louis Grodecki (Paris: ditions Ophrys, 1981), 269-80 and plates; Anne D. Hedeman, "The Commemoration of Jeanne d'Evreux's Coronation in the Ordo ad Consecrandum at the University of Illinois," Essays in Medieval Studies. Proceedings of the Illinois Medieval Association 7 (1990), 13-28; Danielle Gaborit-Chopin, "The Reliquary of Elizabeth of Hungary at the Cloisters," The Cloisters: Studies in Honor of the Fiftieth Anniversary, Elizabeth C. Parker and Mary B. Shepard, eds. (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art and International Center of Medieval Art, 1992), 327-53; Madeline Caviness,"Patron or Matron? A Capetian Bride and a Vade Mecum for Her Marriage Bed," Speculum 68 (April 1993), 333-62; Joan A. Holladay "The Education of Jeanne d'Evreux: Personal Piety and Dynastic Salvation in her Book of Hours at the Cloisters," Art History 17/4 (December 1994), 585-610; Eleanor Simmons, Les Heures de Nuremberg: Reproduction int grale du calendrier et des images du manuscrit Solger 4.4 de la Stadtbibliothek de Nuremberg (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1994); Nathalie Gorochov, Le Coll ge de Navarre de sa fondation (1305) au d but du XVe si cle (1418): Histoire de l'institution, de sa vie intellectuelle et de son recrutement (Paris: H. Champion, 1997); The Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux: A Prayer Book for a Queen, Barbara Drake Boehm, Philippe De Montebello, and Teresa Russo, eds. (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1999). 16 Other primary sources, such as chronicles, elaborate the background or context for the works of art themselves and many discuss if only briefly Marie's activities.19 As with all sources, however, it is important to consider their context and agenda, an approach that is central to my methodology. For instance, Joinville's Vie de Saint Louis, although dedicated to the years before Marie's arrival in Paris, was commissioned by Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne and offers us insight into late-thirteenth century conceptions and memories of the sainted king. Equally unrelated to royal women on their surface are the Chronica de origine ducum Brabantiae and the Genealogia ducum brabantiae ampliata; the texts and their adaptations, however, were written during the course of Marie's life and will play a major role in my attempt to understand the 19 Adriaan van Baarland, Die Cronijcke van Brabant (Thantwerpen: J. Wijnrijcx, 155355); La chronique anonyme, in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France (Paris, Imprimerie imp riale, 1840), 21: 80-102 (hereafter cited as RHF); Chronique anonyme de la guerre entre Philippe le Bel et Gui de Dampierre 1294-1304, in Recueil des chroniques de flandre, 4 vols., J. J. de Smet, ed. (Bruxelles: n.p., 1865), 4: 44-502; La chronique de Mantes, A. Durand and E. Grave, eds. (Mantes: Imprimerie du Petit Mantais, 1883); Geoffrey de Paris, La chronique metrique (Paris, en depot: Les Belles lettres, 1956); Guillaume Guiart, La Branche des Royaus Lignages, 2 vols., J. A. Buchon, ed. (Paris: Verdi re, 1828); Les grandes chroniques de France, Jules Viard, ed. (Paris: Soci t de l'histoire de France, 1920-37); Guillaume de Nangis, Vie de Philippe III, RHF 20: 466-539; Guillaume de Nangis, Chronique latine de Guillaume de Nangis de 1113 1300 avec les continuations de cette chronique de 1300 1368, nouv. ed. revue sur les manuscrits, annot e et publi e pour la Soci t de l'histoire de France, H. Geraud, ed. (Paris: Chez Jules Renouard et Cie, 1843); Histoire des ducs de Normandie et des rois d'Angleterre, publi e en entier, pour la premi re fois, d'apr s deux manuscrits de la Biblioth que du Roi; suivi de la relation du Tournoi de Ham, par Sarrazin, trouv re du XIIIe si cle, Francisque Michel, ed. (Paris: Chez Jules Renouard et Cie, 1840); Jean de Hocsem, La chronique de Jean de Hocsem, Godefroid Kurth, ed. (Brussels: Librairie Kiessling, 1927). 17 motivations behind many of Marie's commissions.20 Critical explorations of other late Capetian manuscripts such as Anne D. Hedeman's The Royal Image: Illustrations of the Grandes Chroniques de France 1274-1422 and the recent Fauvel Studies: Allegory, Chronicle, Music, and Image in Paris, Biblioth que nationale de France, MS fran ais 146 illustate how the consideration of function and viewership can clarify our understanding of not just the manuscript in question, but also the historical era contemporary with its production.21 Another recent study, closely related to my work, is Catherine Parsoneault's dissertation, "The Montpellier Codex: Royal Influence and Musical Taste in Late Thirteenth-Century Paris."22 By integrating diverse methodologies codicology, musicology, historiography, and formal analysis to name a few 20 Chronica de origine ducum Brabantiae, Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptorum (1880; repr., Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1974), 25: 405-13 (hereafter cited as MGH); Genealogia ducum brabantiae ampliata, MGH. Scriptorium, 25: 391-99; Genealogia ducum brabantiae heredum Franciae, MGH. Scriptorium, 25: 385-91; Genealogia ducum brabantiae metrica, MGH. Scriptorium, 25: 399-404. 21 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991) and M. Bent and A. Wathey, eds. (Oxford: Clarendon Press; New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), respectively. The work of Gabrielle Spiegel has been essential to our understanding of the historiography of thirteenth-century France. She connects the rise in the use of the vernacular and the growing popularity of genealogical narrative in the early thirteenth century, citing the Histoire des ducs de Normandie et des rois d'Angleterre, completed by 1220, and the Grandes chroniques de France, the initial version of which was finished by 1274. Romancing the Past: The Rise of Vernacular Prose Historiography in Thirteenth-Century France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), chapter five; Spiegel, "Genealogy: Form and Function in Medieval Historical Narrative," History and Theory 22 (1983), 43-53, here 48. 22 "The Montpellier Codex: Royal Influence and Musical Taste in Late ThirteenthCentury Paris" (Ph. D. diss., University of Texas at Austin, 2001). 18 Parsoneault has been able to place the ownership of this codex firmly at the center of the French court and specifically into the hands of Marie de Brabant.23 Studies on the queens of France add biographical data to my research even though, since they were published with the same uncritical eye as the archival studies, they are of limited use.24 More recently, analytical studies on specific aspects of individual queens' rule have been published in collections of essays.25 In an essay from the collection Medieval Queenship entitled "Mothers, Daughters, Marriage and Power: Some Plantagenet Evidence," John Carmi Parsons focuses on the issue of women not only as educators but also as persons worthy of exemplary training themselves. As the representatives of their families in marriage negotiations, he reasons, future brides received a great deal of attention that would ready them for the important role that lay ahead. This argument is particularly relevant for my study in that Marie arrived in Paris from outside the Ile-de-France with established tastes and interests. Basic surveys and the few monographs on contemporary kings help form a broader image of the period. As I noted above, Robert Fawtier's The Capetian Kings of France is not without its limitations. All the same, along with Hallam and Everard's 23 See especially Chapter Five. 24 Francoise Barry, Les droits de la reine sous la monarchie fran aise jusqu'en 1789 (Paris: Les Editions Donat-Montchrestien, F. Loviton et Cie, 1932); Paule Lejeune, Les reines de France (Paris: Vernal/Philippe Lebaud, 1989). 25 Women and Sovereignty, Louise Olga Fradenburg, ed. (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1992); Queens, Regents and Potentates, Theresa M. Vann, ed. (Dallas: Academia, 1993); Medieval Queenship, John Carmi Parsons, ed. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993); and Queens and Queenship in Medieval Europe, Anne J. Duggan, ed. (Woodbridge, Suffolk, U. K.; Rochester, N. Y.: Boydell Press, 1997). 19 Capetian France 987-1328, it provides an overview of the period unavailable elsewhere.26 In his Le r gne de Philippe III le Hardi, Charles-Victoire Langlois fleshes out the political background for the early years of this study, while the biographies of Philippe IV le Bel and his son Philippe V le Long move into the fourteenth century.27 Works concerning Paris and other cities of importance to Marie round out the physical and historical context of courtly patronage.28 Absolutely essential for understanding royal behavior in this period are the numerous publications by the historian Elizabeth A. R. Brown. Although she gives priority to the Capetian kings, she fully realizes the importance of the royal women to the 26 Elizabeth M. Hallam and Judith Everard, Capetian France, 987-1328, 2nd ed. (Harlow, England; New York: Longman, 2001). 27 Le r gne de Philippe III le Hardi (1887; repr., Geneva: M gariotis Reprints, 1979); Joseph Strayer, The Reign of Philip the Fair (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980); Paul Lehugeur, Histoire de Philipe le Long roi de France (1316-1322), 2 pts. (1897-1931; Geneva: Slatkine-Megariotis Reprints, 1975). Equally important for interpreting the ideology of rulership in this period is Andrew W. Lewis, Royal Succession in Capetian France: Studies on Familial Order and the State (Cambridge, MA.: Harvard University Press, 1981). 28 Raymond Cazelles, Nouvelle histoire de Paris: De la fin du r gne de Philippe Auguste la mort de Charles V, 1223-1380 (Paris: Diffusion Hachette, 1994); Yvan Christ, Eglises parisiennes actuelles et disparues (Paris: Editions "Tel," 1947); Gilles Corrozet, Les antiquitez, histoires, croniques et singularit s de Paris, ville capitale du royaume de France avec les fondations et bastiments des lieux: Les s pulchres et pitaphes des princes, princesses et autres personnes illustres corrig es et augment es pour la seconde dition par Gilles Corrozet, Parisien (Paris: G. Corrozet, 1561); Michael Davis, "Splendor and Peril: The Cathedral of Paris, 1290-1350," Art Bulletin 80/1 (March 1998), 34-66; Jean Guerout, "Le palais de la Cit Paris, des origines 1417: Essai topographique et arch ologique," F d ration des soci t s historiques et arch ologiques de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France. M moires 2 (1950-52), 18-204; A. J. Rombaut, Bruxelles illustr e ou description chronologique et histoire de cette ville, tant de son an iennet , que de son tat pr sent, 2 vols. (Brussels: Pauwels, 1777). 20 social context of this period, mentioning them both as active and passive participants in the politics of the court and nation. Furthermore, Brown utilizes the commissions connected with her subject, considering, for example, the dynastic overtones in the artistic patronage of Philippe IV as evidence for his use of propaganda.29 Although Brown and others have devoted some attention to the commissions of Philippe IV, little to no work has been done on contemporary royal women. Exhibition catalogs such as La France de Saint Louis, Art and the Courts, Transformations of the Court Style, Les fastes du gothique, and the more recent Creating French Culture all make passing references to late Capetian women as patrons or owners of specific works, but they attempt no larger view of their projects, nor of the interests of the group as a whole.30 They do, however, along with the general historical surveys listed above help in 29 Nine of Brown's articles originally published from 1978 to 1988 were reprinted in The Monarchy of Capetian France and Royal Ceremonial. Others include: "Philippe le Bel and the Remains of St. Louis," Gazette des Beaux-Arts 95 (1980), 175-82; "Authority, the Family, and the Dead in Late Medieval France," French Historical Studies 16/4 (Autumn, 1990), 803-32; "La g n alogie cap tienne dans l'historiographie du Moyen Age," Religion et culture autour de l'an mil: Royaume cap tien et Lotharingie, Dominique Iogna-Prat and J.-Ch. Picard, eds. (Paris: Picard, 1990), 200-14; "La grant feste: Philip the Fair's Celebration of the Knighting of His Sons in Paris at Pentecost of 1313," City and Spectacle in Medieval Europe, Barbara A. Hanawalt and Kathryn L. Reyerson, eds. (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 56-86; "Rex ioians, ionnes, iolis: Louis X, Philip V, and the Livres de Fauvel," Fauvel Studies, 53-72. 30 La France de Saint Louis, Pierre Pradel, ed. (Paris: Salle des Gens D'Armes du Palais, 1970); Art and the Courts: France and England from 1259 to 1328, 2 vols., Peter Brieger & Philippe Verdier, eds. (Ottawa: National Gallery of Canada, 1972); Transformations of the Court Style: Gothic Art in Europe 1270 to 1330 (Providence, RI: Department of Art, Brown University, 1977); Les fastes du gothique: Le si cle de Charles V, Fran oise Baron, ed. (Paris: Editions de la R union des mus es nationaux, 1981). 21 rediscovering the nature and interests of the Parisian court, although in an incomplete, gender-biased manner. The deluxe catalogue of the major exhibition, L'art au temps les rois maudits: Philippe le Bel et ses fils 1285-1328, addresses the quality and scope of artistic production and patronage for a period that has been overshadowed by the more visible reigns of Louis IX and Charles V.31 In some respects the book succeeds; it will remain a encyclopedic resource of bibliography and images for the foreseeable future. However, its entries assign little more than passing remarks to the role that the daughters, sisters, and wives of these kings played in the promotion of cultural exchange. A year earlier, a small catalogue, L'enfant oubli : Le gisant de Jean de Bourgogne et le m c nat de Mahaut d'Artois en Franche-Comt au XIVe si cle was produced.32 Although an isolated case, when combined with the other literature and archives, this study of Mahaut d'Artois's Burgundian patronage grants a view into one aspect of royal women's courtly commissions that informs my work on Marie. Other sources useful in reconstructing a picture of the French court include Benton's "The Court of Champagne as a Literary Center," Bumke's Courtly Culture: Literature and Society in the High Middle Ages, Buettner's "Profane Illuminations, Secular Illusions: Manuscripts in Late Medieval Courtly Society," and Gillerman's Enguerran de Marigny and the Church of Notre-Dame at Ecouis: Art and Patronage in 31 L'art au temps les rois maudits: Philippe le Bel et ses fils 1285-1328 (Paris: Editions de la R union des mus es nationaux, 1998). 32 L'enfant oubli : Le gisant de Jean de Bourgogne et le m c nat de Mahaut d'Artois en Franche-Comt au XIVe si cle, Fran oise Baron, ed. (Besan on: Le Mus e, 1997). 22 the Reign of Philip the Fair.33 As testament to the importance of women's commissions to the manuscript culture of Paris in this era is the latest publication of Richard and Mary Rouse.34 These authors provide numerous examples of how Marie and her successors were often the first to support new literary and artistic trends that later became associated with royal French culture. Another useful, recent study is Malcolm Vale's The Princely Court. Approaching a different set of materials from the previous studies, his book provides dimension to the picture of consumption and ceremony in the northern courts of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.35 Because of Marie's continued contact with the rulers of Brabant, Flanders, and England, this work while never referring specifically to Marie does help to place royal female patronage in the larger discussion of contemporary northern political and cultural systems. Although the queens of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries have not yet attracted sustained scholarly interest, many recent works attest to a growing general interest in female patronage during the last two decades. Scholars have long connected 33 J. F. Benton, "The Court of Champagne as a Literary Center," Speculum 36 (1961), 551-91; Jochim Bumke, Courtly Culture: Literature and Society in the High Middle Ages, Thomas Dunlap, trans. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991). Originally published as H fische Kultur: Literatur und Gesellschaft im hohen Mittelalter (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1986); Brigitte Buettner, "Profane Illuminations, Secular Illusions: Manuscripts in Late Medieval Courtly Society," Art Bulletin 74/1 (March, 1992), 75-90; Dorothy W. Gillerman, Enguerran de Marigny and the Church of NotreDame at Ecouis: Art and Patronage in the Reign of Philip the Fair (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994). 34 Manuscripts and their Makers. See above, n. 2 for full citation. 35 Malcolm Vale, The Princely Court: Medieval Courts and Culture in North-West Europe 1270-1380 (New York and London: Oxford University Press, 2001). 23 women with specific commissions, but that this patronage could be politically motivated has not been explored until very recently. A number of articles that critically assess the connection between specific women and their commissions indicates that this is a productive field for research. Much of this scholarship follows the seminal study by Susan Groag Bell, "Medieval Women Book Owners: Arbiters of Lay Piety and Ambassadors of Culture."36 This article covers a wide spectrum of information on women and books, in which the author introduces many key concepts upon which subsequent scholars have drawn. She focuses on the consequences of lay noblewomen owning books and how their lifestyles allowed them greater influence than has previously been imagined. In reconstructing these situations, she also deals with medieval women's relationships to their manuscripts, especially noting how the books were designed and utilized, on both the local and international levels. Several new collections of essays present case studies on single commissions or the sustained patronage of individual women. In The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women, for example, "Of Queens, Courts, and Books: Reflections on the Literary Patronage of Thirteenth-Century Plantagenet Queens" by John Carmi Parsons and Miriam Shadis's "Piety, Politics, and Power: The Patronage of Leonor of England and 36 Susan Groag Bell, "Medieval Women Book Owners: Arbiters of Lay Piety and Ambassadors of Culture," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 7/4 (1982), 742-68, repr. in Women and Power in the Middle Ages, ed. Mary Erler and Maryanne Kowaleski (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1988), 149-87, and in Sisters and Workers in the Middle Ages, Judith M. Bennet et al., eds. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 135-61. 24 Her Daughters Berenguela of Le n and Blanche of Castile" are of special interest.37 Included here, too, is an essay by Madeline Caviness that follows Bell's effort to address the larger picture of medieval female literary patronage.38 Bell saw books as instruments of power and influence for the women who owned them and assumed that women exercised control over the iconography within their books.39 Madeline Caviness, on the other hand, carefully separates ownership from viewership.40 Using representative artistocratic women and the images in their manuscripts as case studies, Caviness differentiates between books made "for" or "against" women, the former often commissioned by female patrons for themselves and their families, the latter produced under spiritual or familial directives. On other fronts, works by Lalou, Bennett, Fradenburg, Huneycutt, McCash, Underhill, Stanton, and Lillich provide points of 37 The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women, June Hall McCash, ed. (Athens, GA and London: The University of Georgia Press, 1996), 175-201 and 202-27, respectively. 38 Madeline Caviness, "Anchoress, Abbess, and Queen: Donors and Patrons or Intercessors and Matrons?" The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women, 105-54 39 Bell, "Medieval Women Book Owners," (1988),163 and 167-68. 40 Madeline Caviness and Joan Holladay have led the scholarly discussion on what it means to be a female "patron" and viewer. See Madeline Caviness,"Patron or Matron?" and "Anchoress, Abbess, and Queen," and Joan Holladay, "The Education of Jeanne d'Evreux," above in n. 13. As both authors take great pains to explain, patronage and audience can be two separate concepts when studying an object's function. A patron might commission a manuscript for him or herself, or for someone he or she wishes to influence in some way. Consequently, a viewer might or might not have had a say in the image cycle or text he or she reads. See also Anne Rudloff Stanton, "The Psalter of Isabelle, queen of England 1308-1330: Isabelle as the Audience," Word and Image 18/1 (Jan-Mar, 2002), 1-27. 25 departure for my project.41 These essays serve as models for thinking about how women consciously constructed their identities, both for themselves and the public, through patronage. Meredith Lillich has to date offered the most detailed portrait of Marie's patronage through her studies on stained glass. Enticed by the author's hypothesis that Marie had introduced a new method of glazing to the Parisian region, I used her notes as the starting point for this investigation.42 Ward and Huot also provided me with routes to pursue in the realm of manuscripts as did the work of Parsoneault and the Rouses that I 41 Elizabeth Lalou, "Le gouvernment de la reine Jeanne, 1285-1304," Cahiers HautMarnais 167 (1986), 16-30; Adelaide Bennett, "A Book Designed for a Noblewoman: An Illustrated Manuel des P ch s of the Thirteenth Century," Medieval Book Production: Assessing the Evidence, Linda L. Brownrigg, ed. (Oxford: Anderson-Lovelace, The Red Gull Press, 1988), 163-81; Louise Olga Fradenburg, "Rethinking Queenship," Women and Sovereignty, Louise Olga Fradenburg, ed. (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1992), 1-13; Lois L. Huneycutt, `Intercession and the High Medieval Queen: The Esther Topos," Power of the Weak: Studies on Medieval Women, J. Carpenter and S.-B. MacLean, eds. (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1995), 126-45; June Hall McCash, "The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women: An Overview," The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women, 1-47; Anne Rudloff Stanton, "From Eve to Bathsheba and Beyond: Motherhood in the Queen Mary Psalter," Women and the Book: Assessing the Visual Evidence, Jane Taylor and Lesley Smith, eds. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press,1997), 172-89; Meredith P. Lillich, The Queen of Sicily and Gothic Stained Glass at Mussy and Tonnerre (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1998). 42 Meredith Parsons Lillich, "European Stained Glass around 1300: The Introduction of Silver Stain," Europ ische Kunst um 1300 6, Akten des XXV. Internationalen Kongresses f r Kunstgeschichte, Gerhard Schmidt and Elizabeth Liskar, eds. (Wien, K ln and Graz: Hermann B hlaus Nachf., 1986), 45-60; Lillich, "Heraldry and Patronage in the Lost Windows of Saint-Nicaise de Reims," L'art et les revolutions 8, 27e congr s international d'histoire de l'art, 1989 (Strasbourg: Soci t alsacienne pour le d velopement de l'histoire de l'art, 1992), 71-102 26 have already cited.43 Other than these authors, however, clues to Marie's life and patronage exist only in single lines of text scattered among some of the sources reviewed above. Ultimately it was through study of hundreds of manuscripts and archival documents that I was able to piece together this image of Marie's contribution to late thirteenth and early fourteenth century European society. Archival Sources Scholars have always treated Mahaut d'Artois as an extraordinary woman.44 Although this fame is more than deserved, much of her reputation comes from the extraordinary wealth of documents that survive from her households,45 many of which are still preserved today in Pas-de-Calais and Besan on. Many other royal women were just as active in their patronage; their activities, however, were not as well recorded or their documents are no longer preserved. This is certainly the case for Marie de Brabant. I 43 Susan L. Ward, "Fables for the Court: Illustrations of Marie de France's Fables in Paris, BN, ms Arsenal 3142," Women and the Book, 190-203; Sylvia Huot, "A Book Made for a Queen: The Shaping of a Late Medieval Anthology Manuscript (B.N. fr. 24429)," The Whole Book: Cultural Perspectives on the Medieval Miscellany, Stephen Nichols and Siegfried Wenzel, eds. (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1996), 123-43. 44 Richard and Dehaisnes are two of the earliest scholars to look at Mahaut (see above, n. 15), but most recent related catalogues, especially Les rois maudits and L'enfant oubli (nn. 26 and 27), and essays that focus on women patrons of the early fourteenth century, recognize her as an important political and cultural figure. 45 The same holds true for the queen of England, Eleanor of Castile, and Jeanne and Marguerite, countesses of Flanders. John Carmi Parsons, Eleanor of Castile: Queen and Society in Thirteenth-Century England (New York, St. Martin's Press,1995); Karen Nicholas, "Women as Rulers: Countesses Jeanne and Marguerite of Flanders (1212-78)," Queens, Regents and Potentates, 73-89. 27 have pieced together records of her life and patronage, often using other royal women's references to the queen to find evidence of Marie's works. As I discuss briefly below, however, documents contemporary with her life can offer insight into the changing notion of court and ceremony. Many of the royal household and legal documents of the French court are published in abridged form, divided into volumes by the reigns of kings. Begun with the same instinct as many of the archival publications mentioned above, these inventories help the modern scholar to navigate the numerous royal institutions and their documents, which in the Paris archives can now only be viewed in microfilm. During the course of fifty years Jules Viard published the Journaux du Tr sor of Philip IV, Charles IV, and Philip VI.46 In the 1950s, under the direction of Robert Fawtier, the Registres du Tr sor des Chartes for the reigns of the kings from Philip IV through Philip VI were produced by a series of editors.47 Fawtier was also responsible for initating the publication of the Comptes royaux and the Comptes du Tr sor in the series the Recueil des historiens de la 46 Jules Viard, Les Journaux du Tr sor de Philippe IV le Bel (Collection de documents in dits sur l'histoire de France) (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1940); Viard, Les Journaux du Tr sor de Charles IV le Bel (Collection de documents in dits sur l'histoire de France) (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1917); Viard, Les Journaux du Tr sor de Philippe VI de Valois suivis de L'ordinarium thesauri de 1338-1339 (Collection de documents in dits sur l'histoire de France) (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1899). 47 Registres du Tr sor des Chartes, 1, R gne de Philippe le Bel, Jean Glenisson and Jean Guerout, eds., under the direction of Robert Fawtier (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1958); Vol. 2, R gnes des fils de Philippe le Bel, pt. 1, R gnes de Luois X le Hutin et de Philippe V le Long, Jean Guerout, ed., under the direction of Robert Fawtier (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1966); Vol. 2, R gnes des fils de Philippe le Bel, pt. 2, R gne de Charles IV le Bel, Henri Jassemin and Aline Vall e, eds., under the direction of Jean Guerout (Paris: Imprimerie nationale,1999); Vol. 3, R gne de Philippe de Valois, 3 pts., Jules Viard and Aline Vall e, eds. (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1968-1978). 28 France: Documents financiers.48 These volumes are part of the larger recording of France's patrimoine begun in the eighteenth century with the Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France that I cited above as containing a number of contemporary chronicles. During a lull in the publication of this series in the late nineteenth century Henri Arbois de Jubainville supervised the Documents financiers, beginning with Inventaire d'anciens comptes royaux sous le r gne de Philippe de Valois edited by Charles-Victor Langlois.49 It was Robert Fawtier who was the next to publish royal documents followed by Fran ois Maillard and Raymond Cazelles.50 Following in the archival footsteps of Viard and Fawtier, Elizabeth Lalou of the Institut de Recherche et d'Histoire des Textes (part of the Centre nationale de la Recherche Scientifique) in Paris has helped bring to light the archives of late thirteenthand early fourteenth-century Paris.51 Similar compilations have also been published for the courts to the north of France, now part of the history of Belgium.52 48 Comptes du Tr sor (1296, 1316, 1384, 1477), Robert Fawtier, ed., Recueil des historiens de la France: Documents financiers, 2 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1930); Comptes royaux (1285-1314), 3 pts., Robert Fawtier, ed., Recueil des historiens de la France: Documents financiers, 3 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1953-1956). 49 Inventaire d'anciens comptes royaux sous le r gne de Philippe de Valois, CharlesVictor Langlois , ed., Recueil des historiens de la France: Documents financiers, 1 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1899). 50 Comptes royaux (1314-1328), Fran ois Maillard, ed., Recueil des historiens de la France: Documents financiers, 4 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1961); Comptes royaux des r gnes de Philippe VI et de Jean II (1328-1364), 2 pts., Raymond Cazelles, ed., Recueil des historiens de la France: Documents financiers, 6 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1984). 51 Les comptes sur tablettes de cire de la Chambre aux deniers de Philippe III le Hardi et de Philippe IV le Bel: 1282-1309, Elisabeth Lalou and Robert Henri Bautier, eds. Recueil 29 In studying the household inventories made during the reigns of the last Capetians, I have noticed a number of subtle alterations over time. Records in general increased in length and detail from the latter part of the thirteenth century. When one not only learns that Philip V spent 80 livres 20 sous for a robe made of 1602 mink pelts, but that 720 of them went to the three surcoats, 264 to the body, 72 to the arms, 330 to the mantle and 80 to the hoods, or that for her coronation the Jeanne de Bourgogne had a vermillion tapis made large enough to cover her carriage, one is given a glimpse of the ostentation required by the royal family.53 In addition to the detailed nature of the accounts, the separation of the queen's chambre which included the royal children and her ladies-in-waiting from that of the king's household facilitates discerning their respective habits and patterns of spending and ownership. Because of her responsibility for the children of the household we also get a clear sense of the queen's relationship with and influence on these young members of the court. When I speak of the exchange that royal women undertook with one another, it is a type of interaction that in most cases began at a very young age. des historiens de la France: Documents financiers, 8 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale and Diffusion de Boccard, 1994). 52 Table chronologique des chartes et dipl mes imprim s concernant l'histoire de la Belgique, 11 vols., Alphonse Guillaume Ghislain Wauters, Stanislas Bormans, and Joseph Halkin, eds. (Brussels: M. Hayez, imprimeur de l'Acad mie royale de Belgique, 1866-1946); Inventaire des chartes et cartulaires des duch s de Brabant et de Limbourg et des pays d'Outre-Meuse, Alphonse Verkooren, ed. (Brussels: Hayez, Imprimeur des acad mies royales de Belgique, 1910-). 53 Dou t-d'Arcq, Comptes de l'argenterie, 46 and 55. 30 Adjacent Patronage The above examples illustrate how, if one can surround a patron, owner, or viewer with a number of her commissions as well as the ceremonies that activate them, the task of deepening our reading of individual images, objects, or monuments becomes that much easier. Often, themes will emerge that we may be able to interpret as expressions of self-identity by the patron. In the late Capetian era a unique situation arose where a series of very wealthy queens and widows undertook commissions that not only spoke of themselves as individuals, but, when viewed with an eye to their colleagues' and relatives' lives, responded to and projected WHAT? (something missing here) onto this larger context. Much of this kind of work has been done for the kings of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (most noticeably Louis IX, Charles V, and, to some extent, Philippe IV). Their political and personal motivations have been revealed through their large and small-scale commissions.54 Only one queen of the first half of the thirteenth century, 54 On manuscript production during the life of Louis IX, see Robert Branner, Manuscript Painting during the Reign of St. Louis (Berkeley-Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1977); Patricia Stirnemann, "Les biblioth ques princi res et priv es aux XIIe et XIIIe si cles," in Les biblioth ques m di vales du VIe siecle 1530, A. Vernet, ed., Histoire des biblioth ques fran aises, 1 (Paris: Promodis, ditions du cercle de la librarie, 1989), 172-91; Daniel Weiss, "The Three Solomon Portraits in the Arsenal Old Testament and the Construction of Meaning in Crusader Painting," Arte Medievale 2/2 (1992), 15-36; Weiss, "Biblical History and Medieval Historiography: Rationalizing Strategies in Crusader Art," MLN French Issue 108/4 (September 1993), 710-37; Weiss, Art and Crusade in the Age of Saint Louis (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998). Weiss also analyzes Louis's construction of the Sainte-Chapelle, Art and Crusade in the Age of Saint Louis (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998), as do Beat Brenk, "The Sainte-Chapelle as a Capetian Political Program," Artistic Integration in Gothic Buildings, Virginia C. Raguin, Kathryn Brush, and Peter Draper, eds. (Toronto: 31 Blanche of Castille, has received attention on anything approaching a parallel scale, but numerous avenues into her patronage still remain unexplored.55 Her visibility as a regent and queen, strong personality, and long life have made her a recent focus of scholars. By studying Blanche of Castille, especially in conjunction with works by her Castilian relatives and her son, Louis IX, a fuller, richer understanding of the era as a whole is emerging. University of Toronto Press, 1995), 195-213, and Alyce A. Jordan, "Material Girls: Judith, Esther, Narrative Modes and Models of Queenship in the Windows of the SteChapelle in Paris," Word and Image 14/4 (Oct.-Dec. 1999), 337-50, and Jordan, Visualizing Kingship in the Windows of the Sainte-Chapelle (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2002). For a broader analysis of Louis's architectural patronage see Robert Branner's extensive bibliography, and especially St. Louis and the Court Style in Gothic Architecture (London: A. Zwemmer, 1965) and Le si cle de saint Louis (Paris: Librarie Hachette, 1970). Claire Richter Sherman has produced the most thorough study of Charles V's patronage in a series of works: The Portraits of Charles V of France (New York: NYU Press for CAA of America, 1964); Sherman, Imaging Aristotle: Verbal and Visual Representation in Fourteenth-Century France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995). See also Anne D. Hedeman, The Royal Image. 55 Miriam Shadis has worked extensively on Blanche. Most recently, see: "Piety, Politics, and Power: The Patronage of Leonor of England and her Daughters Berenguela of Le n and Blanche of Castile," The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women, 202-27. The collection of essays, Capetian Women, Kathleen Nolan, ed. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), contains a number of essays that look to Blanche and her contemporaries. See, for example: Kathleen S. Schowalter, "The Ingeborg Psalter: Queenship, Legitimacy, and the Appropriation of Byzantine Art in the West"; Miriam Shadis, "Blanche of Castile and Facinger's "Medieval Queenship": Reassessing the Argument"; Afrodesia E. McCannon, "Two Capetian Queens as the Foreground for an Aristocrat's Anxiety in the Vie de saint Louis"; Tracy Chapman Hamilton, "Queenship and Kinship in the French Bible moralis e: The Example of Blanche of Castile and Vienna NB 2554"; and William Chester Jordan, "Isabelle of France and Religious Devotion at the Court of Louis IX." Schowalter has also initiated research into the patronage of Blanche and her successors in her forthcoming dissertation, "Capetian Women and their Books: Art, Ideology, Dynastic Continuity in Medieval France," (PhD. Diss., Johns Hopkins, in progress). 32 The other French queen who ruled and lived for a large portion of the thirteenth century was Louis IX's wife, Marguerite de Provence. The surprising lack of evidence of patronage on the part of Marguerite could be due in large part to the legal and monetary restrictions that her husband had placed upon her by the 1240s.56 We know that she did have political ambitions as evidenced by the sworn testimony she was forced to sign in 1241 (and also later in respect to Philippe III) forbidding her to involve herself with people who wished harm to the state of France.57 This did not stop her from a barrage of correspondence with the king of England on the matter of her own rights to lands in her motherland of Provence. Once widowed, although still restricted on some levels, her activities or documentation of them greatly increased. The intensity of her interaction with the king of England stepped up, and she was extremely active in promoting the canonization of her dead husband. Her religious and artistic patronage also became more visible after the death of Louis IX.58 56 Emile Boutaric, "Marguerite de Provence, son caract re, son role politique," Revue des questions historiques 2 (1867), 417-58; Gerard Sivery, Marguerite de Provence: Une reine au temps des cath drales (Paris: Fayard, 1987). 57 This pledge is preserved in two collections of royal documents: BNF, ms. fr. nouv. acq. 9175, fols. 329-29v also in BNF, ms. fr. 7855, fols. 18-19. 58 She, along with her widowed daughter, Blanche, founded the convent of Lourcines for Franciscan nuns to the south of Paris's city walls. Pierre Bonfons, Les antiquitez et choses plus remarquables de Paris: Augment es par fr re Jaques Du Breul (Paris: Chez Pierre Rocolet ..., Cardin Besongne, Henry le Gras, ... & Nicolas Trabouilliet, 1608), 29194; Auguste Longnon, Documents parisiens sur l'iconographie de S. Louis d'apr s un manuscrit de Peiresc conserv la biblioth que de Carpentras (Paris: H. Champion, 1882), 2-3 and 13-20. 33 I take 1274, the year when Marie made her first royal entry into Paris as the new wife of Philippe III, as the chronological opening of my study. This is also the year that Primat finished the first history of the kings of France and presented it to Philippe III and his new bride.59 The text had been commissioned by Philippe's father, Louis IX, from the monks at Saint-Denis, and would remain enormously popular throughout the next century and a half. As even his wife's devotion anticipated, the memory of this saintly patron, both as historical and religious figure, would play an increasingly important role in women's patronage throughout the Capetian and Valois eras. This creation and continuation of a tradition across a temporal juncture acts as a perfect metaphor with which to begin this study. Scholars often note how the fourteenth century differs from the thirteenth, but my contribution to the histories of both these centuries is to acknowledge the period of transition that both separates and pulls these two eras together. It is no coincidence that I have chosen to illustrate this period through the lens of female patronage. In many ways the politics of Marie and her contemporaries possess subtleties not instantly apparent in the works of their kings and can, therefore, reveal the gradual changes that took place in the last years of Capetian rule. These details strike home once again the importance of viewing the larger context of royal women's patronage. The personality and political plans of their husbands and other prominent members of court had an enormous effect on the amount, type, and message of their works. Widowhood could often be a liberating experience for these women financially and politically, while at the same time placing them in a more 59 Hedeman, The Royal Image, 11. 34 precarious position. Along with her personality the principal factor as to which way a royal woman's lot would fall was the king. Thus we must acknowledge that the change that took place in the French court during the early years of Philippe III's reign was not just prompted by the agency of Marie, but was as much a result of the malleability of Philippe III. Equally so, Marie's relationship with her step-son, Philippe IV, and his sons who succeeded him on the throne, regulated her access to finances and, therefore, her ability to commission works of art. This holds true for all the women of the late Capetian court and leads to the issue of women's power. Overt versus Indirect Power and Patronage We may perceive the titles of medieval women as a sign of their lack of authority: "daughter of," "sister of," "wife of," "widow of," "mother of," and "regent for." Still, it is in these relationships that much of women's power did lie. Their strengths may appear indirect in relation to men's actions, but they were very direct in their effect on those said men. And of course the influence was not on brothers, husbands, and sons alone, it was also on sisters, cousins, and daughters. Further, their effect was felt by the nearby members of the household and court, and even by the more distant citizens of France. Of the royal women I consider, many, too, acted in roles that went beyond these extremely adaptable modes of control, for they ruled lands in their own right. Contrary to the writings of Lois Huneycutt's article,"Medieval Queenship," and Theodore Evergates' studies of the countesses of Champagne, the work of Lalou and Baron attests that the 35 status and power of women had not declined by the late thirteenth century.60 Admittedly, these are the years of the adultery scandal of Marguerite de Bourgogne, Jeanne de Bourgogne, and Blanche de Bourgogne, the daughters-in-law of Philippe IV, that resulted in the deaths of two and the pardon of one. The subsequent exclusion of Jeanne de Navarre, the daughter of Louis X and Marguerite de Bourgogne and the king's only surviving heir, from consideration for the throne, paved the way for the implementation of Salic Law further into the fourteenth century. From this disastrous situation arise the understandable assertions of certain scholars that the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century was a time of decline in the power of queens and royal women. And yet, simultaneously, we have examples of the continuation of both overt rule such as Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne ruling the kingdom of Navarre or Mahaut and her daughter, ruling the counties of Artois and Burgundy and indirect access to rule, both forms of power visible through the artistic and political patronage of these women. Thus, as every example of political and artistic patronage in this dissertation will show, as heirs, wives, and widows, the royal women of late Capetian France controlled their considerable finances for much of their lives. In many cases women had control over dower or inherited lands, and often both. Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne, was both countess of the fabulously rich Champagne and queen of the geographically critical land of Navarre. Mahaut was countess of Artois and Burgundy and peer of France and 60 Lois Huneycutt, "Medieval Queenship," History Today (June 1989), 16-22; Aristocratic Women in Medieval France, Theodore Evergates, ed. (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999). For Baron and Lalou, see above nn 18, 32, and 41. 36 fought vigorously to defend those titles from her nephew for the first fifteen years that she governed these territories independently. Her daughter, Jeanne, queen of Philippe V, inherited Artois and Burgundy from her mother along with the political, judicial, and military responsibilities that accompanied her inheritance. Even Marie, probably the least financially secure of the group, was endowed with a sizable portion of the wealthy lands to the west of Paris, based upon the 10,000 livres tournois that had come as her dowry.61 She lived here for many years and involved herself in the civic life of these lands. But Marie also chose to benefit establishments located far from the Ile-de-France that spoke of familial strength and personal prestige. As queen and widow her power and patronage were both direct and indirect, personal and communal, in material form and in her continued relations with members of the court. An example of the more indirect and subtle web of power that Marie and her contemporaries created was in their choice of artists; in hiring the same illuminators, sculptors, and architects, these women reveal another layer of interaction. On the surface, the shared patronage of a popular artist may not seem extraordinary. I will suggest, howeverthat the royal women of the late Capetian period may have used this 61 The annual income of 10,000 livres that was promised Marie by her father and that she brought to her marriage was transferred into income received from her dower lands. Fawtier states that Marie received Evreux from Philippe III and lordship of Beaumont-leRoger, Meulan, and the castellinies of Etampes, Dourdan, La Fert -Alais, and Gien from Philippe IV. Le r gne, 166. See below, 94-95, and 143, for the documents concerning Marie's dowry and the establishment of her dower lands. These properties would expand into an even greater possession upon Marie's death when her grandson, Philippe d'Evreux, and his wife Jeanne de Navarre, inherited Marie's lands as well as the kingdom of Navarre that had been agreed upon in the marriage contract of this landless daughter of Louis X. 37 system of patronage not only as a sign of their familiarity with the latest trends, but also as a visualization of political solidarity and reginal self-consciousness. Thus, from a variety of angles we will see that patronage was not only a form of empowerment for the medieval royal woman such as Marie, but also an index by which twenty-first century historians can judge these women's conceptions of themselves and their audience. With her taste for the new, combined with a respect for tradition and the power of the past, we will see how Marie de Brabant manipulated court culture to her own ends. The role of the queen within this setting was forever altered, and as the ideology of the individual, framed within the trappings of royalty, continued to flourish during the fourteenth century, her imprint remained and remains apparent. 38 Chapter Two Absorbing Brabantine Culture: Politics and Poetry in the Youth of Marie de Brabant Ce livre de Cleomad s rimai je, li Rois Aden s Menestrex au bon duc Henri Fui, cil m'aleva et norri Et me fist mon mestier aprendre. Dieus l'en vueille guerredon rendre avoec ses sains en paradis! Loiaus princes fu et gentis et bons et biaus et dous et frans et courtois... De Brabant tint la seignorie Cil dux. Or doinst Dieus bone view Ceaus et celes qui de lui sont Venu et qui mais en venront.62 This quote occurs near the end of Adenet le Roi's poem, Cleomad s. While Henri receives the lengthiest praise in this poem, Adenet also describes the noble and generous characters of two of Henri's sons, Jean and Godefroi, the count of Flanders, Guy de Dampierre, and Robert, count of Artois. 63 At the beginning of his poem Adenet also 1 "This book, Cl omad s, I wrote, Adenet le Roi, who was minstrel to good duke Henri, he who raised and nourished me and taught me my trade. And who God favored and returned to him with his saints in paradise. He was a loyal prince of noble blood good and beautiful, fair and courteous. [What fills the next fifty-four lines of the poem (18596-650) is Adenet's description of Henri's untimely death in 1261 and the details of his charitable character.] Brabant is the land that this duke ruled. Now God, let him profit from this good life, along with those who have gone and those who will go." Citations of Adenet's work are taken from Albert Henry's Les oeuvres d'Adenet le Roi, 5 vols. (Bruges: De Tempel, 1951-56), here 5: 18587-654. Unless otherwise specified, all translations are my own. 63 "Et gart le bon conte Guion De Flandres, cui loet doit on,/ Car en lui maint, par verit ,/ Fois et honneurs et charit ./ Et certes, se a lui n'estoie,/ de la bont plus parleroie/ de lui et de ses bons enfans,/ en cui loiautez est manans;/ a tant m'en vueil ore passer,/ li biens se sara bien moustrer./ Lui et les siens Dieus garder vueille/ Et tous a s'amour les 39 applauds the two women who commissioned this story; he finally names them La roiine [sic] de France Marie Madame Blanche Anne in an acrostic that reads down the first letter of the forty-six lines of verse that describe them for the second time and that begin this tributary finale of Cleomad s (fig. 2).64 While this quote ultimately informs us of Adenet's wealth of patrons, it is also a list of Marie's closest friends and allies. It is not acueille!/ Et puist le duc Jehan garder/ De Brabant, en honneur monter/ Le vueille et li doinst chose faire/ Qui lui et au siecle puist plaire,/ Lui et monseignor Godefroit!/ Maintes fois m'ont gard dou froit/ Cil don't je faz ci mention;/ Dieus lor en rende guerredon,/ Car n'ai povoir dou desservir./ Dieus le vueille a tous ceaus merir/ Qui m'ont fait et donn dou leur!/ Benoit soient mi bienfaiteur!/ Dieus gart chascun, lui et les siens,/ Et lor mire trestous les biens/ Que il ont moi et autrui fais/ Et lor pardoinst tous leur mesfais,/ Et nous doinst par son dous plaisir/ k'a bonne fin puissons venir!/ Et dieus le nous otroit ainsi!/ C'est la fins de ce livre ici./ A noble conte preu et sage/ D'Artois, qui a mis son usage / en Dieu honnorer et servir/ envoi mon livre pour o r/ comment il est fais et dit s./ Or vueille Dieus que il sont tes/ Que li quens le re oive en gr ,/ Et li doinst par sa grant bont / Honneur d'armes et d'amour joie./ Si m'a t Dieus, je le vorroie;/ Ainsi soit il que je l'ai dit!/ Amen, amen, et explicit." (18651-97) 64 "Les dames qui me conmanderent/ a faire ce livre moustrerent/ roiaument leur humilit ./ Or me doinst Dieus que a leur gr / I aie ma paine emploiie,/ je li pri que il m'en a e./ Nonmer les vueil, k'en couvent l'ai,/ en ce livre; et je le ferai./ Don't me couvient bien aviser/ on ce que on ne puist trouver/ fourme ne voie qui ensaigne/ rein nul qui leur nons apraigne/ a ceaus qui querre les vorront./ N'en dout riens, j'ai ne trouveront/ chose escrite, n'en ai pas soingne,/ en quoi on me truist en men oingne,/ mais en verit la plaisans./ A ce fait bon estre tendans;/ riens ne vaut chose men ongnable,/ je me tieng a ls veritable./ E! Dieus, donn s me sens par quoi/ nonmer les puisse si com doi./ Maintenant, se Dieus me consaut,/ ai nonmee une qui mout vaut;/ don't me couvient l'autre nonmer./ A! Dieus, tant par font a amer!/ Mout est chascune bonne et sage/ en fais, en dis et en usage;/ bien doivent a Dieu obeir,/ liement cuer et cors offrir;/ ad s monteplient en bien,/ ne croi k'en eles faille rien./ Ce don leur donna Dieus sans doubte,/ ha r leur fist mauvaisti toute;/ en leur cuers mist, ainsi le croi,/ amours pour lui amer en foi./ Nonmees les ai, ce sachiez;/ ne cuit pas k'entendu l'aiez/ ne je ne quier ne ne vorroie./ Dieus leur doinst grant honnor et joie/ et tant faire en leur plaine vie/ que la douce Virge Marie/ face de lor ames present/ a Dieu le jour dou jugement./ Et Dieus par sa grant bont vueille/ que ce present en gr recueille!" (18541-86) I will discuss the contents of this quote more thoroughly in Chapter Three, "Transforming the Court: New Roles in Politics, Art, and Ceremony." 40 surprising to find, therefore, that this poem opens one of the most impressive late thirteenth-century compilations of French poetry, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, commissioned by Marie. In the subsequent poem of Arsenal 3142, Adenet's Les enfances Ogier, he addresses Marie in the envoye and thanks Guy de Flandre for his patronage, again connecting these two through their love of history, literature, and song.65 It is not a coincidence that all the men and women mentioned by Adenet, except for Blanche de France, came from courts in northern Europe. By the middle of the thirteenth-century the rulers of Flanders, Hainault, Holland, Bar, Artois, and Brabant were well-established in their intellectually sophisticated, ceremonially complex, and luxuriously secular lifestyle.66 It was into this cosmopolitan atmosphere of great 65 "Ce livre vueill la roynne envoiier/ Marie, cui Jhesus vuille adrecier/ De ce chemin tenir sanz forvoiier" (EO 8226-28) and "Li Rois Adans ne veut plus endurer/ Qui li estoire d'Ogier le vassal ber/ Soit corrompue; pour ce I veut penser/ Tant qu'il la puist a son droit ramener,/ K'au Roi Adam le plaist a commander Celui que il ne doit pas refuser/ Que ses commans ne face sanz veer:/ C'est le cuens Guis de Flandres seur la mer./ Li jougloeur deveront bien plourer/ Quant il morra, car moult porrant aler/ Ainz que tel pere puissent mais recouvrer./ Or le nous Vueille Diex longuement sauver!" (24-35) 66 While there is a growing number of sources that address these courts the main ones I have utilized are: Documents et extraits divers concernant l'histoire de l'art dans la Flandre, l'Artois et le Hainaut avant le XVe si cle, Chr tien Dehaisnes, ed., 2 vols. (Lille: L. Quarr , 1886); Chr tien Dehaisnes, Histoire de l'art dans la Flandre, l'Artois & le Hainaut avant le XV si cle (Lille: L. Quarr , 1886); Albert Henry, L'oeuvre lyrique d'Henri III, duc de Brabant (Brugge: De Tempel, 1948), 103. See, most recently, Malcolm Vale, The Princely Court: Medieval Courts and Culture in North-West Europe (Oxford and New York, Oxford University Press, 2001). Vale's latest book is exciting on a number of levels. First, through exhaustive research of extant court documents, he is able to create a vision of the late medieval court rarely seen before. Very much dependent on this model is his secondary breakthrough, the discussion of the Low Countries and England as possessing such a common field of experience that they can be considered as members of a single group. Other texts that have taken this tack, notably the exhibits Art of the Courts and Transformations of the Court Style, have understandably focused on the French court, which often overshadows 41 intellectual and artistic sophistication that Marie was born in 1261. Her parents, Henri le Debonnaire (1231-1261) and Aleyde de Bourgogne (d. 1273), ruled over the wealthy francophile duchy of Brabant.67 The entire Low Countries had thrived for centuries as integral to commerce in northern Europe, and the two capital cities of Brabant, Brussels and Louvain connecting Cologne and France with the coastal counties along roads and the Rhine and Meuse rivers made the duchy rich with trade, especially in textiles.68 Henri III in particular made it a priority to control this trade route, and under his son's rule this feat was accomplished with the Battle of W rringen and the culture of other regions to the north. Although Vale certainly uses the French court as a model for comparison, his focus on Flanders, Hainaut, Holland, and Brabant as Bumke, Warnke, and Kaufmann have done for Germnay helps to increase the breadth of our knowledge on the courts of Europe as a whole. And yet, because of his great creativity with and dependence on the archival source, Vale, like so many before him (even as recently as Les rois maudits catalog), is unable to detect the role of women in this society. Considering their integral status in the courts he discusses, the non-existant treatment of even ruling women, such as Marguerite, countess of Flanders and Hainault (1202-1280), who was in power from 1244 to 1278, is surprising to say the least. The one exception to this rule is Mahaut, countess of Artois, but even she is given only half the attention of that paid to her father, Robert d'Artois. 67 The primary sources on Henri III and Aleyde (or Alix) are Christophe Butkens, Troph es tant sacr s que profanes du duch de Brabant, 2 vols. (The Hague: Chr tien van Lom, 1724), 1: 252-78 and Alphonse Wauters, "Henri III, duc de Brabant," Bulletin de l'Acad mie royale de Belgique, 2nd ser., 38 (1874), 672-91 and 39 (1875), 152-207. See also Amilcar Smits, Notice historique sur Henri III, dit le debonnaire, duc de Brabant et de Lothier, marquis du St.-Empire, comte de Louvain, Daelhem, de Boulogne, etc.; suivi de la biographie de L.-A. Raoux (Brussels: Polack-Duvivier, 1843); G. Boland, "Le testament d'Henri III duc de Brabant (26 fevrier 1261)," Revue d'histoire eccl siastique 38 (1942), 59-96; Mina Martens, "A propos des testaments d'Henri II (22 janvier 1248) et d'Henri III (26 fevrier 1261), ducs de Brabant," Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 23 (1944), 289-94; Albert Henry, L'oeuvre lyrique d'Henri III. 68 R.-H. Bautier, "La place de la draperie braban onne et plus particuli rement bruxelloise dans l'industrie textile du moyen ge," Annales de la soci t royale d'arch ologie de Bruxelles 51 (1966), 31-63. 42 acquisition of the duchy of Limbourg.69 Henri also promoted domestic prosperity through large land reclamation projects and the protection of merchants.70 Even though the dukes were themselves vassals of the German emperor, they remained relatively independent, and because of their economic influence were constantly courted by French and English kings as allies. Due in large part to its wealth and stability, the court of Henri and Aleyde also played an important diplomatic role in its region acting more than once as host to the warring factions of Flanders, Hainault, Holland, and the German provinces. 71 Unlike those of his contemporaries in the adjacent counties, Henri's reign was striking for its peaceful nature. The approximately three thousand vassals who paid homage to the duke did so without argument. He only entered into one battle, whereas his diplomatic missions were nearly constant. Under Henri's guidance as mediator, these occasions became famous as times of great feasts and entertainment. One of the more well-known conferences initiated by Henri III took place for three days straight in May, 1250, and resulted in a treaty between the Avesnes and Dampierres of Flanders. The court's hospitality was not limited to its immediate neighbors, and English, French, and Spanish representatives were also often present. 69 Mathew Bingen, "Les facteurs conomiques et politiques qui ont cre s la route commerciale entre Bruxelles et Cologne," M moires du premier Congr s international de g ographie historique (1931), 24-29; Histoire de Bruxelles, Mina Martens, ed. (Toulouse: Editions Universitaires, 1976), 73-83. 70 Wauters, "Henri III," (1875), 207. 71 Wauters, "Henri III," (1875), 161-89 and (1874), 684-85. Much of Wauters's essay is dedicated to Henri's involvement in contemporary events in the north. 43 Many of these peace talks took place at the Cortenburg palace in Brussels, built earlier in the century high on the hill to the north of the city market and cathedral. Much of the rest of the family's time was spent in their ch teau at the edge of Louvain on Mont C sar.72 Marie and her brothers received important lessons in diplomatic finesse and event planning at both these palaces. Just as influential, however, was the experience of watching their father's patronage of troubadours and creation of his own poetic chansons. As the quote opening this chapter illustrates, Henri was the first supporter of Adenet le Roi, one of the most prolific and sought-after troubadours of the thirteenth century. It was in these very ducal castles at Louvain and Brussels that Adenet composed and performed his early works.73 According to this poet, Henri had a true understanding of the courtly life. Contributing to this persona was the duke's facility not only for promoting the poetry of others, but also for generating his own compositions. Many of these are preserved in collections of courtly, secular music that became so popular in the royal and noble French 72 J. A. Rombaut, Bruxelles illustr e ou description chronologique et histoire de cette ville, tant de son anciennet , que de son tat pr sent, 2 vols. (Brussels: Pauwels, 1777); Edward Van Even, Louvain dans le pass et dans le pr sent (Louvain: Aug. Fonteyn, 1895), 30; J. Cuvelier, La formation de la ville de Louvain des origines la fin du XIVe si cle (Brussels: Palais des Acad mies, 1935), 156-67 and 184-98; P. De Ridder, "Brussel, residentie der hertogen van Brabant onder Jan I (1267-94) en Jan II (12941312)," Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 57/2 (1979), 329-41. 73 In his performances Adenet was certainly not alone. Henry names a large group of trouv res who may well have performed for the duke of Brabant and his court, but carefully points out that no documentary evidence exists to back up any earlier author's claims of patronage. L'oeuvre lyrique, 32-35. 44 circles during the later part of the century (fig. 3).74 The two chansons d'amour, and the single pastourelle and the jeu-parti that survive of Henri's work give us a glimpse into his musical talents. Through his poems and those of Adenet and other trouv res, along with contemporary political documents and chronicles, we discover that Henri was not isolated in his love of music and literature. Most of the other northern courts with which Henri's family had contact also cultivated literature, music, and the pictorial arts.75 We might also see as significant Henri's choice of French vernacular for the lyrics of his chansons. His own son, Jean, decided to compose lyrics in Germanic Middle Dutch rather than French. These linguistic choices are reflected not just in their poetry, but also in contemporary court documents. For instance, in 1254 Henri III accorded aid to the abbess of Nivelles in what is the oldest extant example of a vernacular charter in 74 The full list of fifteen Chansonnier manuscripts that contain the poetry of Henri III is in Henry, L'oeuvre lyrique, 49-53. I was able to study the manuscripts in Paris (BNF, ms. fr. 844, 845, 846, 847, 20050, 24406, BNF, ms. nouv. acq. fr. 1050, and Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 5198), many of which were well-used and therefore in poor condition. All date to the latter part of the thirteenth century and were made in the area around Paris, thus any of them very well may have belonged to Henri III or, more likely, to his daughter Marie and the members of her court. See below, Chapter Four. Every chapter of these chansonniers begins with a portrait of the author, and as the example of BNF, ms. fr. 844 shows, "li duc de brabant" has been portrayed as a mounted knight, dressed in full heraldic costume, de sable au lion d'or, in strikingly close resemblance to his seal (fig. 4). Whether or not the artist used the duke's seal as a model, he or she must have been familiar with the type, similar to the one used by Henri's son, Jean I, who was often in Paris, and whose heraldic design would have graced the garments of the queen of France from time to time 75 Judith Oliver has gathered together a number of manuscripts produced in the region to the east of Brabant: Judith Oliver, Gothic Manuscript Illumination in the Diocese of Li ge (c. 1250-c. 1330) (Louvain, Belgium: Peeters, 1988); Oliver, "Je pecherise renc grasces a vos: Some French Devotional Texts in Beguine Psalters" Medieval Codicology, Iconography, Literature, and Translation: Studies for Keith Val Sinclair, P. R. Monks and D. D. R. Owen, eds. (Leiden and New York: E. J. Brill, 1994), 248-66. 45 Brabant.76 Similarly the first of their kind are two acts of Jean I in Dutch from 1275 and 1277; one cedes pastures to the town of Nederockerzeel, and the other is a donation to the l'H pital Saint Jean in Brussels of lands near Bodeghem.77 In addition to legal documents, Jean promoted the use of Dutch through historical writings. After his military success at W rringen against the archbishop of Cologne in the spring of 1288, Jean commissioned a chronicle of the event written in Dutch for his future daughter-inlaw, Margaret of York. Afianced to his son, the future Jean II, this daughter of king Edward I of England received the manuscript as a way to learn more of the exploits of her father-in-law in her husband's native tongue. Jan van Heelu, the author of this history, explains in his incipit that he composed this rhymed chronicle (Rijmkroniek) "so that she may learn Dutch...[and] her father-in-law, the duke's, fine deeds of knighthood."78 This historical commission is one illustration of how the children of Henri and Aleyde understood literature and language, not merely as part of a cultural education, but as a potent diplomatic and political tool. As I have already mentioned, Brabant was not alone in fostering the arts, especially those that focused on secular themes, and ongoing contact with the other courts of northern Europe must have greatly impressed Marie, Jean, and Godefroi. Henri's 76 Brussels, Archives g nerales du Royaume, Arch. eccl s., glises coll g., 1417, fol. 1. Reproduced in Cartulaire de Nivelles, Joseph Buisseret and Edgar de Prelle de la Nieppe, eds. (Nivelles: Guignard , 1892). 77 Alphonse Wauters, Histoire des environs de Bruxelles, 3 vols. (1855; repr., Brussels: Culture et Civilisation, 1968) 1: 204 and 3: 148. 78 Jan van Heelu, Rymkronyk van Jan van Heelu betreffende den slag van Woeringen, van het jaer 1288, Jan Frans Willems, ed. (Brussels: M. Hayez, 1836), lines 1-11. 46 sister, B atrix de Brabant (1225-1288), was a great patron and her second marriage to Guillaume de Dampierre, heir to the county of Flanders (1224-1251), in 1247 provided an avenue of constant exchange between the Flemish and Brabantine houses.79 The marriage ceremony took place at Louvain in November with "great pomp" amidst a large crowd of Brabantine and Flemish nobles and citizens.80 After the celebrations in her natal city, the couple, accompanied by B atrix's family and many noblemen, traveled to Artois.81 Here resided another sister of Henri III and B atrix, Mahaut de Brabant (d. 1288), who was married to the brother of Louis IX, Robert I, count of Artois (d. 1250). The festivities continued, culminating in a donation of relics from the Holy Land, housed in a newly commissioned ch sse, to the church of Notre-Dame in Lens.82 B atrix's husband, Guillaume, was the eldest son of Guillaume de Dampierre (d. 1231) and Marguerite de Constantinople (1202-1280), countess of Flanders and Hainault 79 Marguerite Gastout, B atrix de Brabant, landgrave de Thuringe, reine des romains, comtesse de Flandre, dame de Courtrai (1225?-1288) (Louvain: Biblioth que de l'Universit , 1943), 41-67; Wauters "Henri III," (1875), 676-82. See also Dehaisnes, Histoire de l'art dans la Flandre, l'Artois & le Hainaut avant le XVe si cle. B atrix's first husband was Heinrich Raspe, landgrave of Thuringia, count palatine of Saxony, and lord of Hesse. 80 Ferdinand van de Putte, Chronique et cartulaire de l'abbaye de Groeninghe Courtrai, publi e d'apr s les documents originaux (Bruges: Vandecasteele-Werbrouck, 1872), 7 and Jaerboek der stad en oude casselry van Kortryk, J.-J. Goethals-Vercruysse, ed. (Courtrai: n. p., 1814), 1: 224 as cited in Gastout, B atrix de Brabant, 46 and n. 7. 81 Butkens, Troph es de Brabant, 1: 236. Henri Pirenne, Histoire de Belgique, 7 vols. (Brussels: H. Lamertin, 1908-32), 1: 444. 47 82 for over fifty years.83 The Flemish countesses and counts were also famous for their love of f tes and luxurious objects. Their ch teaux were filled with tapestries and wall paintings, sumptuous clothing, and elaborate tableware and joyeaux.84 Guillaume was described as the "flower of chivalry, of knowledge, and of courtoisie...the most valiant in the realm," by the poet Marie de France after he requested she translate her Fables from English into French.85 Already close to his brother-in-law, Henri III called Guillaume "his beloved friend, the handsome count of Flanders."86 Baudouin de Cond , in his Contes de l'Olifant, complemented the twice married Marguerite on her great fortune and greater scandals (valeur est grans esclandres), and in Li Vers de Droit he sadly recounts the death of her son and heir, Guillaume, while jousting in the tournament at Trazegnies 83 Marguerite was also present at the wedding rites and rituals, of her heir in Brabant and Artois. Butkens, Troph es de Brabant, 236. For a reinterpretation of Marguerite's long rule and double marriage that produced the quarrel between the houses of Avesnes and Dampierre see Karen Nicholas, "Women as Rulers: Countesses Jeanne and Marguerite of Flanders (1212-78)," Queens, Regents and Potentates, Theresa M. Vann, ed. (Dallas, TX.: Academia, 1993), 73-89. 84 Dehaisnes, Histoire de l'art, 375-77, reproduces in part the comptes d'h tel of Marguerite de Flandres and Mahaut de B thune (1230-1264), wife of her second eldest son, Guy de Dampierre. Marguerite's sister, Jeanne, countess of Flanders before her, was also a great patron, with many religious foundations to her name as well as the fame of having commissioned her poet, Manessier, to complete the story of Percival left unfinished by Chr tien de Troyes. Pirenne, Histoire de Belgique, 1: 349. 85 "Ki flurz est de chevalerie,/ d'enseignement, de curteisie," Ysopet, prologue, lines 3132 and "Pur amur le cunte Willaume,/ le plus vaillant de cest reiaume,/ m'entremis de cest livre faire/ et de l'engleis en romanz traire" Ysopet, epilogue, lines 9-13. Gastout, B atrix de Brabant, 54. 86 "cuens jolis/ de Flandres, amis/ cui j'ai chier." Henry, L'oeuvre lyrique, 30 48 in 1251.87 Marguerite's abilities as leader and patron were therefore renowned and she and B atrix, who became the exceedingly powerful "dame de Courtrai" after the death of Guillaume, remained close allies for their long widowhoods.88 An even closer relationship existed between B atrix and her niece, Marie, who, along with her brothers, spent a great deal of time at the palace of Courtrai during her youth and early adulthood. B atrix's allegiance to both Flanders and Brabant remains clearly stated in the wording of her seal, which names her as, "BEATRICIS COMITISSE FLANDRENSIS FILIE DULCIS [READ DUCIS] BRABANTIE," B atrix, countess of Flanders and daughter of the duke of Brabant (fig. 5).89 In it she chooses to identify herself with the two powerful houses of Flanders and Brabant, one into which she achieved entry through marriage, and the other through birth, but whose combination provided her with the well-situated, bustling dower property of Courtrai.90 B atrix, who outlived Guillaume by thirty-seven years, made her court one renowned for its political 87 Jacques Lemaire, Les visions de la vie de cour dans la litt rature fran aise de la fin du Moyen ge (Brussels: Palais de acad mies and Paris: Klincksieck, 1994), 26-27. 88 Gastout, B atrix de Brabant, 158-59 and analyses 25 and 35 for letters exchanged between Marguerite and B atrix. 89 Gastout, B atrix de Brabant, 52 and G. Demay, Inventaire des sceaus de la Flandre, 2 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1873),1: 26. B atrix's closer connections to Brabant, at least early in her widowhood, are displayed in her choice of primarily Brabantine convents to pray for and make penitence on behalf of her deceased husband. She benefitted three houses in Brussels and five in Louvain as well as abbeys in Vlierbeek, Parc, Valduc, and Villers. Not until 1264 do we find a record that she created a chaplaincy at the abbey of Marquette where Guillaume was buried. Gastout, B atrix de Brabant, analyses 12 and 29. 90 Goods were also assigned to B atrix at Nieppe, Cassel, Saint-Omer on the charter and administration of B atrix's dowery. Gastout, B atrix de Brabant, 71-135 49 savvy as well as its wealth and culture, well-known for its manuscript production and as a haven for poets and artists. Manuscripts such as the ornately illustrated Bestiaire (Douai, Biblioth que municipale, ms. 711, fig. 6) were products of the Courtrai workshop that may well have received commissions from B atrix; such manuscripts may have been on display when Marie and her family came to visit their aunt.91 Games of mental skill were also part of her niece and nephews' visits, attested to by the chessboard and chessmen which are described as the maisnie or "court" and that appear in an inventory of her household taken after 1275.92 Ties between B atrix and her living relatives in Brabant remained close until her death in 1288. During the period of accusations made against the then queen Marie by the chamberlain of Philippe III, Pierre de la Broce, B atrix kept constant watch on her niece through the eyes of Marie's lady-in-waiting, F licit de Traynel.93 For instance in February, 1278, as the trial was nearing its end, B atrix received a letter from F licit ensuring her that the queen and her entire family were in good health.94 "La dame de Courtrai" also traveled to Paris in person, and we know for certain that she was there in 91 Reproduced, along with other ecclesiastical manuscripts from Cambrai, in Les Rois maudits, 291-94, and 310-13, here, 294. 92 "Eschekier ... est li maisnie aveuc." Ghent, Rijksarchief, Chartes de Flandres, Inventaire St.-Genois, 517. 93 For more on Pierre de la Broce, see below, 120-26 and 257. F licit was the widow of the powerful Godefroi, sire de Perwez and Grimbergen. The couple had been the strongest supporters of Marie's mother upon the death of Henri III in 1261. Wauters, Jean I, 27-31. 94 Ghent, Rijksarchief, Chartes de Flandres, Inventaire St.-Genois, 201. See also Gastout, B atrix de Brabant, 163. 50 1283, for she was consulted as diplomat by the count of Hainaut who also asked after the queen immediately upon her return.95 Marie and Jean de Brabant together wrote to their aunt directly before or after this visit expressing their joy at how events had taken a turn in her favor and hoping that they would see each other very soon.96 We do not know the exact nature of B atrix's resolved troubles, but these letters and her visits attest to the level of involvement that remained constant between the members of the house of Brabant.97 More material evidence of Marie and Jean's ongoing participation in their aunt's life are the gifts from the queen of France and the duke of Brabant that B atrix lists in an inventory made between 1286 and 1288. Among other precious items that made their way to Courtrai from Paris was a golden goblet and lid covered in rare stones and decorated with the arms of France, Brabant, and Bourgogne.98 As we will see below, this is Marie's complete coat of arms including those of her mother, daughter of the duke of Bourgogne, suggesting in colored enamel the queen's combined dynastic strengths. The ties between the families of Flanders and Brabant were once again formalized 95 Ghent, Rijksarchief, Chartes de Flandres, Inventaire St.-Genois, 525, cited in Gastout, B atrix de Brabant, 294. 96 Ghent, Rijksarchief, Chartes de Flandres, Inventaire St.-Genois, 205, cited in Gastout, B atrix de Brabant, 271. 97 Another testament to B atrix's involvement in Jean's affairs (as well as her wealth) is her loan of 4,800 livres parisien to help finance his military campaigns in the duchy of Limbourg. Gastout, B atrix de Brabant, 169-70. 98 Ghent, Rijksarchief, Chartes de Flandres, Inventaire St.-Genois, 517. This inventory of items also lists three other hanaps d'or from Marie, one from Philippe III, as well as one from the "young queen" Jeanne de Navarre, wife of Philippe IV, and great-niece of B atrix through her mother, Blanche d'Artois. The gift from Jean de Brabant took the form of a reliquary that is listed above one that contains a small piece of the True Cross. 51 when Marie's brother, duke Jean I, took count Guy de Dampierre's (1225/26-1305) daughter, Marguerite (1253-1285), as his second wife in 1273.99 Both father and daughter were products of the stimulating court of Marguerite de Flandres. The second son of Marguerite, Guy would outlive his older brother to become count upon his mother's abdication in 1278. Guy's famed psalter (Brussels, Biblioth que Royale, ms 10607), produced around1270, is one of a number of surviving manuscripts that attest to his luxurious taste and courtly lifestyle. For instance, the full-page illumination for the calendar month of May shows a hunting scene, a pursuit for which the counts of Flanders were especially renowned (fig. 7).100 At least twenty-nine other illuminations scattered throughout the two-hundred folio manuscript concern the hunt or musicians, the latter 99 Jean's first wife was Marguerite de France (m. 1270, d. 1272), daughter of Louis IX and Marguerite de Provence. She died after having gone home to Paris to give birth in 1272 and was subsequently buried at Saint-Denis. Marguerite was born from Guy's first marriage to Mahaut de Bethune (12301264), also the mother of Robert III de Bethune (1249-1322), who became count of Flanders and Nevers upon the death of his father in 1305. A testimony to the ongoing support these lords lent one another and the integral diplomatic role that Jean continued to play in the region is the alliance drafted between the counts of Flanders and Holland on May 25, 1278, and again in 1290, in which Jean de Brabant is named as an "ami" of both parties. He fulfilled a similar role in 1283 when he mediated a treaty between Guy de Dampierre and the count of Hainaut. Wauters, Jean I, 429, 435, 447. Another marital alliance was formed in 1290 when Jean I affianced his daughter Marguerite to the young count of Luxembourg, Henri. The treaty between Jean and B atrix, countess of Luxembourg, was negotiated by Guy de Dampierre (and probably his wife Isabelle de Luxembourg), Marguerite's grandfather. The couple was wed, after many more mediations, on the ninth of June, 1292, east of Brussels at the hunting lodge of Terveuren in Brabant. Wauters, Jean I, 449. 100 Brussels, BR, ms. 10607, fol. 3. C. Gaspar and F. Lyna, Les principaux manuscrits peintures de la Biblioth que Royale de Belgique (Brussels: Biblioth que royale Albert ler, 1937), 219-28. For hunting as a courtly pastime, see Vale, The Princely Court, 17984. 52 often in the company of dancers. That this program reflects the worldly interests of Guy de Dampierre, even within the religious context of a psalter, give us a sense of his immersion in this secular setting. That Flemish manuscripts were produced locally is not in doubt; the household records of Guy and his second wife, Isabelle de Luxembourg (m. 1264-d. 1298), note many purchases of ink and parchment and payment of salaries for scribes and illuminators.101 Another manuscript produced in Flanders or Hainaut for Guy de Dampierre or his brother Jean d'Avesnes between 1275 and 1285 contains one of the earliest versions of Le Conte del Graal by Chr tien de Troyes as well as three continuations of this Arthurian romance (Mons, Biblioth que de l'Universit , ms. 331/206, fig. 8).102 One of these is Manessier's Continuation, commissioned by these men's aunt, Jeanne de Flandres.103 Filled with illuminations and text that display a concern for chivalry and genealogical models, as well as heraldry to identify its owner, this manuscript expresses courtly and dynastic pride, another theme common to these courts of the north. These families of Henri III and Guy de Dampierre were further connected through their patronage of Adenet le Roi for it was at the court of the poet and bibliophile, Guy de Dampierre, and his second wife, Isabelle de Luxembourg, that we find records of 101 Ghent, Rijksarchief, Chartes de Flandres, Inventaire St.-Genois, 384 and Inventaire Gaillard, 24 and 27. Also cited in Dehaisnes, Historie de l'art en Flandre, 371, 379. 102 Sandra Hindman, Sealed in Parchment: Rereadings of Knighthood in the illuminated Manuscripts of Chr tien de Troyes (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), chap. 3. 103 See above, n. 23. 53 payment to the trouv re in the years after Henri's death.104 This then is the faithful, honorable, and charitable "bon conte Guion de Flandres" whom Adenet lists in his group of benefactors at the end of Cl omad s and who requested the poet to compose the Enfances Ogier.105 Numerous archival records from the Flemish household attest to the poet's presence in the count's entourage, which often traveled with the French court. He accompanied Guy and Isabelle, as well as their sons Robert and Guillaume and daughter Marguerite, to Tunis on the last crusade of Louis IX and was with the king when Philippe III attacked Castile in 1276. At the French court he often acted as an advisor and clerk as well as minstrel.106 As a later example of the high esteem in which Adenet was held, we find him in 1290 as the best paid minstrel at the weddings of Joan and Margaret of 104 Henry, Les oeuvres d'Adenet le Roi, 1: 17-78. According to the Flemish archives, Isabelle de Luxembourg was as avid a patron as her husband Guy. She had secular and religious manuscripts made, and paid for the wages of clerks and trouv res. Ghent, Rijksarchief, Inventaire Gaillard, nos. 17, 24, 27, 52. 105 "Et gart le bon conte Guion De Flandres, cui loet doit on,/ Car en lui maint, par verit ,/ Fois et honneurs et charit " (Cl. 18655-58). "Li Rois Adans ne veut plus endurer/ Qui li estoire d'Ogioer le vassal ber/ Soit corrompue; pour ce I veut penser/ Tant qu'il la [ms. le] puist a son droit ramener,/ K'au Roi Adam le plaist a commander/ Celui que il ne doit pas refuser/ Que ses commans ne face sanz veer:/ C'est li cuens Guis de Flandres seur la mer./ Li jougleour deveront bien plourer/ Quant il mourra, car moult porront aler/ Ainz que tel pere puissent mais recouvrer./ Or le nous vueille Diex longuement sauver!" (EO, 24-35) Brussels, KBR II 7451 contains the Enfances d'Ogier as well as Adenet's Berte aus grans pi s, and Folque de Candie was owned by Gui, and passed down to his son, Jean I de Namur. Henry, Les oeuvres d'Adenet le Roi, 1: 107. 106 For the crusade see Henry, Les oeuvres d'Adenet le Roi, 1: 20-30 and 67-70 and, for Spain, 75. For Adenet as more than minstrel. Ibid., 56-57. The count and countess were patrons of many troubadours during this journey, with the funds often coming from their "aumosnes" or alms accounts. See for example, Ghent, Rijksarchief, Inventaire Gaillard, no. 1, 3, 4, 12, 17 and Inventaire Saint-Genois, nos. 146r-146v. 54 England, daughters of Edward I. The latter of the English princesses, Margaret of York, was marrying the future Jean II de Brabant, illustrating Adenet's continued connections to the court of Brabant as well as his increasingly international reputation. This marriage was a well-documented occasion and also provides us with a glimpse of the number and quality of trouv res who came from Northern France and the Low Countries. The accounts list minstrels from Flanders, Brabant, Li ge, Holland, the comt s of Aumale and St.-Pol, Douai, Artois, Bretagne, and Champagne. 107 Whether Adenet was in the employ of the count of Flanders, the queen of France, the duke of Brabant, or was acting as a freelance trouv re, his high profile at the celebration illustrates how he was able to simultaneously meet the demands of multiple patrons. Along with its lengthy international journeys, the Flemish court traveled continuously around the north, frequently staying at their h tel in Paris, as was the case for the marriage and coronation of Marie.108 These journeys circulated the Flemish count 107 Cited in Vale, Princely Court, 292-93. 108 Ibid., 43 and 46. This is also the opinion of Rouse and Rouse, Manuscripts and their Makers: Commercial Book Producers in Medieval Paris 1200-1500, 2 vols. (Turnhout: Harvey Miller Publishers and Brepols, 2000), 1, 100, although the Rouses pointedly say that Adenet was on leave from the court of Flanders from 1277 through 1290 when he resided in Paris, rather than being there as a part of the Flemish court from time to time as Henry believes (for example, 30). One example of the itinerant nature of the Flemish court comes from a document dating from Christmas 1276 to the Sunday after S. Barnabas Day (June 11), 1278. Their route took them through the following cities in this order: Male, Winendale, Warneton, Lille, Flines, Menin, Rouliers, Binche, Vieuville, Namur, Golzinnes, Genappe, Bruxelles, Alost, Gand, Flines, Cr vecoeur, Ham, Verberie, Paris, Senlis, P ronne, Tournai, Mons, Grammont, Ypres, Bergues, Bourgbourg, Fauquemont, Nieppe, Richebourg, Ardenbourg, Affligem, Louvain, Grez, Perwez, Bapaumes, Lyon, Louvres, Paris, Soignes. Ghent, Rijksarchief, Inventaire Saint-Genois, no. 237 cited in Henry, Les oeuvres d'Adenet, 1: 55 and countess around their own lands, with many stops at neighboring ch teaux, such as Louvain and Bruxelles in Brabant or Courtrai. A similar itinerary to the one listed above in n. 47 that extends from June 10, 1293, to June 25, 1294, took the count and countess to Paris and Brussels three times each, to the duke's hunting lodges in Wavre and Boisfort twice, and to Arras, the home of Robert d'Artois, five times. 109 During their travels, the count and countess never failed to live in an extravagant style, accompanied by an extensive retinue that could create a celebration at an instant's notice.110 As a specific example of their ability to celebrate we find both the counts of Artois and Flanders at their h tels in Paris during March, 1278. On the thirteenth of the month Robert paid a visit to Guy; during the course of the evening their parties managed to spend 56 livres 12 sous 3 deniers parisien, about 50 livres more than an average dinner would have cost. One month before this the duke of Brabant had hosted the Flemish court at Genappe in Brabant. The Flemish records do not indicate the amount that Jean spent, but they do 43. See also Vale's chapter of The Princely Court, entitled "The Travelling Court," 13762. 109 Ghent, Rijksarchief, Chartes de Flandres, Inventaire Wyffels, no. 188, 314 bis. Also reproduced in Vale, Princely Court, 326. 110 The culinary detail that stands out about Guy and Isabelle's lifestyle is the ready availablity of rare foodstuffs, such as "amandes, gingembre, fighes, dragees," as well as the abundance of more readily available provisions using one d pense de cuisine as an example: "viandes de boeuf, porc, mouton, poules, pigeons, pices, flans, tartes, verjus, poissons, car de bacon, pasteis, et moustarde," Ghent, Rijksarchief, Chartes de Flandres, Inventaire St.-Genois, nos. 237 and 285, and cited in Henry, Les oeuvres d'Adenet, 1: 32. This generousity on the part of the Guy and Isabelle spread to all members of their court, not just the noblemen. For instance during the return journey from Tunis, among many other periodic gifts to specific troubadours, Guy held a banquet especially for the m nestrels at Caltavurturo. Henry, Les oeuvres d'Adenet, 1: 32 and 75. 56 make a point of stating that their stay was "at the expense of the duke of Brabant."111 On another occasion the duke received a Flemish party large enough to require two hundred horses for a day of boar hunting and feasting.112 The men stayed in the "woods" to eat that evening while the women returned to the household at Brussels, but both groups spent the night together at Bouchefort. They all traveled on to Namur, capital of the lands purchased by Marguerite and Guy from Isabelle de Luxembourg's father, Henri II, and Baldwin de Courtenay.113 Joined by many other noblemen, they remained here for fifteen days spending as much money as the count and countess had in Paris earlier in the year. By Candelmas Eve (February 1) Guy and Isabelle were hosting Jean de Brabant at their h tel in Paris with much of the royal family joining them in their celebrations the following day. If we can use the records of these Flemish visits and periods of entertainment as a way to judge allegiances and friendships, then the duke of Brabant, the French queen, the count of Artois, B atrix de Brabant, and the count and countess of Flanders were certainly close companions or at the very least extremely important allies. As we have already seen from references in the archives of Flanders, Brabant's connections with Artois were just as significant as its relationships with B atrix de Brabant, Marguerite de Flandres, the brothers Guillaume and Guy de Dampierre, and Isabelle de Luxembourg. Another sister of Henri III, Mahaut de Brabant (d. 1288), 111 Ghent, Rijksarchief, Chartes de Flandres, Inventaire Saint-Genois, no. 237, and cited in Vale, Princely Court, 84 and 146, respectively. 112 This whole period of travel is contained in Ghent, Rijksarchief, Chartes de Flandres, Inventaire Wyffels, no. 188, and cited in Vale, Princely Court, 150-51. 113 Nicholas, "Women as Rulers," 86. 57 married the brother of Louis IX, Robert I, count of Artois (d. 1250).114 The couple gave birth to Blanche (1245-1302) and Robert (1250-1302), both of whom would remain close to their aunt, B atrix and their cousins, Marie and Jean, throughout their lives. It was with B atrix that Mahaut left Blanche and Robert a short while after Robert's birth, so that she could accompany her husband on crusade.115 Robert inherited the county of Artois just a year after his birth, but as a prince of the royal blood and because of her powerful allies in the north his mother, Mahaut, was able to retain his hold over the county and rule as regent for the next fifteen years. Under Robert's rule, Artois became one of the most luxurious and important courts in the north, and as we shall see in the next chapter, he greatly enriched Marie's own court once she arrived in Paris.116 The ties between Brabant and Artois are emphasized by Adenet, who calls Robert valiant and wise in the envoye of Cl omad s, which, as seen above, was commissioned by Robert's 114 Mahaut de Brabant's second husband, Guy de Chatillon, count of St. Pol (d. 1289) was the father of Guy IV, also count of St. Pol, and constable of France from 1290-1310 (d. 1317). 115 Anciennes chroniques de Flandre, RHF 22: 332. 116 Blanche d'Artois would also continue to loom large in Marie's life. After her first husband, Henri I, count of Champagne and king of Navarre (m. 1269) died in 1274, Blanche brought her daughter, Jeanne (1272-1305), to seek refuge at Marie's court, an act that ultimately resulted in Jeanne's marriage to Philippe, the future king of France. Later, Blanche's second marriage to Edmund of Lancaster (1245-1296), second son of Henry III (1216-1272) and Eleanor de Provence (1223-1291), and brother to Edward I (1272-1307) opened another avenue for relations. As part of a peace treaty between England and France arranged by Marie, Blanche, and Jeanne, Marie's daughter Marguerite (12791317) was wed to the widowed Edward I in 1299. See also Chapter Three below for a more developed discussion of the presence of Blanche d'Artois at Marie's court. 58 cousin, Marie de Brabant.117 Adenet had every reason to applaud the patronage of Robert; his was a lifestyle very similar to Adenet's other two foremost male patrons, Henri de Brabant and Guy de Dampierre. Robert was patron of the poets Jean de Jouri and Adam de la Halle.118 Like his colleagues, Robert never traveled without his own minstrel; Adam de la Halle, for instance, accompanied the count all the way to Naples. His promotion of song and ceremony is recorded by the French royal historian, Guillaume de Nangis, in Listoire du roy Phelippe. During the festivities that followed Philippe's coronation in 1270, the party traveled from Reims to Arras, where they were greeted by its residents who had decorated the city and danced and sang for the king.119 117 "A noble conte preu et sage/ D'Artois, qui a mis son usage / en Dieu honnorer et servir/ envoi mon livre pour o r/ comment il est fais et dit s./ Or vueille Dieus que il sont tes/ Que li quens le re oive en gr ,/ Et li doinst par sa grant bont / Honneur d'armes et d'amour joie."(18687-18695) Bibliography for the life and patronage of Robert includes: Dehaisnes, Documents et extrait and Histoire de l'Art dans la Flandre, L'Artois & le Hainaut; Richard, Une petite-ni ce; A. le comte De Loisne, "Une cour f odale vers la fin du XIIIe si cle: L'h tel de Robert II, comte d'Artois," Bulletin historique et philologique du Comit des travaux historiques et scientifiques (1918), 84-143; Le compte g n ral du receveur d'Artois pour 1303-1304, B. Delmaire, ed. (Brussels: Acad mie royale de Belgique, 1977); Vale, The Princely Court, tables 15-21. Of course the most valuable source is the collection of documents at Arras in the Archives d partementales de Pas-De-Calais which have been partly published by Richard, Inventaire sommaire des archives d partmentales ant rieures 1790, Pas-deCalais, Archives civiles (Arras: Impr. de la Soci t du Pas-de-Calais, 1878-87). Because of Robert's consistent involvement in the affairs of France, many mentions of him exist in court documents pertaining to the king and kingdom of France. 118 Richard, Une petite-ni ce, 100. For Adam de la Halle see also Henry, Les oeuvres d'Adenet, 1: 54 and Huot, From Song to Book: The Poetics of Writing in Old French Lyric and Lyrical Narrative Poetry (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1987), 67-74, where she analyzes his writings in BNF, fr. 25566. 119 This ceremony is part of a larger discussion of song in Paris completed by Catherine Parsoneault in "The Montpellier Codex: Royal Influence and Musical Taste in Late59 Like his Flemish relatives, Robert was also renowned throughout Europe for his love of the battle, hunt, and tournament. Rutebuf, Sarrasin, Jean de Meun, Guillaume de Giart, and the author of the Dit dou vrai aniel all record his deeds of bravery.120 One historical account that illustrates the dependence of these courts upon one another was centered around the death, in 1276, of Louis, eldest son of Philippe III and his first wife Isabelle d'Aragon, and heir to the throne. The man who charged Marie with murder was Pierre de la Broce, chamberlain to Philippe III and Louis IX before him. While this story is instructive for understanding the nature of Marie's court early on in her marriage to Philippe, it also strikingly illustrates the allegiances that existed between these northern families.121 After a long period of testimony and securing of evidence, first against Marie by Pierre de la Broce and then against Pierre by Marie's defenders, the chamberlain was convicted of treason in June, 1278, by Robert, duke of Burgundy (12451305), Marie's uncle through her mother, Jean de Brabant, Robert d'Artois, Guy de Thirteenth-Century Paris," Ph. D. dissertation, The University of Texas at Austin, 2001). For the side by side transcription of the original Latin and French chronicles see Guillaume de Nangis, Gesta Philippi tertii francorum regis; Listoire du roy Phelippe, fils de monseigneur saint Loys, RHF 20: 466-539, here 503-13. As Jean de Brabant and the sister of Philippe III, Marguerite de France, were wed in February of the following year (1271), it seems quite likely that the widowed king and Marie de Brabant met on one or both of these occassions. 120 Richard, Une petite-ni ce, 100; Rutebuf, Voie des Tunes (c. 1267); Sarrasin, Roman du Hem (1278); Jean de Meun, Roman de la Rose (c. 1278); Guillaume Guiart, Branche des royaux lignages (1306-1307). Whether Robert was actually the patron of these authors or just famous enough to warrant mention in their writings, their existence helps us to understand contemporary perceptions of Marie's cousin and friend. 121 I will address the scandel again in Chapter Three. 60 Dampierre, as well as "pluseurs autres nobles barons." Within days Pierre was hanged.122 A letter drafted in the same month and signed by the same council includes the names of the dukes of Brabant and Burgundy, the counts of Artois, Dampierre, Gueldres, Bretagne, Hollande, Luxembourg, Richemond, Bar, Saint-Pol, Dreux, Soissons, Hainaut, Enguerrand de Couci, and Raoul de N elle (Nesle), chamberlain of France.123 Marie's defenders, without exception, came from the aristocracies of northern France and the Low Countries. Looking back at the itinerary of Guy de Dampierre's court for late in 1276 through the first part of 1278,124 one realizes that these months and years are the ones during which Marie was accused and then exonerated of the deaths of two of her stepsons. Guy's journeys ultimately proved instrumental in securing Marie's release. His retinue traveled across the Low Countries and as far south as Paris at a rapid, although not unusual, pace. If they had survived we could expect similar records for many of these other men who acted on the queen's behalf. As it stands we do have a documentation that describes the cooperation of these men and their courts while they celebrated in a predictably extravagant fashion. At Christmas of 1276 many of these families were united at M le in Flanders where we have accounts of payments to the duke of Brabant's 122 Guillaume de Nangis, Listoire du roy Phelippe, RHF 20: 495 and 503-13, especially 511. 123 Paris, Archives nationales de France, J. 429, no. 3, (hereafter ANF) cited in CharlesVictor Langlois, Le r gne de Philippe III le Hardi (1887; repr. Geneva: M gariotis Reprints, 1979), 34. 124 See above, n. 47. 61 three minstrels, Tassin, Boidin, and Estnol le Sot, two men in the employ of the chamberlain of France, Martinet and Gerardin, four minstrels from the court of the count of Champagne, Morel d'Angleterre, le Fol de Popelgi, Jehan le Le teur, and Gilet de Loiam, as well as anonymous minstrels of Robert d'Artois and the count of Holland.125 Another document of the Flemish court verifies the continued importance of gatherings for these northern families. It records how, in August, 1278, exactly four years to the month after her marriage to the king of France and almost certainly in celebration of the disappearance of Pierre de la Broce, Marie was in attendance at Nieppe in the company of Jean, the duke of Brabant, Robert, the count of Artois, the count and countess of Flanders, and their host, B atrix, "la dame de Courtrai."126 They spent an astounding100 l. p. in kitchen expenses in just three days, when the normal cost would have stayed closer to 6 l. p.127 Although this occasion takes us chronologically past Marie's youth and into her reign as queen of France, it illustrates how vital the relationships with her northern relatives remained and how integral extravagant celebrations were to their lifestyle. Another activity that united these households of northern Europe was the tournament. Prohibited in France during the reigns of Louis IX and Philippe IV and allowed briefly during the life of Philippe III, many international jousts came to be held 125 Ghent, Rijksarchief, Chartes de Flandres, Inventaire St.-Genois, 209. 126 This was also just two months after the execution of Pierre de la Broce and the queen's release from confinement. 127 Ghent, Rijksarchief, Chartes de Flandres, Inventaire St.-Genois, 237, fol. 10r and 6r. 62 in the areas to the north of France.128 Border towns such as Bois-le-Duc (`sHertogenbosch) in Brabant or Mons and Compi gne in Hainaut were famed for their nearly constant hosting of such gatherings. Among the members of the group I have discussed above, Robert d'Artois was not alone in his prowess on the tournament field. Even though they both met their deaths while participating, B atrix's husband, Guillaume de Dampierre, and Jean de Brabant were also lauded for their skills in the fight. The aunt of Marie and Jean, B atrix de Brabant, often received letters from friends and relatives alike reporting on the status of these tournaments, for as much as they were sporting contests they were also festive social occasions (as well as political and religious celebrations) attended by women and men alike.129 On the eve of his death, Jean de Brabant organized a great tournament and an Arthurian round table at Bar-sur-Aube to celebrate the arrival of Henri III, count of Bar (d. 1302), and his new bride, Edward I's daughter, Eleanor (1264-1298).130 Thus, the tournament's real and symbolic battle of life and death was often utilized by the courts of the north to highlight new or renewed unions. 128 Langlois, Le r gne, 195-99. Michel Stanesco treats this theme in his book, Jeux d'errance du chevalier medieval: Aspects ludiques de la fonction guerri re dans la litterature du moyen ge flamboyant (Leiden: Brill, 1988). Most recently see, Vale, Princely Court, 179-200. 129 See for instance, Ghent, Rijksarchief, Chartes de Flandres, Inventaire St.-Genois, 522, where Jeanne de Chauvigny, daughter of Mahaut de Brabant and Guy de Ch tillon, describes in a letter to her aunt a series of tournaments that brought them eventually to Bois-le-Duc where Jean de Brabant was victorious. 130 Roger Loomis, "Edward I, Arthurian Enthusiast," Speculum 28/1 (Jan 1953), 114-27, here 117. 63 In fact, in the 1260s, a new form of tournament appeared. A political visualization of the alliances of its participants and a satire on the ban of the sport, it was called La tournoiement aus dames.131 This visually attractive spectacle and others like it that followed are recorded in a number of manuscripts.132 With its roots in a literary invention of the previous century, this chronicle, recorded in BNF, ms. fr. 837, describes a festive event that may or may not have actually taken place.133 For our purposes here, its historical significance lies in the central character of the 1265 tournament in Brabant, for this participant was none other than Marie's mother, Aleyde de Bourgogne, "la bone dame de Braibant" who is described as "la duchoise, la vaillant qui tient la terre et le pa s," the brave duchess who, as we will see in the next section of this chapter, was able to retain Brabant for her young sons and ultimately keep peace during her regency.134 A spectacular gathering of the noblewomen of France and the Low Countries, including the 131 Holger Petersen Dyggve, "Les personnages du Tournoiement aus dames (Paris, Bibl. nat., ms. fr. 837)," Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 31 (1935), 145-92. 132 A later fictive version by Pierre Gencien that took place in 1292 was centered around the prominent bourgeois families in Paris and is recorded in Ms. Vatican, Reg. 1522. A related tournament which takes place in the Livre de Fauvel under the guise of the Tournament of Vices and Virtues, is artfully treated by Nancy Freeman Regalado in, "Allegories of Power: The Tournament of Vices and Virtues in the Roman de Fauvel (BN, fr. 146)," Gesta 32/2 (1993), 135-46. I thank her for her reference to this article. For an in-depth study of the genre as a whole see Andrea Pulega, Ludi e spettacoli nel medioevo: I tornei di dame (Milan: Istituto editoriale cisalpino-La goliardico,1970). 133 Dyggve believes that it did take place. "Les personnages," 176-77. The fusion of fiction and history was not uncommon in the years to come as we will see below with the tournament at Hem in 1278, hosted by Marie herself. 134 Lines 194-95 as reproduced in Dyggve, 171. 64 joint organizer, Isabeau de Brienne, countess of Grandpr (m. 1237, d. 1274/77),135 Mahaut de Brabant, countess of Artois, Jeanne de Flandres, countess of Bar,136 and Aleyde's cousin, B atrix, countess of Dreux (d. 1312),137 this event must have made a striking impression on any who attended or heard of its contests through the literary record. Marie, still a child in 1265, is not listed in the roster of attendees, but she must have grown up hearing of the event in which many of her female relatives, including her mother and her aunts, B atrix and Mahaut, were reported as participants in this female version of an otherwise exclusively male domain. The Genealogy of Regency It is to this female influence on Marie's youth that I now turn. After Henri's untimely demise at the age of thirty, Marie's mother served as regent for six years, and remained involved in the governing of Brabant until her death in 1273.138 During this time, she continued her husband's role as head of the court, promoting an environment in which artistic pursuits flourished. She herself does not seem to have been a poet, and Adenet was lured to the court of the counts of Flanders after Henri's death, but her 135 Isabeau and her husband Henri, count of Grandpr (d. 1287), were both from the Champagne-Ardennes region to the south of Brabant. 136 She was wife of Thibaut II and daughter of Marguerite de Flandres and Guillaume de Dampierre. 137 B atrix was married to Robert IV, count of Dreux from 1259 to 1282. 138 Aleyde was the daughter of Hugues, duc de Bourgogne (d.1272) and Jolente de Dreux. Butkens, Troph es de Brabant, 2: 267. 65 intellectual and political facility served her well in her years as regent. Most historians view her as lacking the joie de vivre of her late husband, instead describing her as a "princesse sage et vertueuse, combien qu'un peu trop v h mente en ses passions."139 These characteristics may have been as much out of necessity as of choice. Her eldest son, Henri, was described as physically and mentally unfit to rule Brabant and in promoting the second in line, Jean, she was opposed by relatives who hoped to gain power for themselves. Finally, in 1267, after years of debate, battle, and alliance-making, Aleyde's choice was agreed upon by an assembly at the palace of Cortenburg in Brussels.140 Jean was still only fourteen when he assumed the title of duke, and for years afterward one continues to find documents sealed by Aleyde.141 Jean's rise to power 139 Butkens, Troph es de Brabant, 2: 267; Alphonse Wauters, Le duc Jean I et le Brabant sous le r gne de ce prince (1267-1294) (Brussels: Librairie Polytechnique de Decq, 1862), chap. 1; Herman Van Nuffel, "Aleidis van Boergondie, hertogin van Brabant (+1273)," Tijdingen: Mededelingenblad voor de vrienden van het Arch. en Museum van het Vl. Leven te Brussel 14/1 (1993), 7-11. 140 Butkens, Troph es de Brabant, 2: 267; Wauters, Jean I, 44-49 and 419; Van Nuffel, 10-11. In the context of the city of Louvain, Van Even discusses the debate in Louvain dans le pass et dans le pr sent, 36-38. In October, 1268, Henri entered the Dominican abbey of Saint-B nigne in Dijon in Aleyde's home duchy of Burgundy. Wauters, Jean I, 425. The choice of this locale testifies to the close ties that continued to exist between Aleyde and her Burgundian family. We will see in Chapter Three how this alliance was preserved in Marie's relationships with her uncle, Robert, and cousin, Marguerite, de Bourgogne. 141 J. Hoebanx-Nihon "Les r gences d'Aleyde de Bourgogne, duchesse de Brabant 12611268," M moire de license in dit (Universit de Li ge, 1943) 116-19, sees Aleyde as reigning through two regencies, the first for her eldest son, Henri, who was voted incompetent in 1267, and the second for Jean which officially ended in 1268. See also, David Kusman, " propos de la consultation de Thomas d'Aquin par la duchesse Aleyde de Brabant (ca. 1267)," Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire (1995), 937-46, here 942. Due to his relative youth, however, she still saw herself as his mentor. This relationship is clearly worded in an act dated to January 31, 1268: "Aleydis, ducisse Brabantiae et 66 attests to his mother's independence of mind and strength of spirit throughout her regency, despite the manifold attempts by relatives and colleagues to take her place permanently as ruler of Brabant.142 Studying her seal provides us with an interesting view into Aleyde's perception of herself and projection of this image for others during the period after Henri's death (fig. 9). In it she rides a horse, holding the reins in her right hand and a falcon extended away from her body in her left. A bird flies before the horse and a dog runs at its feet. Aleyde is clothed in a long surcoat that flows past her shoes and buttons up to her throat. Her hood is lowered, but she wears a hat that ties below her chin. She sits on an elaborate covering that hangs over the horse's sides nearly to the ground. The inscription names her as Aleyde, duchess of Brabant and Lotharingia.143 If we compare it to the contemporary seal of B atrix of Brabant attached to a document that dates from her early widowhood, we begin to see some of Aleyde's motivation (fig. 5). B atrix stands wearing a dress and mantle that covers her head, holding a flower in her right hand, hiding her left in the folds of her dress. On this side of her seal the inscription states that Lotharingie ac marchionis imperii, filii sui pupilli, suo et tutoris nomine ipsius." Hoebanx-Nihon, "Les r gences d'Aleyde de Bourgogne," 119. 142 Henri, count of Gueldre and his brother, Otto, bishop of Li ge, both attempted to expand their lands at this time. Heinrich, landgrave of Hesse, and half-brother of Henri III may have used his support of Aleyde as political leverage at a moment when his maternal inheritance was still being decided. Another cousin, Henri de Louvain, sire de Gaasbeek and Herstal, showed his interest in Aleyde's rule. She was able to expel him from the regency council in 1265, only to contend with a revolt instigated by the marshal of Brabant, Arnould de Wezemaal. Wauters, Jean I, 421; Van Even, Louvain, 37-38. 143 Reproduced in Demay, Inventaire des sceaus de la Flandre, no. 238. 67 this is B atrix, the countess of Flanders. While both acknowledge their powerful titles, they take a different route to expressing this role in imagery; Aleyde rides to the hunt while B atrix takes a stance more traditional for female rulers.144 What Aleyde's seal most resembles, instead, is one of two types utilized by her son and grandson (figs. 11 and 12). In fact, other than the dress that distinguishes their gender, these courtly equestrian portraits are nearly identical. Aleyde could not show herself in the guise of the male, as mounted and armed warrior, but she could certainly remind the viewer of her seal that she was a noble horsewoman, equal to her male counterparts undertaking the same activity. 145 Aleyde's correspondence with Thomas of Aquinas reveals another facet of her personality.146 After her husband's death, she found herself with questions concerning the rule of her duchy and was especially hesitant to fulfill some of Henri's testamentary requests regarding the banishment of all Jews and Cahorsins guilty of usury. Henri and Aleyde had long been supporters of the Dominicans in Brabant and had received Aquinas 144 For example, this is the same pose one finds on the seal of Blanche of Castile, queen of France (fig. 10). 145 Aleyde's seal is not the only example of the female rider. The seal of Jeanne, countess of Flanders until 1244, displays a similar hunting iconography (fig. 13). Hers is the seal closest to the document. 146 Henri Pirenne, "La duchesse Aleyde de Brabant et le De regimine judaeorum de Saint Thomas d'Aquin," Academie royale de Belgique, Bulletin de la Classe des lettres et des sciences morales et politiques, 5th ser., 14 (1928), 43-55; David Kusman, " propos de la consultation de Thomas d'Aquin par la duchesse Aleyde de Brabant," 937-46, sums up the arguments for the exact period in which Aleyde could have written to Aquinus. He decides on the years 1265-1267, just preceding the assembly at Cortenberg at which it was agreed that Jean, rather than the eldest son, Henri, should suceed his mother. 68 as a guest in their ch teau in Louvain in 1253.147 His responses to her letters and the dedication of his De regimine judaeorum to her attest to the thoughtful and inquisitive nature of Aleyde's rule as duchess. This treatise reads more like a rule of princes it is often called De regimine principum or Gouvernement du Prince than an essay specific to the "rule of the Jews."148 Her patronage of Aquinas and interest in these issues of government were motivated as much by her children's education as her own concerns.149 This special relationship with the Dominicans is reflected in the commission of Henri and Aleyde's tomb for the church of the Dominicans at Louvain.150 I will address 147 Wauters, "Henri III," (1874), 193-94 ; Van Even, Louvain, 37. For instance, Henri III had appointed two Dominicans from Louvain as testamentary executors. The other two were a Cistercian from Brussels and sire G rard de Marbais. Wauters, "Henri III," (1874), 204-5; Boland, "Le Testament d'Henri III," 93-96. 148 Wilhelm Berges, Die F rstenspiegel des hohen und sp ten Mittelalters (Leipzig, K. W. Hiersemann, 1938). 149 Bell advanced that upper class women were the chief educators of their children and emphasized the critical role that books played in this function. The topic of women as the patrons and users of books was new in 1982, when Susan Groag Bell wrote her groundbreaking essay, "Medieval Women Book Owners: Arbiters of Lay Piety and Ambassadors of Culture," which introduced many key concepts on which subsequent scholars have drawn. Bell argued that women's ownership of books was evidence of wider spheres of influence for aristocratic women than scholars had often assumed. Susan Groag Bell, "Medieval Women Book Owners: Arbiters of Lay Piety and Ambassadors of Culture," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 7/4 (1982), 742-68, repr. in Women and Power in the Middle Ages, ed. Mary Erler and Maryanne Kowaleski (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1988), 149-87, and in Sisters and Workers in the Middle Ages, Judith M. Bennet, et al., eds. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 135-61. Here citing (1988), 162-66. 150 Aleyde was also responsible for the foundation of a female Dominican monastery in Auderghem called Val-Duchesse after its patron. The first Dominican convent in the Low Countries, it was here that she chose for her heart to be buried. Bernaert de Jonghe, Belgium Dominicanum sive Historia Provinciae Germaniae Inferioris Sacri Ordinis FF. Praedicatorum: ex antiquis manuscriptis, probatis authoribus, litteris orginalibus 69 this monument in some detail below as it illustrates the dynastic complexity in politics and art of which Aleyde was capable, a trait that all her children would inherit. The Dominicans settled in Louvain in 1228, the same year that Blanche of Castile and Louis IX welcomed them to Paris.151 Henri III donated the site of the former ducal palace from where the dukes had relocated to Mont C sar earlier in the century and many of its dependent lands to the order in the 1250s, and the construction of the church began immediately (fig. 14).152 Although the interior of Notre-Dame was enthusiastically redecorated in the eighteenth century and many of the monastic buildings have been incorporated into the town, the structure of the church remains intact (figs. 15 and 16).153 The style is one that, while it quotes the cutting-edge Ste.-Chapelle in Paris as well as the numquam impressis, instrumentis authenticis & archivis eruta (Brussels: Francisci Foppens ..., 1719), 357; Wauters, Histoire des environs de Bruxelles, 3: 346. The convent's location just outside Brussels, rather than in Louvain near the house of Dominican friars, ensured that her memory was preserved as both duchess of Brabant and as countess of Louvain. Prayers said in her memory on October 23 in the church of Ste.Gudule in Brussels further helped to preserve her memory across the duchy. 151 De Jonghe, Belgium Dominicanum,126-57; Van Even, Louvain, 412-21. 152 For the documents see Aubert Le Mire (Miraeus) and Jean Fran ois Foppens, Opera diplomatica, 4 vols. (Louvain: Aegidii Denique, 1723-48), 1: 426 and Belgium Dominicanum, 128. In addition to ceding lands to the Dominicans, Henri also promised to finance "la confection des vitraux de l'eglise claustrale." Hoebanx-Nihon, "Les r gences d'Aleyde de Bourgogne," 41-42 and F. Brodsky, "L'implantation des dominicans dans l'ancien duch de Brabant ( 1220-1400)," M moire de license in dit, (Universit Libre de Bruxelles,1974) cited in Kusman, " propos de la consultation de Thomas d'Aquin par la duchesse Aleyde de Brabant," 943. Unfortunately, other than the windows I will discuss below in the context of Marie's patronage, no other pictorial windows were recorded in the monastery. 153 The details of the renovations can be found in Van Even, Louvain, and Pierre Fran ois Xavier de Ram, Recherches sur les s pultures des ducs de Brabant Louvain (Brussels, M. Hayez, 1845). 70 Franciscan church (Minoritenkirche) in Cologne, seems to be local to Louvain (figs. 17 and 18).154 Lemaire sees a similar simplicity and lightness in the four churches founded in Louvain during the second half of the thirteenth century (fig. 19).155 The choir of Notre-Dame is composed of a nave and flanking aisles which end in flat walls just before the apse. Therefore, like the two other churches mentioned, the apse rises vertically as a single, seven-sided space, with no radiating chapels. Three-part windows pierce both clerestory and aisle walls (including those at the eastern end), while a more narrow twin lancet in the apse extends down the entire single story.156 The unusual shape of the church with its flat eastern aisle walls and shallow, rounded apse also recalls a much earlier local style of church. One possible prototype may be the Merovingian abbey church, also dedicated to Notre-Dame, in Nivelles (fig. 20).157 This church originally served as the chapel for the domain of Pepin le Vieux (d. 154 Robert Branner, in Saint Louis and the Court Style in Gothic Architecture, (London: A. Zwemmer Ltd., 1965), illustrates the Franciscan church in Cologne and the Dominican foundation in Louvain as two early examples of how the mendicant orders so readily adapted and exported aspects of the opus francigenum to new sites across Europe, 11318. 155 R. M. Lemaire, Les origines du style gothique en Brabant, 2: La formation du style gothique braban on. Les glises de l'ancien quartier de Louvain (Antwerp: De Nederlandsche Boekhandel, 1949), 37-45. The other three churchs are: Saint-Gertrude (beg. 1298), Saint-Jean (1290-1317), and the B guinage (1305). Architecture gothique en Belgique, Marjan Buyle, et al., eds. (Brussels: Editions Racine, 1997), 42, 48, and 85. 156 The tracery patterns in the apse double lancets surmounted by two trilobes and a pentafoil in Notre-Dame are also similar to those in the Ste.-Chapelle. 157 I will discuss this abbey and its saint below, in the context of Marie's patronage of the reliquary of Ste.-Gertrude de Nivelles. For the parish church of Notre-Dame, see Claire Donnay-Rocmans, La coll giale Sainte-Gertrude de Nivelles (Nivelles: Office du Tourisme de la Ville de Nivelles, 1996), 49-53, and Un tr sor gothique: La ch sse de 71 640), mayor of the palace of Dagobert and called the first duke of Brabant by the author of the Genealogia ducum brabantiae heredum franciae.158 Of all the churches in the vicinity of Louvain that were visible to the Dominicans and the duke and duchess, NotreDame de Nivelles is the most similar in plan. To include a reference to the Merovingian church and deathbed site of the duchy's patron saint, Gertrude (d. 659), daughter of Pepin le Vieux, who, with her mother, Itte (d. 652), founded the joint monastery in Nivelles, would have made a striking historical contrast to the modern aesthetic proportions of the vaulting and apse. As the founders of this monastery and church, the duke and duchess likely worked hand-in-hand with the Dominicans in choosing the design that was to be reproduced in all the other buildings erected during one of Louvain's most prosperous periods. Whether they intended to echo the architecture of Paris or Cologne or both the reference to their German and French heritage, present-day ties, and reputation as progressive patrons Nivelles (Paris: Editions de la R union des mus es nationaux, 1996), 71-72. 158 The Genealogia ducum brabantiae heredum franciae was commissioned and completed between the years 1268 and 1271 for Jean I of Brabant (c.1254-1294). He was also responsible for a second chronicle, the Genealogia ducum brabantiae ampliata. Two other histories, the Genealogia ducum brabantiae metrica and the Chronica de origine ducum brabantiae were commissioned by Jean or his son, Jean II of Brabant, according to internal dating. All of these chronicles are contained in MGH. Scriptores 25 (1880; repr., 1974) 385-413. The earliest extant manuscript to contain the entire set of chronicles is the fifteenth-century Vienna, NB, ms. 3445. The Genealogia ducum brabantiae heredum franciae exists in a fourteenth-century copy (Li ge, Universit de Li ge, Biblioth que de la Facult de Medicine, ms. 77 olim Sancti Trudonis), while the Genealogia ducum brabantiae ampliata and Genealogia ducum brabantiae metrica survive in two additional copies, BNF, lat. 14194 and lat. 6222, dating to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries respectively. A fifteenth-century copy of the Chronica de origine ducum brabantiae preceeds de Klerk's Brabantsche yeesten in Brussels, BR, ms. 80378050. MGH. Scriptores 25: 386, 391-92, 399-400, and 405. 72 would likely have been in their minds as well as those of the friars. Both Henri and Aleyde had visited these capital cities on more than one occasion and saw their governments as both allies and potential aggressors. And the significance of a stylistic allusion would certainly have been understandable to contemporary viewers. As we will see in the interior of the church, the agenda behind the sculptural and painted programs is far less subtle. The Dead in the Service of the Living: Teaching Genealogy in the Tomb of Henri and Aleyde Formerly, the bay closest to the apse in the northern aisle of the Dominican church of Notre-Dame was walled off as the ducal chapel. It is here that Henri chose to be buried and where his wife and children successively added to the decorative program. The north side of the choir was traditionally reserved for founders' chapels.159 Thus the siting of their tomb within the larger space of the church immediately identified duke and duchess as important figures in the history of the abbey.160 In light of the powerful 159 Anne Morganstern, Gothic Tombs of Kinship in France, the Low Countries, and England (University Park, PA.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000), 27-28. Another, relevant example of this tradition was the placement of Henri II de Brabant's tomb on the north side of the choir in the abbey church of Notre-Dame at Villers-la-Ville. Butkens, Troph es de Brabant, 2: 237; Jacques Le Roy, Le grand th atre profane du duch de Brabant, contenant la description g n rale et abr g e de ce pa s...A quoi l'on a ajout la description topographique et historique du Brabant-Wallon, 2 vols. (The Hague: Chr tien Van Lom, 1730), 1: 14; Robert Mullie, S pultures et monuments fun raires, 3 vols. (Woluwe and Saint-Lambert: Robert Mullie, 1955-56), 2: 9. 160 Drawings of the figures of the tomb, stained glass, and wall painting are preserved in the archive compiled by Antoine de Succa, Les m moriaux d'Antoine de Succa, Micheline Comblen-Sonkes et Christine Van den Bergen-Patens, eds., 2 vols. (Brussels: 73 dynastic message delivered by the construction and manipulation of the French tomb programs in France at Saint-Denis at this time,161 it may seem a little surprising that Jean Biblioth que royale Albert Ier, 1977), 1: 204-8, 2, fols. 67v-68v (original is from Brussels, Bib. roy. Ms. II 1862). See also, P. F. X. De Ram and Jean Jacques Hoebanx, L'abbaye de Nivelles des origines au XIVe si cle (Brussels: Palais des Acad mies, 1952). The decision to build a new burial site rather than populate an existing one does not seem to be unusual for the dukes of Brabant. There did not exist a single location where their tombs were concentrated. Indeed it appears that almost the opposite was the desired effect instead of a large group in a single location one would find evidence of the long line and widespead beneficence of the rulers of Brabant in every monument associated with their family. There were, however a few locations that received concentrations of ducal burials. The abbey churches of Ste.-Gertrude at Nivelles and of Notre-Dame at Villers-la-Ville, and the church of St.-Pierre in Louvain were the most popular. Here follows a list compiled after Mullie, S pultures et monuments fun raires: Lambert I (d. 1015) and Henri I (d. 1038), both counts of Louvain, were buried in Nivelles as were their successors Lambert II (d. 1036) and Henri III (d. 1095), counts of Louvain, Brabant, and Brussels, etc. Godefroid I, count of Louvain, Brabant, Brussels, and duke of Basse-Lotharingia (d. 1140), was buried in the abbaye church in Affligem, in front of the high altar, while Godefroid II, count of Louvain, Brabant, Brussels, and duke of Basse-Lotharingia (d. 1142), was buried on the southern side of the choir in the church of St.-Pierre in Louvain. His son, Godefroid III (d. 1190) was buried very near the tomb of his father as was his grandson, Henri I, duke of Lothier and Brabant (d. 1235), who was placed in the middle of the choir. The next duke, Henri II (d. 1248) was buried on the north side of the choir in the Cistercian abbey church of Villers-la-Ville which he had helped found. Meanwhile, his daughters, Mathilde de Flandres and Marie de Brabant (d. 1270) chose to be buried with their grandfather in St.-Pierre de Louvain. Like Marie's father, Henri III, who was buried in the Dominican church in Louvain, his son, Jean I, duke of Lothier, Brabant, and Limbourg (d. 1294) chose to rest in a church he had founded. Because of the nature of his death from wounds received in a tournament, his flesh was intered at the cathedral of Reims while his bones were buried in front of the main altar in the abbey church of the R collets in Brussels which he and his second wife, Marguerite de Flandre founded. Jean II (d. 1312) was buried in the middle of the choir of the church of SS. Michel et Gudule in Brussels with his wife Margaret of York (d. 1318). Their son, Jean III (d. 1355) was buried in front of the main altar in the abbey church of Villers-la-Ville, while his wife, Marie d'Evreux, and daughter were buried in the R collets in Brussels. 161 Georgia Summers Wright, "A Royal Tomb Program in the Reign of St. Louis," Art Bulletin 56 (1971), 224-43; Wright, "The Tomb of St. Louis," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 34 (1971), 65-82; Alain Erlande-Brandenburg, Le roi est mort: 74 I did not attempt to create such a program. This decision may certainly have been due to monetary restrictions; the enormous effort of gathering up his ancestral tombs, or of commissioning new ones, would have been prohibitive even with the duchy at the height of its economic prosperity. Instead, the duke commissioned written histories, such as the Genealogia ducum brabantiae heredum franciae, that announced his family's illustrious Merovingian and Carolingian ancestry. Also, by enriching the existing tomb of his parents jointly with Marie, and bolstered by her other patronage, they actively campaigned for the acknowledgement of their pure blood. Fabrication of the tomb most probably began immediately after Henri's death in 1260. Whether Aleyde alone was responsible for the design, or whether Henri had voiced his preferences is not clear from his testament.162 Based on the suddenness of Henri's death and the tomb's program, it seems unlikely, however, that manufacture began before 1261. The gisant was cut from a deep blue marble and rested on a white base, which also was decorated in relief (fig. Etude sur les fun railles, les s pultures et les tombeaux des rois de France jusqu' la fin du XIIIe si cle (Geneva: Droz, 1975). 162 Boland, "Le Testament d'Henri III"; Martens, "A propos des testaments d'Henri II et d'Henri III," 289-94; Pirenne, "La duchesse Aleyde de Brabant," 43-55. Aleyde, soon after her husband's death, built a house within the precinct of the Dominican monastery to the south of the church; she donated it to the monastery after her death (called the sacellum ducissa Brabantia, see fig. 14). Her motivation seems to have been proximity to the body of her dead husband, for it was said that she visited his tomb daily. Looking closely at the events of her widowhood, I find it highly improbable that she managed to keep these kinds of attentions to such a regular schedule. The theme of pious withdrawal in widowhood is frequently invoked by historians and may certainly be based on fact. The reality, however, seems to be slightly more complicated in that, while utilizing the protection of a monastic establishment, most of the women I study who "cloistered" themselves were simultaneously embedded in the heart of political intrigue and participating in a variety of less-traditionally pious endeavors. 75 21).163 The whole of the gisant was also originally gilded.164 Henri is dressed in his knight's armor, as a noble warrior, bearing his coat of arms, while Aleyde wears the proper dress of a pious matron. Through her wardrobe, Aleyde recalls to the viewer that she was also a patron of the female Dominicans whose habit her robe closely resembles.165 Under the duke's feet is the lion from his coat of arms and under the duchess's is a dog representing fidelity. Over each of their heads is sculpted an architectural canopy and on either side run two colonnettes that frame both figures. In its original placement, their heads were placed against the wall. Thus, instead of carving a 163 A seventeenth-century drawing is reproduced in Butkens, Troph es de Brabant, 2: 269, De Ram, Recherches sur les s pultures, and Antoine Sanderus, Brabantia Illustrata, 2 vols. (The Hague: n. p., 1641), that comes originally from Brussels, BR, ms. 22483, fol. 65. Also see Succa, 1: 208; 2: fol. 68v. 164 Vie de saint Dominique avec l'histoire des couvents de son ordre as quoted in De Ram, Recherches sur les s pultures, 40-41; Van Even, Louvain, 417 ff.; Mullie, S pultures et monuments fun raires, 10-13. Most of this monument was destroyed in the eighteenth-century renovations. There is only a small portion of the gisant still extant, but fortunately we do have a drawing of the tomb monument. The gilding of the tomb would have given it a similar appearance to the later effigies of Eleanor of Castile and Henry III, queen and king of England. Paul Binski, Westminster Abbey and the Plantagenets: Kingship and the Representation of Power, 1200-1400 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 107-8 and figs. These tombs, however, were cast metal, not gilded marble. In the church of St.-Pierre at Louvain, the tombs of Henri III's grandfather, grandmother, and aunt, Henri I (d. 1235), Matilde de Boulogne (d. 1211), and Marie de Brabant (d. 1260), were also sculpted from blue marble and gilded. De Ram, Recherches sur les s pultures, 8-18. 165 De Ram, Recherches sur les s pultures, 22. One especially notices the style of her dress when compared to the gisant of Matilde and Marie in the church of St.- Pierre at Louvain; see n. 107. Possibly sculpted at exactly the same time as the tomb of Henri and Aleyde (c. 1261), the two women wear a more secular style of dress, accompanied by ornate jewelry and hats. Matilde grasps a book in her left hand, while Marie refers to her marriage to the emperor Otto IV by holding a crown in her hand. 76 relief onto the side of the tomb that was hidden from view, a sculpted vertical slab rose up the wall behind them. The slab is split into two trilobe arches tucked into gables. Under these arches reliefs of angels offer the souls of the duke and duchess to Christ as the Man of Sorrows and the Virgin and Child, respectively. Above the couple's heads, etched into the wall, are the epitaphs that celebrate their generosity and name them as founders of this cloister.166 With their names thus inscribed permanently on the surface of the church and their images displayed in ornate detail, any viewer would have readily recognized Henri and Aleyde. An act of remembrance by the viewer, hopefully accompanied by a prayer for the souls of the deceased, was the major and customary motivation for erecting such a monument. As with most artistic commissions, though, multiple factors contributed to the tomb's creation. By studying the sculptural program circling the lower portion of the tomb another level of significance emerges. Physically and figuratively supporting the gisants, this arrangement of family members would have a lasting influence on the philosophy and patronage of Aleyde's children, Marie and Jean, as seen below. Carved into the base of the tomb is a series of figures, each of which addresses the viewer from within its individual niche. Antoine de Succa was able to record the heraldry of each figure which allows for their identification as the most powerful 166 "Hic subtus jacet Dominus HENRICUS ejus nominis tertius Princeps Illustris, Dux Lotharingiae & Brabantiae Sextus, hujus Claustri Fundator, & totius fundi Dotator, qui Obiit Anno Domini m.cc.lx. Ultima die Februarii." and "Hic jacet Domina ALEYDIS DE BURGUNDIA Ducissa Brabantiae ejus Uxor, istius Claustri & Claustri de Ouderghem Pia Fundatrix, nec non Ordinis Praedicatorum benigna amatrix, quae obiit anno Domini m.cc.lxxiii. xxiii die Octobris." Butkens, Troph es de Brabant, 2: 269; Sanderus, 1: 113; and De Ram, Recherches sur les s pultures, 23-24. 77 members of Aleyde's husband's family, on both his mother's and father's side, for the eight previous generations.167 At the base, opposite the ascent of their parents' souls, the four children of Aleyde and Henri stand in mourning, products of not only the two people resting on top of the tomb, but the culmination of of all the bon sang represented by the figures surrounding them on the sides. Constructed early in the regency of Aleyde de Bourgogne, this promotion of herself, her husband, his forebears, and most importantly, of her heirs, was a strongly-worded argument for the continuation of her and Henri's line and the eventual succession of one their sons to the ducal office.168 Morganstern, in her analysis of the genealogical tomb program at Louvain notes how the emphasis has been placed only on the recent illustrious ancestors of Henri III. 167 Beginning from Henri's head and circling clockwise around the base and back up to the head of Aleyde the figures are: Henry III, Holy Roman Emperor (d. 1056); Henry IV, Holy Roman Emperor (d. 1106); Frederick Barbarossa, Holy Roman Emperor (d. 1190); Philip, Duke of Swabia, King of Germany (d. 1208); Conrad IV, King of Sicily (d. 1254); Alfonso X, King of Castile (d. 1284); Premysl Ottokar II, King of Bohemia (d. 1278); Otto II, Count of Gueldres (d. 1271); Henry of Brabant?, Augustinian (d. 1272); Jean I, Duke of Brabant (d. 1294); Godefroy of Brabant, Lord of Vierzon (d. 1302); Marie de Brabant, Queen of France (d. 1321); Henry I, landgrave of Hesse (d. 1308); Henri II, Duke of Brabant (d. 1248); Henri I, Duke of Brabant (d. 1235); Godefroy III, Duke of Brabant (d. 1190); Godefroy II, Duke of Brabant (d. 1142); Godefroy I, Duke of Brabant (d. 1140); William II, Count of Holland and King of Germany (d. 1256); Manuel Comnenus, Emperor of Byzantium (d. 1180). Succa, 1: 208; 2: fol. 68v and Morganstern, Gothic Tombs, esp. figs. 18 and 19. 168 Morganstern and I have come to very similar decisions about the program of this tomb, especially in relation to the regency of Aleyde de Bourgogne. The beauty of Morganstern's discussion of Henry and Aleyde's monument is her placement of this genealogical tomb within the larger context of this funerary development. Tombs are one of the more obvious places to visualize a genealogy, but as sections of my dissertation, as well as the work of Gabrielle Spiegel, Georgia Summers Wright, Elizabeth A. R. Brown, Andrew Lewis, Anne D. Hedeman, Paul Binski, Joan A. Holladay, and Anne Rudloff Stanton show, genealogy was a potent langueage in any medium (see bibliography for references). 78 Morganstern reads the exclusion of Charlemagne from this sepulchral family tree in Louvain as evidence of Aleyde's patronage rather than Jean's; she believes that only the duke would have focused on Charlemagne as an ancestor and that the written and visual lineages made he and his mother's patronage mutually exclusive.169 It is possible, however, that the varied focus of these two genealogical cycles does not necessarily indicate two separate patrons or even a change in philosophy on the part of one. We may just as easily view these programs, the tomb focusing on the more recent illustrious ancestors of Henri III, and the textual genealogy on his ancient and modern progenitors, as an expanding vision of Brabantine history. Both bolster the right of Aleyde's son to the duchy and both explain any bids he might make to extend the boundaries of his lands. 169 Morganstern, Gothic Tombs, 209, n. 22. Jean's focus on his Carolingian ancestry was made clear through his commission of the chronicles that make up the Genealogia ducum brabantiae heredum franciae. See above, n. 97. The young duke had authorized the chronicles' composition by 1271, only three years into his official reign, and they were indicative of much of his policy and many of his aspirations as duke of Brabant. They, as with the histories being produced all around Europe at this time, were born out of a need for a document of one's progenitors which proved one's validity as the present ruler. A similar uncertainty and competition brought on by apprehension is the subject of Gabrielle Spiegel's work, especially her book, Romancing the Past: the Rise of Vernacular Prose Historiography in Thirteenth-Century France (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1993). In the case of Jean I, he was able to illustrate that his ancestry extended as far back as the earliest kings of France and in a more direct manner than the present kings were related to their predecessors in office. In his dealings with the Low Countries, the German lands, France, and England, Jean was able to present himself as an equal or superior and used this attitude to increase his lands and influence. The very fact that Jean (and Aleyde) felt the need to create such genealogies may, however, indicate feelings of inadequacy or at least the need to bolster his image. Moreover, one must keep in mind that the initial motivation for the invention of these genealogies is their very nonexistence in a written or visual form. The need to express them in a permanent manner usually points to some anxiety on the part of the patron. The solution for Jean, as least in a written form, was to prove his importance as a ruler by spelling out his direct genealogical connection to Charlemagne. 79 This is not to say that Aleyde was not responsible for the design of her and her husband's tomb, for I think she was the instigator of this visual propaganda that argues for her children's princely heritage. Rather, I would suggest that Aleyde may also have played a part in the commission of the written genealogy of the lords of Brabant. The description of her in the Latin text as a product of both the imperial and modern royal French lines celebrates her role in the production of a truly regal and deserving progeny.170 One must also keep in mind that the creation of these sculpted and textual monuments occurred at different moments in time. When the commission for the tomb was issued, probably upon the death of her husband in 1260, Aleyde was concerned with ensuring her children's rights, in as vivid and permanent a manner as possible. By the early seventies, though, with her son installed as duke years earlier, she may have become just as interested in the more ancient and ambitious histories recorded in the various textual genealogies. She had arranged her son's marriage to the daughter of Louis IX, Marguerite, in 1270 and certainly hoped for heirs that possessed this potent mixture of blood. The French princess's sad and untimely death in 1271, while giving birth in Paris, must have come as a blow to the aging Aleyde. But, in 1273, in the months 170 Genealogia ducum brabantiae heredum franciae and Genealogia ducum brabantiae ampliata, MGH. Scriptores, 391 and 397, respectively. Connections between Burgundy and the Brabantine/Thuringian kings of France are clarified from the very start of the Genealogia where the wife of Clovis, "Crotildem," is honored as daughter of the king of Burgundy, Chilperic, and the aunt of his successor, S. Sigismond, as well as the queen of Thuringia and France (ibid., 387 and 392). Much as I have suggested elsewhere for Blanche of Castile and her son, Louis IX, we can certainly see the imprint, if not the physical hand of Aleyde in much of Jean (and Marie's) early patronage. Hamilton, "Queenship and Kinship in the French Bible moralis e: The Example of Blanche of Castile and Vienna NB 2554," Capetian Women, Kathleen Nolan, ed. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). 80 before her own death, it is more than possible that both she and Jean had already been approached by close friends or relatives such as Robert d'Artois or Robert de Bourgogne, acting as representatives of the widowed Philippe III, to negotiate another marriage contract between Brabant and France, this time allying her daughter, Marie, to the king himself.171 An interest in Brabant's links to and superiority over the French throne would have been relevant once again. Thus, even if it was Aleyde's sons and daughter who chose to emphasize additional aspects of their lineage, it was through their mother that they were introduced to the power of visualizing and creating genealogies. She had made claims for her son's rights to the throne in the project of the double tomb for herself and her husband. And it may have been this commission, promoting all four of her children's illustrious blood, that helped not just to preserve her young son's right to his ducal title, but that secured her daughter's marriage to the king of France. Philippe III had traveled in the north and whether or not he himself had ever laid eyes on the tomb, his sister, Marguerite, had married Jean I in 1270. She, or another member of the French court may well have described it, along with the written genealogies that Marguerite's husband had commissioned at the time of their wedding. At any rate, this sculptural document paved the way for Jean's textual commissions and Philippe III's interest in Marie as I will illustrate in the next two chapters. Not surprisingly then, this architectural site would attract the focus of Aleyde's children as well, and the ducal chapel in Louvain grew into a 171 As Marie was married only nine months after her mother's death (mid August, 1274, and late October, 1273, respectively), marriage negotiations would almost certainly have been underway or fully formalized while Aleyde was alive. 81 shared vision of the Brabantine genealogy. This ideological and visual program that Aleyde seems to have used so effectively was a type that her children would espouse and use as a tool throughout their lives. Genealogy often reflects a concern with dynastic legitimacy; it becomes a form of propaganda that speaks of stability, lineage, and inheritance rights, when these very issues may be under attack. In the case of the house of Brabant, this was certainly the initial motivation for Aleyde's commission of the genealogically-minded tomb for herself and her husband. The desire for an expanded acceptance of Jean's legitimacy could also certainly explain the commission of the Genealogia ducum brabantiae. But, once the issues of succession were resolved, Jean may also have used the history of his illustrious ancestry as the justification for an expansionist policy that had been promoted by his father, Henri III, through trade.172 I will show in the next two chapters how Marie, encouraged by her future husband, Philippe III, carried this elevated vision of her ancestors with her to Paris. It was a resource she would use throughout her life. Conclusion Even though Marie could probably not remember hearing her father perform, after his death his poems were still sung and his love of trouv res was still supported at the court of Brabant and its close neighbors of Flanders, Courtrai, and Artois. Adenet le Roi lauded Marie, Jean, and their brother, Godefroi for their generosity as patrons, placing 172 The oft-cited Battle of W rringen, where Jean and his party defeated the archbishop of Cologne and his allies and was awarded the duchy of Limbourg, is just one instance of his constant battle for increased power. 82 them in the same category as their father.173 Furthermore, Marie's older brother, Jean, had inherited his father's talent for poetry, which he eventually fused with his mother's ability to mix politics and the arts. His decision to write in the Germanic tongue of the Rhenish portion of his duchy while still using French poetry forms and stories suggests his politically pragmatic and artistically innovative use of music and lyrics.174 Motivated 173 Cleomad s, lines 1-100, 18657. 174 The duchy of Brabant had always been a province of the Empire, but as the duke's power within the Holy Roman Empire increased he was even made a familiar and counsellor to Adolph of Nassau, the German king in 1292 so too did the tenor of his court become more Germanic. It was also during his reign that the first Flemish documents were produced, replacing the vernacular French used by his father and mother. Wauters, Jean I, 391-92 and see above, 37-38. Even with these changes and the death of his first wife, Jean stayed in close contact with the French court, especially during the rule of his sister and Philippe III. He accompanied Philippe on military campaigns to Castile and Aragon in 1276 and 1285. On the return of the first "crusade" both Jean and his younger brother, Godefroi, sire d'Aerschot, were knighted in Paris. This vow of allegiance may have also been motivated by a 6000 l. t. loan from Philippe III. Ibid., 62 and 450. Wauters also believes that good relations with the French king continued into the first years of Philippe IV's rule. He contradicts this statement in the next sentence, however, when he points out Jean's increasing allegiance to the German league of princes, which was formed in the hopes of decreasing the power of France. Ibid., 64. See also, J. de Sturler, "Les relations politiques de l'Angleterre et du Brabant sous Edouard I et Edouard II Plantagenet (1272-1326)," Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, 11/3 (1932), 627-50. For Jean as Minnes nger, see Auguste Scheler, Trouv res belges du XIIe au XIVe si cle: Chansons d'amour, jeux-partis, pastourelles, dits et fabliaux (Brussels: Mathieu Closson & Co, 1876); H. Boerma, "De liederen van hertog Jan van Brabant," Tijdschrift voor nederlandse taal-en letterkunde,15 (1896), 220-38; Willem Van Eeghem, Brusselse dichters 1ste reeks. Jan I, Broeder Jan van Heelu, Lodewijc van Vaelbeke, Heyne van Aken, Een naamloos hekeldichter (Brussels, Simon Stevin, 1958); W. Werner, "Die Handschrift und ihre Geschichte," Codex Manesse. Die gro e Heidelberger Liederhandschrift: Kommentar zum Faksimilie des Codex Palatinus Germanicus 848 der Universit tsbibliothek Heidelberg, W. Koschorreck and W. Werner, eds. (Kassel: Ganymed, 1981), 24; P. B. Wessels, "Johann von Brabant," Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexicon, 2nd ed. (Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1983), 4, col. 544; Frank Willaert, "Entre trouv res et Minnes nger: la po sie de Jean Ier, duc de Brabant," Courtly Literature: Culture and Context (Amsterdam and Philadelphia: J. Benjamins 83 by political ambitions that took him further east than his father had gone, his eventual absorption of Basse-Lorraine into the Brabantine "empire" afforded him an audience that would accept his rule far more readily if he communicated in the local language, rather than that of the French aggressor to the south. Using the tools with which he had been raised, he translated these poetic skills into a new and, to the mind of modern scholars, revolutionary musical genre. His compositional talents as well as his political aspirations will re-appear in the context of Marie's patronage below. Functions such as the tournaments, diplomatic debates, and banquets hosted by her parents and brother, and the poetic performances she attended at courts across the Low Countries instilled in Marie an appreciation for the importance of ritual and ceremony, both as forms of pleasure, and as political tools. So too, was her understanding of the power of the sculpted, painted, and architectural monument developed from an early age. And finally, a respect for the potency of familial genealogies and allegiances, as visualized in image and word, came to be imprinted on her mind in such permanent way that she used it as a resource throughout her life. During the thirteenth century, Brabant and its neighboring states boasted the highest concentration of wealth in Europe.175 Is it surprising then, that artists, poets, and scholars flocked to the courts of these nobles, creating an atmosphere rich with new Pub. Co., 1990), 585-94; Fran ois Ruttens, "Jan I, hertog van Brabant en minnezanger," De Horen. Heemk. Kr. "Sint-Hubertus" 20/2 (1993), 51-62. 175 Georges Duby, Histoire de France. 1: Naissance d'une nation, des origines 1348 (Paris, Larousse, 1970), 325-26; L opold Genicot, Le XIIIe si cle europ en (Paris: P.U.F., 1968), 228; Herman Van der Wee, The Low Countries in the Early Modern World, Lizabeth Fackelman, trans. (Aldershot, Eng.: Variorum, 1993), chap. 1. 84 visions and old legends, or is it only our modern perspective that imagines all culture stemming from Paris? Tournaments, which had been banned by Louis IX in France, were popular manifestations of real and imagined past and future glory. So too, the arts reflected their patrons' preoccupation with how courtly modes could be molded to function in the fora of politics and entertainment. This then was climate in the duchy of Brabant during Marie's formative years. It was one that was permeated with political savvy and aspirations, celebrations of family and religion, and the active promotion of these issues through intellectual and artistic patronage in ceremony, on parchment, and in stone. Reared within this courtly setting, it is no wonder that we find evidence of Marie's using these same tools during her years as reigning and dowager queen. 85 Chapter Three Transforming the Court: New Roles in Politics, Art, and Ceremony "La Ro ne de France est a Paris venue, De mainte gent i fu molt volentiers ve e, Noblement l'en amainent contreval la grant rue... A Paris ont uit jours la feste maintenue, Plus noble ne plus riche n'iert mais ramenteue."176 Nowhere does a more vivid and sumptuous image of late Capetian female patronage and consumption exist than on the opening folio of Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, a lavish 321-folio miscellany of courtly French verse commissioned by Marie de Brabant about 1285 (figs. 1 and 32).177 Placed within the widening contexts of its 176 "The queen of France arrived in Paris/ With numerous people gladly present/ They took her nobly along the great road.../ The celebration continued in Paris for eight days/ and none more noble or lavish could be recalled." Henry, Les oeuvres d'Adenet, 4: Berte, (3347-3360). This text by Adenet le Roi describes the fictional entry of Pepin le Bref's fianc , Berte aus grands pieds, to Paris. It is likely, however, to have have been inspired by the arrival of Marie de Brabant to the city a few years before Adenet composed this romance. 177 The contents of Arsenal 3142 are as follows: three chansons de geste by Adenet le Roi, Cl omad s (fol. 1-72), the Enfances Ogier (fol. 73-119v), and Berte aus grans pi s (fol. 120-40v); Alard de Cambrai's moralizing poem, Livre de philosophie et de moralit , here called the Dits des sages (fol. 141-165); another set of moralizing poetry, possibly also by Alard de Cambrai, Les vers de Job (fol. 166v-178); a fourth epic by Adenet, Beuves de Commarchis (fol. 179-202v); Le Reclus de Moliens' Miserere (fol. 203-15r) and Dit de la Charit (fol. 216-27); the Cong (fol. 227v-29) and Chanson de Saisnes (fol. 229v-56) by Jean Bodel d'Arras; one hundred and two Fables d'Ysopet of Marie de France (fol. 256v-72v); another moralizing work, Les proverbes au vilain (fol. 273); both religious and moral dits by Baudoin de Cond and others (fol. 280, Badouin de Cond , fol. 300); and it finishes with the Proverbes Seneke le philosophe (fol.320). The choice of these poems will become clear in our discussion of the larger scope of Marie's patronage. 86 manuscript, the library to which it belonged, the other patronage projects of its owner, and the socio-political workings of the court in which it was viewed, the opening illumination provides a fundamental means to observe and comprehend how Marie de Brabant introduced new conceptions of court, culture, and queenship. Joined with her other commissions, I will illustrate how this extraordinary illumination in many ways epitomizes her use of pictorial and ceremonial imagery, crystallizing late Capetian reginal self-visualization onto a single page. In this dominant miniature on the opening folio of Marie's book, the artist presents us with an image of a queen reclining on an opulently-draped couch in her apartments. She is posed in classical banqueting fashion, propping up her head with her left hand, and gazing off into the distance, while grasping a bright green artichoke-like blossom between her thumb and forefinger. Her crown and garments decorated with heraldry identify her royal status. A woman and young man clad in armorials and a musician wearing an undecorated brown tunic join her; all three are painted on a smaller The art historical bibliography on this manuscript includes: Catalogue des manuscrits de la biblioth que de l'Arsenal, H. Martin, ed., 9 vols. (Paris: E. Plon, Nourrit,1855-1899), 3: 256-61; H. Martin, "Cinq portraits du XIIIe si cle: Marie de Brabant, Blanche de France, Jean II de Brabant, Robert d'Artois, Adenet le Roi, m nestrel," Memoires de la Soci t nationale des antiquaires de France (1904), 269-79 pl. 15; G. Vitzthum, Die Pariser Miniaturmalerei (Leipzig: Quelle and Meyer, 1907), 55, pl. 10; H. Martin, La miniature fran aise du XIIIe au XVe si cle (Paris and Brussels, 1923), 17, 18, 87-88, pls. 13 and 14; Martin, Les principaux manuscrits peintures de la Biblioth que de l'Arsenal Paris (Paris: G. van Oest, 1929), 21-22, pl. 29; R. Freyhan, "English influences on Parisian Painting of about 1300," Burlington Magazine 54 (1929), 320-30; E. G. Millar, The Parisian Minaturist Honor (London: The Faber Library of Illuminated Manuscripts, 1959); Art and the Courts: France and England from 1259 to 1328, 2 vols., Peter Brieger and Philippe Verdier, eds. (Ottawa: Natlional Gallery of Canada, 1972), 79-80, no. 7; L'art au temps des rois maudits: Philippe le Bel et ses fils 1285-1328 (Paris: Editions de la R union des mus es nationaux, 1998), 269. 87 scale than the queen. The second woman and young man lounge on decorated and tasseled golden cushions at the reclining woman's elbow and knees respectively, while the musician stands at the foot of the bed playing a viol; the seated woman and musician also wear crowns, but the youth does not. The composition makes one wonder if the artist was making reference to a nativity scene. Or has he portrayed a faux court of law where the queen takes the place of the king on the lit, meting out justice with a flower rather than the royal scepter? As with many late medieval images, the key to identifying these performers and integrating their relationships to one another and their audience is hidden within a heraldic and compositional vocabulary. Because this image plays an indispensable role for my contextualization of Marie's court, and since scholars have found its details to be puzzling,178 it is important to examine it in detail at the outset. The flower the reclining queen holds, vividly highlighted against the darker colors of her gown, points diagonally upward to mimic in shape the middle fleur-de-lys of her shining golden crown. Along that vertical line the theme is continued in the diapered ground of the illumination, on which fleurs-de-lis in blue and red diamonds alternate with simple gold lozenges. 178 For instance, Ward, "Fables for the Court," __, calls the Brabantine youth Marie's brother, rather than her nephew, while Richard and Mary Rouse state, "We have not yet seen a convincing explanation of Jean II de Brabant's presence in the picture." Manuscripts and their Makers, 1: 353, n. 31. I maintain that part of the reason the agenda of this image has remained a mystery is that no one has studied both image and text of Cl omad s together or thoroughly placed either in the larger context of Marie life, both methodologies of which I employ throughout this study. Scholars do unanimously see this manuscipt as a possession of Marie's and a product of her patronage. What I hope to contribute to the discussion is what this image and the contents of Arsenal 3142 communicate about their owner, so that this attribution can be justified. 88 Decorative heraldic repetition is used to a more concrete end on the drapery of the three figures to the troubadour's right. The youth who leans on the reclining queen's knees wears a long sable surcoat blazoned from collar to hem with the gold lion rampant of Brabant. The black of his robe is highlighted against the vibrant orange of the bedcover. Across his torso lies a label of three points gueles (red) that identify him as the eldest son and heir to the duchy. He looks up to the woman above him, who shares his heraldry, sable a lion or, displayed on the right side of her dress. The left half identifies her membership in the house of France, with the pattern of gold fleurs-de-lis painted on a bright azure ground. Seated below her, the second wears the same heraldic arms, in this case the lilies of France, on the left half of her gown.179 In a more complicated heraldry, the right half of the seated queen's gown is split to show the arms of Castile (gold castles on a red ground) and Leon (purple lion on a silver ground, here tarnished). This woman's gaze and gesture lead us back to the central figure and the minstral on the far left. Identified by his musical instrument, his gestures and gaze complete the circular composition of the grouping. His left hand and eyes lead us to the uppermost queen, while his right hand and viol point toward the seated royal woman. Thus, through their heraldry, the three figures in the right half of the scene are identified as: Marie de Brabant, daughter of Henri III, duke of Brabant, and queen of France through her marriage to Philippe III; Blanche de France (1252-1320), sister of Philippe III and therefore sister-in-law to Marie 179 This shared heraldry is physically connected by her hand and sleeve as they cut across the bright green lining of the bed linen to where her fingers touch the lower edge of the garment of the queen above. 89 de Brabant and widow of the Infant de Castile, Ferdinand de la Cerda; and the future Jean II de Brabant (r. 1294-1312), Marie's nephew, and son of her brother, Jean I de Brabant, who was duke at the time this manuscript was made.180 The minstrel at left, who reappears as scribe in the initial below is the author of the text that this illumination introduces, Adenet le Roi. Adenet is not identified by his coat of arms, but by the crown on his head in combination with the musical instrument or wax tablet, respectively, in his hand. Composition, placement of figures, gaze, and gesture further help to identify and prioritize the members of this gathering, while, at the same time, raising a number of questions. Why are these figures grouped together? To what end is this both familiar and unusual iconography employed? In the next few chapters I hope to answer these and other questions and use them to understand what they say about the patron of this manuscript, Marie de Brabant. The frontispiece for Arsenal 3142 marks the beginning of the story of Cl omad s, an extraordinary epic poem derived from the Arab tale of the Thousand and One Nights.181 Marie and Blanche requested Adenet to translate this poem into vernacular 180 I concur with the identifications made by Henry and Lillich concerning the identities of these figures. Les oeuvres d'Adenet, 1: 47; Meredith Parsons Lillich, "European Stained Glass around 1300: The Introduction of Silver Stain," Europ ische Kunst um 1300 6, Akten des XXV. Internationalen Kongresses f r Kunstgeschichte, Gerhard Schmidt and Elizabeth Liskar, eds. (Wien, K ln and Graz: Hermann B hlaus Nachf., 1986), 45-60, __ 181 The dates for Adenet's poems are uncertain, but a likely scenario follows: Beuves de Commarchis composed after his return from crusade in 1272, Les Enfances Ogier sometime after Marie's marriage in 1274 as it identifies her as queen of France, Berte by 1280, and Cl omad s, circa 1285 (more on this date below). Henry, Les oeuvres d'Adenet, 1: ch. 1 and Andr Adn s, Aden s, dernier grand trouv re (Paris: Editions A. et J. Picard, 1971), 34. 90 French inspired by a story that Blanche brought back with her from Spain. In this illumination we witness three members of the royal court enjoying a recital of the poem whose text appears directly below them.182 Adenet alludes to his patrons' identities in lines 17-96 of the prologue of Cl omad s,183 and he reveals them fully through acrostics in the last section of the poem as La Roiine de France Marie and Madame Blanche Ann (fig. 2).184 Ultimately, though, in the case of Arsenal 3142, it is this opening image, with 182 The possibility that the women are actively reciting this poem is addressed in Susan L. Ward's essay "Fables for the Court: Illustrations of Marie de France's Fables in Paris, BN, ms Arsenal 3142," Women and the Book: Assessing the Visual Evidence, Jane Taylor and Lesley Smith, eds. (Toronto, 1997), 190-203, here 198. 183 Adenet describes the traits of the deus dames who commanded this work using a wide-ranging courtly vocabulary that I will discuss in more detail below. 184 Les dames qui me conmanderent a faire ce livre moustrerent roiaument leur humilit . Or me doinst Dieus que a leur gr I aie ma paine emploiie, je li pri que il m'en a e. Nonmer les vueil, k'en couvent l'ai En ce livre; et je le ferai. Don't me couvient bien aviser En ce que on ne puist trouver Fourme ne voie qui ensaigne Riens nule qui leur nons apraigne A ceaus qui querre les vorront. N'en dout riens, ja ne trouveront Chose escrite, n'en ai pas soingne, En quoi on me truist en men oingne, Mais en verit la plaisans A ce fait bon estre tendans Riens ne vaut chose men ongnable, Je me tieng a la veritable. E! Dieus, donn s me sens par quoi Nonmer les puisse si com doi. 91 its heraldic and compositional queues, that speaks to the viewer of Marie's perception of herself at this moment. She has placed herself as the center of a circle that accentuates her friendship and kinship with a prominent member of the Capetian family, her blood ties with the ruler of the wealthy duchy of Brabant and mentoring of his son, and her patronage of one of the most celebrated secular poets of the thirteenth century. This same poet accompanied Marie on her journey to Paris and was present at her coronation.185 Maintenant, se Dieus me consaut, Ai nonmee une qui mout vaut; Dont me couvient l'autre nonmer. A! Dieus, tant par font a amer! Mout est chascune bonne et sage En fais, en dis et en usage; Bien doivent a Dieu obeir, Liement cuer et cors offrir; Ad s monteplient en bien, Ne croi k'en eles faille rien. Ce don leur donna Dieus sans doubte, Ha r leur fist mauvaisti toute; En leur cuers mist, ainsi le croi, Amours pour lui amer en foi. Nonmees les ai, ce sachiez; Ne cuit pas k'entendu l'aiez Ne je ne quier ne ne vorroie. [End of acrostic] Dieus leur doinst grant honnor et joie Et tant faire en leur plaine vie Que la douce Virge Marie Face de lor ames present A Dieu le jour dou jugement. Et Dieus par sa grant bont vueille Que ce present en gr recueille! (18541-18579) Further evidence for Marie's ownership of this manuscript are contained these acrostics. While the text survives in later manuscripts, the initial letters are not capitalized and the spacing that sets these lines apart is not repeated again. 185 See above, 55. 92 Adenet had known Marie from her birth and was more an advisor and friend than an employee. Even if, as Sylvia Huot believes, Adenet was directly involved in the design and production of this manuscript, Marie's requests and wishes would have been the deciding factors in the design of the pictorial and textual program of Arsenal 3142.186 With one exception, fourteenth-century copies of the poem dispense with the first miniatures of Arsenal 3142's Cl omad s, further personalizing this cycle to Marie's desires and goals as patron.187 The unusual arrangement of figures in the frontispiece and the lush gold and fleur-de-lys ground attest to Marie's desire for new, deluxe material. So too do the contents of Arsenal 3142 as a whole speak of a fascination with expanding the possibilities of the romance miscellany, which itself was still innovative in these surroundings. Thus, as I will show in more detail in the following two chapters, the arrangement, content, and iconography of Arsenal 3142 communicate a program that was 186 Huot, From Song to Book: The Poetics of Writing in Old French Lyric and Lyrical Narrative Poetry (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1987), 43-44. Huot cites the textual and pictorial organization of Cl omad s in Arsenal 3142 as possible evidence for Adenet's "intervention in the scribal process." The placement of Cl omad s -- with its involved description of his illustrious patrons and list of his other three works -- as the first text in the manuscript, even thought it was the last poem he wrote, is one aspect of her argument. She reads the miniature program as illustrative of the entire creative process: commission, composition, and presentation. Also, the first person voice in all of Adenet's works is not exclusive to this manuscript, but it does, in Huot's mind, illustrate a new understanding of authorship and reception. 187 This exception is BNF, fr. 1456 which dates to the second quarter of the fourteenth century, and which, while including the image, places it second in the cycle, reverses the reclining figure and bed to face right, and leaves out the other characters and all heraldic and royal references (fig. 22). There may also have originally been a similar frontispiece to Arsenal 3142 that has since been lost in BNF, fr. 24404, dated to the last quarter of the thirteenth. I treat this manuscript below in chapter four. 93 tailored to Marie and the members of her court and set the tone of patronage in Paris for the next century. Named in the text as its sponsor, Marie is shown in this manuscript as a learned, beneficent queen of impeccable lineage. The opening image is at once both political and poetic, and the intertwined themes of familial power and secular courtly constructs that run through Marie de Brabant's patronage are succinctly presented. I will address both these issues of dynasty and secularism, examining this miniature and Marie's other commissions in greater detail below and in chapters four and five. I begin with this image, however, not only because it sums up the often innovative patronage of Marie de Brabant. In many ways it reflects the changing use and vision of court, and in particular female, patronage in late Capetian France. Women's interests lay not just in the commission and acquisition of exquisite objects architecture, ivories, large-scale sculpture, stained glass, gilded reliquaries, and deluxe painted manuscripts but also in civic control and ceremony. They did not necessarily act on their own; much of their knowledge was shared, and many of their commissions were cooperative. The motivations behind their patronage were decidedly manifold; pleasure and politics and piety often overlap in surprising combinations and the sacred subject matter so dear to the previous court of Blanche of Castile and Louis IX was often eclipsed by secular themes and projects. Female power did exist; even if Marie, Blanche, and their contemporaries were, as the archives reveal, indebted to the king and his generosity, these women ruled their own domains and created their own self-image through patronage. In terms of legal independence and lands, Marie and Blanche who outlived their husbands by nearly 94 forty years were among the least wealthy of the late Capetian royal women.188 Nevertheless, as I will show in this and the following chapters, they managed to shape a 188 In September, 1280, at Chatellerault (Vienne) on his way to Poitiers, Philippe III assigned Marie a dower of 10000 livres tournois per year for the remainder of her life as had been agreed in her marriage contract based upon the sum of the dowery left her by her father in his will. "Assignatio Decem Millium Librarium Terrae facta Dominae Mariae Reginae Franciae pro Dote Sua. Philippes par la Grace de Dieu Roy de France, nous faisons scavoir a tous Ceux, qui sont et qui seront que nous avons donn et octroy en Doaire a nostre Tres-Chiere Compaignie Marie Reyne de France Dix Mille livres de Terre a Tournois a tenir tout le Cours de sa Vie apres nostre Dec s, se il avenoit qu'elle nous survive, lesquelles Dix Mille Livres de Terre nous li asseeons et assenons en cette maniere, c'est a scavoir Nogent Le Rembert et les Appartenances, Breheval et les appartenances, Paci et les Appartenances, et Mante et Les Appartenances pour Trois Mille Sept Cent et Cinquante Livres de Tournois en Doaire en telle maniere qu'elle sera tenue a payer tant comme elle tendra La Terre dessus dite. Fiez Aumosne, et Dons et quanque du en est, mais nous retenons a nous plain Pouvoir tant comme nous vivrons de donner ce qui nous plaira es choses dessusdites. Et de Octroyer et de Confermer Dons et Octrois fais et a faire a nre' volonte, et de tout ce que nous en dourons, et de quoy nous amunuiserons Les Rentes nous voulons Que nostre hoirs Rois de France Lui soit tenus a faire avenant recompensation se nous ne l'avions faicte a nostre vivant. Et les Six Mille Deux Cens et Cinquante Livr es de Terre a Tournois demorans nous asseons a icelle noste Compagne, sur toutes nos Rentes et sur tous nos profis de la Baillie de Rouen a paier apres nostre Dec s a celle mesme nostre Compagnie ou a son commandement tant comme elle vivre chacun an as Deux Eschiquiers de Normandie, c'est a Scavoir Trois Mil Cent et Vingt Cinq Livres Tournois a L'Eschiquier de Pasques et autrement a l'Eschiquier de la Feste St. Michel des Premiers Deniers que nostre hoirs Roi de France en deura recevoir en telle maniere que cil nostre Hoirs n'en puit rien Lever ne avoir devant qu'elle soit pay e entierem't a chacun terme, Et quant a ces choses garder et accomplir fermement et entierement nous obligeons et laissons oblig nostre Hoir devant dit. Et que ce soit ferme et estable a tous jours, nous avons fait sceller ces presentes Lettres de nostre scel. Ce fut fait a Chasteleraut en l'an de nostre Seigneur Mil Deux Cens Quatre Vingts, ou mois de Septembre." Paris, ANF, Registres du Tr sor des Chartes, cotte 34, Acte 14, vol 3, fol 917. This text is also transcribed in the seventheenth-century collection BNF, n.a.fr. 7364, fol. 565-566v (doc 115). For Marie's dowery, see, Inventaire des chartes et cartulaires des duch s de Brabant et de Limbourg et des pays d'Outre-Meuse, 3 vols., Alphonse Verkooren, ed. (Brussels: Hayez, Imprimeur des Acad mies royales de Belgique, 1910), 1: pt. 1, 61-63, and G. Boland, "Le Testament d'Henri III duc de Brabant," 86. We know from the archival record that later kings continued to pay her this. Take for example the year 1316 that was split evenly between the reigns of Louis X and Philippe V where the Comptes du Tr sor record "Regina Maria, pro redditu suo de 95 world where self-visualization was a means of empowerment and female agency was often paramount. A New Aesthetic: Style, Materials, Content, and Display Aware of the potential political and ideological power of patronage, whether contained in a manuscript filled with vernacular romances or a wide-ranging series of architectural projects, Marie de Brabant created a sphere of influence through her acquisitions and beneficence. As we will see demonstrated in her possessions, especially her book collection, Marie was as interested in the didactic or recreational value of objects, as she was in their devotional significance. The female head of the court of France, Marie in large part set the flavor and pace of patronage in late-thirteenth-century Paris. The Paris Marie entered in 1274 had been shaped for the past fifty years by her husband's father, Louis IX (1212-1270).189 This king's piety was so great that termino Pasche: 3125 l.; et de termino Ascensionis 3525 l. 16 s. 8 d.," and "Regina Maria, pro redditu suo de tertio Sancti Michaelis: 3125 l. via Novembris; et pro tertio Omnium Sanctorum 3525 l. 16 s. 8 d." Comptes du Tr sor (1296, 1316, 1383, 1477) Recueil des Historiens de France. Documents Financiers, 2, Robert Fawtier, ed., (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1930), no. 1070 and no. 2716. Records from the court of her step-son, Philippe IV, paint a slightly different picture. Payments to the queen were not as regular as they had been during her husband's life or would be again after Philippe IV's death in 1314 but, generally speaking, she received 3125 l.t. on Easter and Saint Michael's and 3488 l. 6 s. 8 d. t. at Ascension and All Saints. 189 Jean de Joinville, The Life of Saint Louis, in Joinville and Villehardouin. Chronicles of the Crusades, M. R. B. Shaw, trans. (New York: Penguin Books, 1986), 181-353 and Les grandes chroniques de France, 9 vols., Jules Viard, ed. (Paris: Soci t de l'histoire de France, 1932), vol. 7. For secondary sources see Margaret Wade Labarge, Saint Louis: Louis IX Most Christian King of France (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1968); La France de 96 proceedings for his canonization were initiated almost immediately after his death.190 By the time Marie herself died in 1321 the city and the court structure had been transformed, due in no small part to the influence of this long-lived queen from Brabant. To specify a courtly aesthetic or Court Style as Robert Branner dubbed it has proven to be a difficult task for art historians of thirteenth- and fourteenth-century France. In his thorough architectural, sculptural, and manuscript studies of art produced during the reign of Saint Louis, Branner demonstrates the problems of defining a simple stylistic undercurrent that unites art during this era.191 In parallel scholarship on English court patronage under Henry III (1216-72) and Edward I (1239-1307), Paul Binski has come to saint Louis, Pierre Pradel, ed. (Paris: Salle des Gens d'Armes du Palais, 1970); William Chester Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusades: A Study in Rulership (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979); Jean Richard, Saint Louis, Jean Birrell, trans. (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Jacques Le Goff, Saint Louis (Paris: Gallimard, 1996). 190 Louis Carolus-Barr and Henri Platelle, Le proc s de canonisation de Saint Louis, 1272-1297: Essai de reconstitution (Rome: Ecole fran aise de Rome, 1994). 191 In his later work he even admits that, "it is unfortunately impossible to demonstrate a direct, causative connection between royal patronage and style," although certain cases, such as the Saint Louis Psalter or the Sainte-Chapelle, are closely linked with Louis IX's, and therefore court, taste. Branner, Manuscript Painting during the Reign of St. Louis (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 140. As with his work on painting, Branner finds that Parisian and regional architecture linked either temporally, stylistically, or directly to works paid for by Louis IX were filled with variation, despite his qualification of these monuments as possessing a stable and serene quality that fixed them as a group. Branner, St. Louis and the Court Style in Gothic Architecture (London: A. Zwemmer, 1965), 111. The diversity that he will readily confess to defining the Parisian manuscript trade is more difficult for him to admit in the equally wide-ranging world of architecture that he studies. 97 a similar conclusion.192 Other exhibits and publications such as Brieger and Verdier's Art of the Courts, Brown University's Transformations of the Court Style, and the more recent L'art au temps les rois maudits more fully illustrate the diversity of royal and aristocratic taste and patronage in late Capetian and Plantagenet Europe.193 Michael Davis maintains that architectural projects during the reign of Philip the Fair, were immediately recognized as exceptional by their repertory of architectural topoi gables, tracery, sculpted portal, complex piers, and finely cut moldings. Sponsored by the king, the royal family, the bishop, and high-ranking clerics, they comprised an architectural court built by a small group of shared masons.194 It is the broad architectural vocabulary that lends consistency to these monuments; the details of each still reveal the variations in patronage for this period. If such a thing as Court Style exists, its aesthetic character is eclectic, multi-valent, and dictated both by the indirect and direct commissions of the members of the French court. 192 "To judge from some scholarship on the subject of court art, we might have expected this face to wear a fixed expression, and so to find royal ideology invested with certain eternal preoccupations, fundamental to the notion of `courtliness'.... But the more closely we examine the idea of a `court style', the more diffuse it seems, and the less efficient as a working notion it becomes.... It is hard to fault the argument that court styles existed because certain styles were associated with the court; but it would be proper to question its value. Would it not be preferable to show that these court products were marked by an aesthetic character that was essentially or causally related to court patronage, rather than just associated with it?" Paul Binski, The Painted Chamber at Westminster (London: The Society of Antiquaries of London, 1986), 105. 193 Art and the Courts: France and England from 1259 to 1328, 2 vols., Peter Brieger & Philippe Verdier, eds. (Ottawa: National Gallery of Canada, 1972); Transformations of the Court Style: Gothic Art in Europe 1270 to 1330 (Providence, RI: Department of Art, Brown University, 1977). 194 Michael Davis, "Splendor and Peril: The Cathedral of Paris, 1290-1350," Art Bulletin 80/1 (March 1998), 34-66, here, 55-58. 98 At the same time, however, there are trends, or modes if not always styles by which much of the art and ritual of this era can be qualified. One of the more striking changes that exhibited itself in all of these realms was an increased desire for a more intimate relationship with the object, whether it be a manuscript, church, romance hero, or saint. This altered approach to the object was as much motivated by changes in ritual and performance as it was by a new aesthetic, and showed itself most prominently in an increased naturalism that was displayed in painting, sculpture, and architecture through changes in scale and three-dimensionality. In all these visual realms proximity of the viewer to that which she and/or he viewed was increased by the insertion of the reader or devot e often identifiable by heraldry into spaces that had previously been seen as off-limits. In stained glass and manuscript illumination donors were often placed on an equal scale to the object of their devotion; the same effect was achieved spatially with the commission of highly ornamented, private chapels. Branner views this personalization of architecture as an intentional change from the grandiose mood set by High Gothic buildings of the late twelfth and early-thirteenth centuries. Their smaller scale and more highly-detailed decoration gave these mid- and late-thirteenth buildings what he calls "the rich intimacy of the Court Style."195 The rise in private devotion that is indicated by these architectural commissions, along with increasing vernacular literacy, affected worship and reading practices, which in turn dictated the content, organization, and illustration of secular and sacred manuscripts, sculpture, and glass. 195 Branner, Saint Louis and the Court Style, 54. 99 This trend was already established during the life of Louis IX, most notably in the form of the Sainte-Chapelle, but it increased dramatically during the late Capetian and early Valois eras. Contingent on this personalization of the object was a secularization of subject matter appropriate for consumption by the court. In this case, however, the saintly king was not the driving force behind its popularization. The large sums of money that Louis IX had given for the commission of deluxe religious manuscripts, such as the Arsenal Bible (Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 5211) and the Saint Louis Psalter (Paris, BNF, lat. 10525), or for the establishment of innumerable monastic and ecclesiastical foundations, including his own Sainte-Chapelle, accentuate his complete lack of interest in more profane objects and pursuits. In 1261 Louis IX went so far as to close the doors of his court to jongleurs and minstrels entirely.196 Instead, it was from the courts to the north and east of Paris that the secular romance arrived. I would by no means suggest that Marie was responsible for the invention of the private chapel or the use of heraldry, or that she single-handedly popularized secular and didactic literature and song within the Parisian court, but I do maintain that because of her upbringing in Brabant, Marie was able to encourage an environment receptive to new ideas and styles through her artistic and literary patronage. Her arrival in Paris opened the doors to a new set of intellectual, aesthetic, recreational, and devotional practices that, until Louis IX's death four years earlier, had been undeveloped or even taboo.197 196 Stirnemann, "Les biblioth ques princi res et priv es aux XIIe et XIIIe si cles," 181. 197 Another example of Louis's prohibitions that ultimately did not succeed was a ban on all gambling at dice and tables in 1254. Ordonnances des rois de France de la troisi me 100 A comparison between the last folio of the Toledo Bible moralis e (New York, Morgan, ms. 240, fol. 8) and the frontispiece of Arsenal 3142 serves to illustrate how the artists working for Marie and her court, while still paying homage to traditional topoi and the commissions of Blanche de Castile and Louis IX, were just as adept at introducing new iconography or reinterpreting old and with it a new mood of acceptable, effective self-representation (figs. 1 and 23). In some respects Marie's image recalls the double portrait of Blanche of Castile and Louis IX. In most ways completely unique, the active gestures and interaction, albeit compartmentalized, between the queen and king, and the designer and scribe of the Bible moralis e can be seen as a less fluid version of the same activity that occurs in the imaginary bed chamber of Marie de Brabant. Both queens sit in the position of authority, dominating these scenes and showing their integral role in the production of the images and text within these manuscripts. Both are surrounded by members of their court who were in some way involved in the creation of the texts that these images accompany. The presence of the manuscript's producers designer/scribe and poet/musician also reminds the viewer of the interactive and generative nature of these scenes that recall the act of patronage and record its manufacture. race, 21 vols., J. de Lauri re, ed. (Paris: Imprimerie royale, 1723-1849) 1: 70, 74. Also, see below, 104, for Louis's interdict on tournaments. As Catherine Parsoneault argues, Philippe III had already begun to break with tradition by the time Marie arrived in Paris. Many of Philippe's new interests, such as the celebrations in Artois following the king's coronation in 1271, however, seem to have been prompted by his first cousin, Robert d'Artois. "The Montpellier Codex: Royal Influence and Musical Taste in Late Thirteenth-Century Paris" (Austin, University of Texas, 2001), chapter five. I will discuss Robert in the context of Marie's court below. 101 However, these two images show just as vividly the changes in court culture and royal self-representation from the era of Louis IX to that of Marie de Brabant. Didactic and formal, Blanche and Louis are enthroned in a public setting, where their superior status is emphasized by their hierarchic placement above the designer and scribe. Fortyfive years later we find the queen of France ensconced in her private bedchamber, involved in an informal, and even intimate, gathering. The contrast between the segmented, "bird cage" architectural frame in which Blanche and Louis act out their roles as patron, and the slightly more three-dimensional space of Marie's chamber Jean de Brabant and Adenet's contoured hems drape over the ledge of the lower margin and Jean leans back to rest his arm well across Marie's legs alert the viewer to the different tenor of the two portraits as well as new concepts of spatial representation. The less-stylized setting, combined with the tone of Adenet's prologue and epilogue, also paints a portrait of Marie as accessible patron. She may be clothed in rich, ceremonial robes and recline in an iconography reserved for audience giving or feasting, but the casual poses of the three others seated around her indicate an enjoyable atmosphere. Marie's position evokes a classical banquet as much as a medieval reception or nativity scene. The artist or designer has even given a nod to the Arabic-Iberian roots of this poem by arranging Blanche and Jean on cushions on the ground, and in the case of the former, seating her in a cross-legged position.198 The textual content of the two 198 One can also locate this pose on the opening folio of another manuscript produced for Marie or another member of her court, the M liacin (BNF, fr. 1633) that I will address in the next chapter, as well as in Alfonso X of Castile's manuscripts, the Book of Games (El Escorial, ms. T. I. 6) and his Cantigas (El Escorial, ms. T. I. 1) (figs. 25-26). In all four cases some of the participants performers or listeners are seated on the ground as was 102 manuscripts, which so well epitomizes the interests of their patrons, drives home the reorientation that court culture underwent with the new queen's influence. As its name suggests, Blanche and Louis's commission was a Bible; lavishly illustrated and enormously complex, it was just one of a series of religious manuscripts that this king and his mother commissioned and owned. Marie's informal gathering, on the other hand, introduces us to a French compilation, the first story of which, Cl omad s, was the fabulous ancient tale based on the Thousand and One Knights that Adenet had set down in poetic verse. Roger and Laura Loomis confirm the prominence of a secular courtly manuscript tradition that first emerged in the north.199 While they acknowledge that Blanche of Castile and Louis IX "brilliantly" fostered a school of illumination in Paris before 1270, it was in the Franco-Flemish regions to the north of Paris that the first romance manuscripts appeared. This trend has recently been treated in extraordinary detail by Keith Busby: The role played by the Northeast in the production and transmission of Old French literature and its manuscripts can...scarcely be overestimated.... A rough tally suggests that about fifty percent of all surviving Old French manuscripts were copied in the region,..., a striking proportion when compared with the comparative surface area of the other parts of medieval France.200 the fashion in Spanish and Islamic/Arabic cultures and points to their and their court's international sophistication, compounded by the fact that these stories were part of a hybrid textual culture (Arab to Spain to France). 199 Roger Loomis and Laura Hibbard Loomis, Arthurian Legends in Medieval Art (London: Oxford University Press, 1938), 89. See also Chapter Two above. 200 Codex and Context: Reading Old French Verse Narrative in Manuscript, 2 vols. (Amsterdam and New York: Rodopi, 2002), 2: 535. 103 Here too were played some of the first Arthurian tournaments and "Round Tables" where the stories contained in these books were acted out in elaborate detail.201 Louis IX had banned such tournaments and therefore prohibited activities that, in the end, may have acted as inspiration for the illumination cycles that sprang up in the middle of the century in the north.202 By the time Philippe III died in 1285, the audience for romance manuscripts had expanded to include most members of the Parisian court. As Marie commissioned some of these manuscripts, including Arsenal 3142, we might conclude that she herself was instructive in introducing and making popular this heretofore northern specialty.203 201 Roger Loomis, "Chivalric and Dramatic Imitations of Arthurian Romance," Medieval Studies in Memory of A. Kingsley Porter, Wilhelm R. W. Koehler, ed. (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1939), 79-97; Loomis, "Edward I, Arthurian Enthusiast," Speculum 28/1 (Jan 1953), 114-27. More on this below in regards to the Tournament de Hem. 202 Judith Oliver, Sandra Hindman, and Alison Stones all comment on how northern aristocratic patrons were the first to commission romances and at the same time resisted Parisian taste, looking as much to the Holy Roman Empire and England as to the royal capital to the south. Judith Oliver, Gothic Manuscript Illumination in the Diocese of Li ge (c. 1250-c. 1330); Sandra Hindman, Sealed in Parchment: Rereadings of Knighthood in the Illuminated Manuscripts of Chr tien de Troyes (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994); Alison Stones, "Secular Manuscript Illumination in France," Medieval Manuscripts and Textual Criticism, C. Kleinhenz, ed., (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1976), 83-102; Stones, Le livre d'images de Madame Marie: Reproduction int grale du manuscrit Nouvelles acquisitions fran aises 16251 de la Biblioth que nationale de France (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1997), 20. 203 Busby goes on to state that, "if I have opted to treat Paris separately here, it is largely because it did not play a fundamental role in the early generation of Old French literature or in the early production of vernacular codices.... I have noted...however, that Paris becomes a major centre of organized manuscript production towards the end of the thirteenth century and throughout the whole of the fourteenth." In more detailed analysis 104 As we saw above in the opening quote of the introduction, Fawtier, too, acknowledged the rise in popularity of secular material at the Parisian court and saw it as signaling a change in the overall atmosphere.204 Following the lead of Fawtier and Joinville before him, Favier, in his biography of Philippe le Bel, bemoans this divergence dissimilarity and dismisses the court of Philippe le Hardi as an ineffective fifteen years in comparison to the reign of his father before him and his son afterward.205 Favier believes the blame falls on the shoulders of his young queen who encouraged the idle passing of time and a search for adventure at all costs. Tied to these negative preoccupations was Philippe's, by which Favier wishes us to read "Marie's," desire to shake off the yoke of the old advisors of Louis IX and Marguerite de Provence.206 Langlois, in his history of he narrows the dates for the beginning of this introduction of vernacular texts to around 1275. Codex and Context, 2: 585-86. 204 See Chapter One, 1. 205 Joinville disapproved of Philippe's lifestyle, which was extravagant in comparison to his father's, as this excerpt from his biography of Louis illustrates. Recounting a conversation with Philippe III, Joinville reproached him over the elaborate nature of his emroidered tunics worn over his armor. He complains to Philippe that "during the whole of our voyage oversea, I had never seen such embroidered tabards, either on the king or on anyone else. He said to me that he had several such garments, with his own arms embroidered on them, and that they had cost him eight hundred livres parisis. I told him that he would have put his money to better use if he had given it to God, and had his clothes made of good plain taffeta bearing his arms, as his father had done." Jean de Joinville, Histoire de Saint Louis, 168. 206 "Philippe III s'ennuyait de n'avoir, apr s quinze ans de r gne, ajout nul gloire celle de son p re. De plus, son entourage tait form de quelques barons passablement d soeuvr s, group s autour de la jeune reine Marie de Brabant, et tout ce monde-l poussait l'aventure afin de mieux secouer le joug des vieux conseillers de saint Louis et de la trop sage et trop autoritaire reine-m re, Marguerite de Provence, veuve de saint Louis." Jean Favier, Philippe le Bel, rev. ed. (Paris, Librarie Arth me Fayard, 1998), 292. 105 Philippe III's reign, paints a far more detailed and sympathetic picture of Marie's personality and lifestyle. He, like Favier, sees her as the central figure at her husband's court, but he describes her in a more positive light.207 His portrayal of Marie as beautiful, spiritual, and wise beyond her years relies on the contemporary court historian, Guillaume de Nangis: "Le roy Phelippe ot conseil de soi marier et de prendre femme. Si li fu parl de pluseurs damoiselles de haute ligniee et de haut parage. Entre les autres dames li vindrent nouveles de damoiselle Marie, fille au duc de Breban, peur ce que elle estoit et sage et pleine de bonnes meurs. Si fu acord que le roy la prist a femme. Si la manda par ses messages. Quant le duc Jehan oy la nouvele, si fu moult lie et receut les messages tant hounoureement comme il pot et li envoyia sa seur aournee de joiaux et de riche atour, si comme il appartenoit a tele dame. Le roy espousa sa dame et lacueilli en moult grant amour.208 "King Philippe was counseled to marry and take a wife. Thus, he spoke with many young women of esteemed lineage and great families. From among the other women came to him news of the lady Marie, daughter of the duke of Brabant, because she was wise and full of good morals. It was decided that the king would take her for his wife. He asked her for her consent by messenger. When Duke Jean heard the news, he was filled with great joy and bestowed honor on the messengers as was proper and sent his sister adorned with jewels and richly equipped, as befitted such a woman. The king married his lady and greeted her with great love." 207 "Elle tait belle, spirituelle et, quoique tr s jeune, d j savante. Soeur du duc Jean de Brabant, ni ce du duc de Bourgogne et de la vicomtesse de Limoges, elle avait amen en France une foule de gens de son pays, seigneurs et demoiselles; elle avait apport avec elle les traditions de luxe d licat et de culture po tique qui embellissaient en ce temps-l le s jour des cours princi res du Nord. Marie avait aussi un go t tr s vif pour les lettres." Langlois goes on to say that in comparison to Philippe III (or at least the court in which he had been raised), "elle aparaissait en effet comme une h ro ne de roman," Le Regne, 32-33. She is called la fame tr s noble pucelle in the Chronique de Primat traduit par Jean de Vignay (Les Grandes Chroniques de France), RHF 23: 91. 208 Listoire du roy Phelippe, RHF 20: 495. 106 Joinville and Favier justly observe that Louis IX's style of court was no longer in favor; according to Guillaume de Nangis and Langlois, however, the change was not an unpleasant or harmful one. Fawtier also notes that not just the style, but the whole organization of the court changed: Further, by making the royal court the centre of the social life of the nobility, the kings grouped their nobles closely around themselves. The origins of this court life are obscure; it may have begun as early as the reign of Philip Augustus, but it equally possibly developed only after the marriage of Philip III to the young Mary of Brabant. In the latter king's reign there certainly existed a circle of lords and ladies in permanent attendance on the king and queen, and leading a leisured and largely frivolous life. Superficially of little importance, this had in fact some significance. The king's court was beginning to provide a permanent centre for the life of the nobility.209 Here again we see Fawtier making note of a shift in this case the restructuring of the makeup and daily processes of the court that occurred after Marie moved to Paris, bringing with her many noblewomen and men from the north. Thus, even while Fawtier and Favier seem to dismiss Marie as too young and irresponsible, they simultaneously acknowledge that she set in motion a restructuring of court values, both cultural and social. It is in just such details that we see the true impact that women were able to initiate with their lifestyle and patronage.210 209 Robert Fawtier, The Capetian Kings of France: Monarchy and Nation, 987-1328 (London: Macmillan; New York: St. Martin's Press, 1960), 205. 210 Busby alludes to a similar shift, here in the mentality of the residents of Paris, tracked through their literary taste. Because of his wide perspective that analyzes all of France, including its Anglo-Norman and Angevin regions, as well as England and Italy what he calls "The Geography of the Codex" he is qualified to point out that "readers and listeners in the central region, including Paris, seem to be interested in most types of 107 Modern scholars have noted these types of trends in the lives of many noblewomen. In her seminal 1982 article, Susan Groag Bell observes that in the matrimonial treaties negotiated between noble and royal families across Europe and the Near East, women were the mobile units. 211 The male members of alliances were tied to their lands and titles, but their wives came from foreign territories and therefore acted as cultural ambassadors. Bell's point is that as these women relocated they carried with them cultural objects whose literary and religious content or artistic style in turn influenced the cultures of their husbands' courts.212 This argument is particularly relevant for the case of Marie, whom I argue arrived in Paris from Brabant with established tastes and interests. John Carmi Parsons elaborates on the ambassadorial scenario that Bell describes.213 He concludes that daughters would have been raised with this integral role verse narrative without particularly marked regional tastes. This may go hand-in-hand with an increasing awareness of cultural and political centrality, a realization that the area in fact does become the hub of the nation, but at a much later date than might be assumed. Consequently, the literary public of the centre in the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries may have come to regard a large corpus of literature, in terms of authorship and interest, as relevant, interesting, or part of their cultural heritage. This is why the notion of a centre from which literature gradually radiates outwards must be abandoned for one in which the centre comes to absorb texts and literary traditions which may have originated earlier in the surrounding regions." Codex and Context, 2: 586. 211 Susan Groag Bell, "Medieval Women Book Owners: Arbiters of Lay Piety and Ambassadors of Culture," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 7/4 (1982), 742-68; repr., Women and Power in the Middle Ages, Mary Erler and Maryanne Kowaleski, eds. (Athens and London: The University of Georgia Press, 1988), 149-87. 212 Bell, "Medieval Women Book Owners," (1988), 173-77. 213 John Carmi Parsons, "Mothers, Daughters, Marriage and Power: Some Plantagenet Evidence," Medieval Queenship, John Carmi Parsons, ed . (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993), 63-78. This article represents one of the most succinct versions of his 108 of diplomacy in mind. Indeed, as John Carmi Parsons has argued, daughters of the upper nobility such as Marie were raised with great care, with an eye to the valuable trading pieces they would become. Because of such an upbringing, women achieved a degree of confidence that allowed them to act as leaders in all spheres of their lives.214 Chapter Two set the scene for just such a scenario in Marie's life. As I will illustrate, Marie did indeed possess this self-assuredness, which, as the chronicles make clear, was part of what Philippe found so attractive about this young woman. Bell also focuses on another aspect of women's involvement in book ownership. These well-educated laywomen, through this wide-ranging relationship with their manuscripts, caused major iconographic adjustments in the layout of their books. These shifts are exactly the type of visual evidence that scholars now search for in order to determine female contact, whether as patron, audience, or both, with a given manuscript.215 The opening folio of Arsenal 3142 is a vivid visualization of new subject matter and new conceptions of French reginal identity. Scholars such as Fawtier and Favier might have viewed this image with its courtly mood and subject matter as evidence of the decline of the Golden Age of Louis IX, and in images such as this one we can indeed detect a change in tenor in the self-vision of the court under Marie de Brabant. I maintain, at the same time though, that this miniature functions on a deeper level than argument, but the education of women and their abilities as purveyors of culture is a theme that runs throughout most of Parson's work (see bibliography). 214 Parsons, "Mothers, Daughters," 74. 215 See the bibliography for studies by Sherman, Bennett, Holladay, Caviness, Stanton, and Huot. 109 has previously been conceived. This illumination reinvents the portrait of the medieval queen within a courtly ideology, and she wields this image as a powerful political tool. Within the larger scope of her patronage we can apply the same methodology to every medium and find that, more often than not, Marie has pushed the limits of traditional modes of courtly iconography. The next section will consider a series of Marie's commissions as a larger program of patronage. I maintain that together they illustrate how a queen could manipulate more than just the iconography of her desires and self, it shows how she could influence the flow of an entire era. By examining her commissions within the context of this "circle of lords and ladies in permanent attendance on the king and the queen" one can begin to grasp exactly how Marie was capable of transforming the royal court. Many of these same commissions will appear again in the subsequent discussion of Marie's dynastic patronage in Chapter Five. For her, the court was a place where pleasure and politics commingled. Setting Her Stage: The Coronation Ceremony of 1275: A "feste grant" As the citation from Guillaume de Nangis on pp. 101-2 illustrates, one of the reasons that Philippe chose Marie as his second bride was because she possessed wisdom and was of "haute ligniee et...haut parage." As an indication of the quality of the house of Brabant, her brother, Jean, not only greatly rewarded the messenger who delivered the news, but then sent Marie to Paris, outfitted like a queen and accompanied by an 110 appropriately elaborate retinue.216 Her arrival was worthy enough to note in contemporary chronicles, something that had rarely, if ever, been recorded by previous historians. The couple was married on August 21, 1274, at the royal hunting lodge at Vincennes, followed by a celebration that lasted three days. The jubilee that accompanied her coronation in the Sainte-Chapelle on June 24 of the following year further attests to the impact of her arrival.217 Trained in the art of ceremony and 216 The average fee that a messenger would receive ranged from 2 to 12 livres, depending on the importance of the message and the distance traveled. Mahaut d'Artois's accounts show that the countess celebrated the birth of the children of her niece, Marguerite, wife of Marie de Brabant's son, Louis d'Evreux, with a handsome gift to the messenger. For instance, in 1305 she awarded 20 l. t. to Louis's valet after he announced the birth of the couple's son, Philippe. Richard, La petite-ni ce, 62. One can imagine a similar scenario considering Jean's excitement at the impending marriage of his sister to the king of France and the fact that Guillaume de Nangis bothered to record the duke's generosity. Looking at the comptes extraordinaires of the kings of France or the archives of Robert or Mahaut d'Artois, one begins to understand what an integral role these messagers played in life at court. Their journeys provided the major mode of communication at this time and the numbers who arrived at or departed from court daily is quite astonishing. For a summary of "Messageries" during the reigns of Philippe III and Philippe IV, see Les comptes sur tablettes de cire de la chambre aux deniers de Philippe III le Hardi et de Philippe IV le Bel (1282-1309), Elizabeth Lalou, ed., Recueil des historiens de la France: Documents financiers, 8 (Paris: Diffusion de Boccard, 1994), lxix. 217 By the time she was crowned queen of France on June 24, 1275, ten months had passed since her marriage to Philippe. The often substantial delays between marriage and coronation are hard to explain. One possibility is that queens may not have been crowned while pregnant, a situation that one hoped for, of course, soon after the wedding night. While this may have been the case for Marie, we do not have a record of her first child's birth until 1276. Alternatively, the situation in the kingdom of Navarre and subsequent arrival of Marie's cousin, Blanche d'Artois, and the infant Jeanne, heiress to that kingdom, may have been enough cause for the interim between Marie's marriage and coronation (For more on these historical events, see below). The wife of Alfonso XI of Castile was not crowned because of pregnancy in 1332, but both Eleanor of Castile and Philippa de Hainaut, wives of Edward I and Edward III of England respectively, partook in their coronation ceremonies while with child. John Carmi Parsons, Eleanor of Castile: Queen and Society in Thirteenth-Century England (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998), 267, n. 76. 111 entertainment when her parents had gathered together nobles of the Low Countries, Marie knew what her coronation ceremony must achieve in 1275. For the first time in Capetian history the queen's coronation took place in the still new royal chapel that her father-in-law had built in Paris, rather than at the cathedral of Reims (fig. 27).218 The royal couple and their advisors had had nearly a year to organize this ceremony and the Brabantine reputation for elaborate festivities did not disappoint. The f te that followed her initiation into the royal family was an unprecedented affair. Never had such a wellattended and magnificent celebration been recorded by French chroniclers, and the court's accounts attest to its unparalleled and elaborate nature. The expenses for Marie's ceremony nearly doubled those spent by Philippe III for his own coronation just three years earlier: 22,564 l. 12 s. 5 d. versus 12,931 l. 8 s. 1 d.219 Whether Marie was instrumental in the decision to hold her coronation in the Sainte-Chapelle or not, the fact remains that this was the first coronation in this private, royal sanctuary. The relic of the crown of thorns and the glass program set the scene 218 After Marie, three other queens, crowned after their husbands had already come to the throne, were presented with their regalia in the Ste.-Chapelle: Marie de Luxembourg (d. 1324), Jeanne d'Evreux, and Isabeau de Bavi re (d. 1435). Isabelle de Hainaut, the second (and much contested and valued) wife of Philippe Auguste was sacr e at SaintDenis in 1180. Fran oise Barry, Les droits de la reine sous la monarchie fran aise jusqu'en 1789 (Paris: Les Editions Donat-Montchrestien, F. Loviton, 1932), 79-98; Danielle Gaborit-Chopin, Regalia: Les instruments du sacre des rois de France, les "Honneurs de Charlemagne" (Paris: Minist re de la culture et de la communication, Editions de la R union des mus es nationaux, 1987), 23. 219 Fragmentum historicum e codici dicto Pater Excerptum, RHF 21: 405. Marie's expectations must have changed the way one thought about these ceremonies so that in 1285 the festivities at the coronation of Philippe IV and Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne cost 23,160 l. 72 s. 1 d., and those for Louis X in 1315 totaled 22,823 l. 15 s. 2 d. The cost of Louis IX's rites in 1226 had only been 4,333 l. 9 s. Fragmentum, 405. 112 perfectly for just such a ceremony, and Louis may well have had this alternate function in mind when he designed the chapel. The size and location of the building allowed for a far more intimate ceremony, for which the coronation ordo may have been adjusted.220 Guillaume de Nangis describes the event as being attended by nobles from France, Germany, and many other nations, all wearing the finest fabrics, dyed, embroidered, and laden with jewels. After the archbishop had sung and celebrated mass he placed the crown upon Marie's head and hailed her as queen, "as was the custom in France." Guillaume is careful to explain that the coronation ritual was obeyed even though the setting had been altered.221 220 Richard Jackson transcribes all of the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century ordines in volume two of Ordines Coronationis Franciae: Texts and Ordines for the Coronation of Frankish and French Kings and Queens in the Middle Ages, 2 vols. (Phildelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995-2000). See also Percy Ernst Schramm, Der K nig von Frankreich: Das Wesen der Monarchie vom 9. zum 16 Jahrhundert, 2 vols. (Weimar: Hermann Bohlaus Nachfolger, 1960) and Richard Jackson, "Les manuscrits des ordines de couronnement de la biblioth que de Charles V, roi de France," Le Moyen Age (1976), 67-88, and Jackson., Vive le Roi! A History of the French Coronation Ceremony from Charles V to Charles X (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1984); Jacques LeGoff, "A Coronation Program for the Age of Saint Louis: The Ordo of 1250," Coronations: Medieval and Early Modern Monarchic Ritual, J nos M. Bak, ed. (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1990), 46-57; John Parsons, "Ritual and Symbol in the English Medieval Queenship to 1500," Women and Sovereignty, Louise O. Fradenburg, ed. (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1992), 60-77. 221 "Prelas et barons du royaume de France et d'Almaigne sassemblerent et vindrent a Paris, et pluseurs autres nacions, pour ce que la roine Marie devoit estre couronnee. Si fu lassemblee moult grant et moult bele de haux princes et de grans barons. L'archevesque de Reins chanta la grant messe. Apres ce qu'il ot chant e et celebr e, il mist la couronne sus le chief la royne Marie et la salua et beney selonc ce que il ont acoustum en France, et fu droitement le jour de la feste saint Jehan Baptiste, lan de grace mil CC. LXXV. La feste fu moult grant et bele qua poine le pourroit nul raconter. Les barons et les chevaliers furent vestus de draps de diverses couleurs. Une fois estoient en ver et lautre en gris, en vert ou en escalate et en pluseurs autres couleurs; les dames estoient parees de riches draz de soie, toutes brodees a or de toute couleur; ler fermaux dor s poitrines, et 113 The festivities that preceded and followed this ceremony, and which evoked the diplomatic f tes of Marie's youth, shine another light on the events of the day. No official royal entry was needed for one seems to have occurred upon Marie's initial advent into Paris the previous summer of 1274 in coordination with Philippe's collection of taxes to pay for his father's crusade.222 Nevertheless, a "great and celebratory" procession still took place after her coronation that prompted the citizens of the city to hang the buildings with rich and multi-colored fabrics and cover the streets in sweet grasses and celebrate with song. There exists no previous record of such a well-attended and magnificent secular feste in Paris, and Guillaume says it was almost too grand to recount. Reading Guillaume de Nangis' description, one can imagine how marvelous a sur les espaules de grosses pierres precieuses, de pluseurs autres manieres. Si avoient anyaus s dois, dor, aourn s de riches dyamans et de riches topaces. Et estoient leur chief aourn s de riches trecons et de riches guymples toutes tixurez a fin ot et couvertes de pelle et autres pierres. Les bourgois de Paris firent feste grant et solemnel, et encourtinerent la ville de riches dras et de diverses couleurs et de pailes et de cendaulx. Lez dames et les pucelles sesbaudissoient en chantant diverses chan ons et diverses mot s," Listoire du roy Phelippe, RHF 20: 497. See also Grandes chroniques de France, 8: 52. 222 Lawrence Bryant, The King and the City in the Parisian Royal Entry Ceremony: Politics, Ritual, and Art in the Renaissance, (Geneva: Slatkin, 1986), 31 and n. 42. For other later entry and ceremonial processions in Paris, see also Bryant, "Configurations of the Community in Late Medieval Spectacles: Paris and London during the Dual Monarchy," City and Spectacle in Medieval Europe, Barbara A. Hanawalt and Kathryn L. Reyerson, eds. (Minneapolis, MI and London: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 3-33; Elizabeth A. R. Brown and Nancy Freeman Regalado, " La grant feste: Philip the Fair's Celebration of the Knighting of His Sons in Paris at Pentecost of 1313," City and Spectacle, 56-86; Brown and Regalado, "Universitas et communitas: The Parade of the Parisians at the Pentecost Feast of 1313," Moving Subjects: Processional Performance in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, Kathleen Ashley and Wim H sken, eds. (Amsterdam and Atlanta: Rodopi, 2001), 117-54. I am grateful to Nancy Regalado for the offprints of this second essay and the article cited below in n. 71. 114 spectacle this must have been for the people of Paris and how the celebrations reflect royal and bourgeois pleasure over locating the queen's coronation in the capital city.223 The record of the ceremony, written down officially at least three years later by the monk of St.-Denis, Guillaume de Nangis, may also signal the infusion of courtly ideology into the larger sphere.224 In many ways Guillaume de Nangis's passage reads like a romance of Adenet (who himself claims to have researched his material in the great library of Saint Denis). While serving his monastery at Saint Denis by promoting its connection to the king, Guillaume's Listoire du roy Phelippe, clearly aligns itself with the French court and paints Marie de Brabant and the events surrounding her in a favorable light. Not surprisingly, similar entry and coronation ceremonies abound in the writings of Adenet; we can begin with the one that opens this chapter from Berte aus grans pies. One could easily imagine Adenet's presence at Marie's entry and coronation from the vivid manner in which he records this event in his story of Berte, the grandmother of Charlemagne.225 Adenet's Berte is also the only recounting of this tale that points out on 223 In 1389, a century after Marie's coronation and celebration, the elaborate entry that accompanied Isabeau de Bavi re's coronation at the Ste.-Chapelle was described by the chronicler, Jean Froissart. Seen as a visualization of the dynastic union and peace achieved between the queen's country and the kingdom of France, and, in return for her advocacy on their behalf, theatrical spectacles, songs, and poetry composed especially for the occasion were performed at symbolic, liminal locations throughout Paris. Bryant, The King and the City, 126, 142, and 154. 224 The dating of this chronicle runs from 1277 to 1297 for the Latin version and after 1297 for the French translation, which was also slightly fleshed out in spots. Gabrielle Spiegel, The Chronicle Tradition of Saint-Denis: A Survey (Brookline, MA and Leiden: Classical Folia Editions, 1978), 89-92. 225 There exist two different ceremonies for Berte, brought on by the fact that she is, through sorcery, banished from the French court, only to be welcomed back after many 115 trials and tribulations. The first version tells us that, after traveling from the north across the Meuse, down through Hainault and the Vermandois, she arrives ,"tout droit un diemenche, ainsi com je l'entent,/ Sont venu a Paris devant l'avesprement./ Encontre va li rois molt tres joieusement/ Et sont en sa compaigne plus de mil et set cent,/ Qui trestout sont de lui tenant grant chasement./ Berte vont saluer bel et courtoisement;/ Comme sage et courtoise chascun son salu rent,/ Com cel qui estoient de grant apensement/ Et dist li uns a l'autre Par le cors saint Climent/ Molt avons bele dame et de joene jouvent./ Les cloches de la vile sonnerent hautement/ De ce ne vueill faire nul lonc acontement,/ Car n'ot rue en la vile, par le mien escient,/ Ne fust toute couverte de dras tres richement,/ Et les rues jonchies d'erbe tres netement,/ et les dames parees contre l'avenement,/ Carolent et festient et chantent hautement/ De joiaus, de richesces toute Paris resplent./ Au perron de la sale la ro ne descent;/ Maint haut baron l'adrestrent molt debonairement,/ Car de li honnorer a chascuns grant talent./ Apres la mi aoust, ne quier que vous en mente,/ Par un jour si tres bel qu'il ne pluet ne ne vente,/ Espousa rois Pepins Berte la bele gente./ Richement fu vestue d'un riche drap d'Octrente/ Tel coronne ot el chief qui molt li atalente,/ Cent mile mars valoit et plus, a droit vente./ Berte fu grac euse com est la flors sor l'ente/ Chascuns la tient a bele, n'est nus ne s'i assente./ Ou jardin orent fait drecier la aistre tente/ Quant la messe fu dite, n'i firent longue atente,/ Au mengier sont assis, a cent, a vint, a trente./ Mains grans princes le jour de servir se presente/ Devant la ro ne ot mainte bele jouvent/ Qui volentiers la servent, nus ne s'en destalente...Les napes sont ostees, quant vint apres mengier/ Menestrel s'apareillent por faire lor mestier...Dont se dre a li rois, n'I volt plus atargier/ Dames et damoiseles prennent a festiier, Danses, baus et caroles ve ssi s conmencier./ La ro ne adrestrerent duc et conte et princier,/ En ses chambres l'enmainent por son cors aaisier,/ Puis retornent arriere, n'i vorrent delaiier,/ La ro ne de vorrent longuement traveillier," (250-284 and 290-307). The next series of celebrations occur at the end of the story and begin in the city of Mons where Berte is found. Her travels home begin with a presentation of the citiy's relics, carried around in gold and silver chasses that are covered with golden fabric and champagne silk (tout li saint de la vile sonnerent hautement/ Li clergiez vient encontre molt ordeneement/ A grant procession et bel et netement,/ Fiertres et encensiers I ot d'or et d'argent,/ De dras d'or et de soie la champaigne resplenent./ tous li pays I ert venus conmunaument,/ Dames et chevalier I viennent noblement/ Pour connoistre leur dame, gu'il en ont grant talent./ En la cit dou Mans entrerent erranment/ Les rues sont couvertes et bel et richement,/ Les chaucies jonchies deseur le pavement/ De fresche herbe et de jons partout espressement," (3267-78). With ladies cheering from windows Berte mounts the palace steps and an eight-day celebration begins. During the journey to Paris every person and child from every town come out on foot and horse to greet their queen and by the time they arrive in Paris, even the monks and abbots have joined the procession. The quote at the beginning of this chapter describes her entry into Paris and the celebration that follows. 116 more than one occasion that the princess is Pepin's second wife, surely not a coincidence considering his audience.226 Another fictional source that may have been inspired by the real events in Paris in June, 1275, is the marriage and coronation ceremony in Bert aus grans pies and Cl omad s. In both stories, the description of the queen's garments and crown, her horse, and retinue, as well as the procession, ceremony, and city are striking for their detail and phrasing similar to that of Guillaume de Nangis. As if to further intertwine contemporary events and fiction, Adenet chooses to remind the reader of Marie's patronage of this story in the middle of his account of the ceremony in Cl omad s.227 For Adenet to pay such great attention to the marriage and coronation of the queens in his romances composed for the French queen reiterates how important he and Marie must have felt the actual celebrations surrounding Marie's marriage, entry, and coronation were in expressing royal female ideology. Catherine Parsoneault has noted the connection between the coronation ceremony of Marie and that of Philippe III that had taken place three years previously, both described by Guillaume de Nangis. After Philippe's sacring was completed, his cousin, 226 Lines 89-100 and 2601-02 and Henry, Oeuvres d'Adenet, 4: 207. 227 One example of Adenet's in-depth portrayal comes when he fills an entire folio of Arsenal 3142 with his narrative of the queen Clarmondine's robes and ornaments alone (fol. 66). Adenet's reference to Marie follows a list of the "Roi, ro nes et duc et conte, chevalier, dames, autre gent. Sirent au mengier noblement./ A la feste que vous devis/ gent i avoit de maint pays," who were in attendance. Adenet gives credit for the details of this gathering to "les deus dames qui me conterent/ de ceste matiere l'estoire." He then goes on to describe "com les routes erent parees/ et tres richement estofees," and how "En pluseurs lieus par la cit / ert feste en grant autorit / Danses, baus, caroles et ju/ estoient en maint lieu ve ," (17402-06, 17412-13, 17451-52, 17523-26). 117 Robert d'Artois hosted an elaborate celebration in his capital, Arras.228 In both cases the people of the respective cities were involved in the ceremonies, and women performed secular music for the king and queen. In Marie's situation, Guillaume describes the diverses chan ons et diverses mot s sung by lez dames et les pucelles. No previous record exists of the secular motet having been performed in Paris by such an "untrained" group of performers. This musical form had, until this time, traditionally been associated with the regions to the north, such as the courts of Robert d'Artois and Jean de Brabant.229 While associated with Philippe through the patronage of his cousin, Robert, this modern music and its introduction to Paris is ultimately attributed to Marie. Through it and the elaborate nature of her coronation celebration, Guillaume builds a case for the queen's interest in even requirement for these forms as integral to her court. As these uses of music illustrate, Robert and Marie possessed a similar approach to public ceremony. Her 228 Robert was knighted along with Philippe III by Louis IX in 1267, and took the cross in 1270. He took part in the expeditions to Navarre with Philippe III in 1276 and 1285, to Sicily in 1270 and 1282 (where, upon the death of Charles d'Anjou, Naples, et Sicilie in 1285, Robert governed as regent for seven years), and to Guyenne in 1296. He played a very important role in the negotiations with Flanders and it was at the battle of Courtrai in 1302 that he was killed. He was married three times. His first wife, Amicie de Courtenay (m. 1262), bore him three children, Robert, Philippe and Mahaut, but died in 1275 on the way back from Robert's first journey to Sicily. It was at this time that his daughter Mahaut, began to spend much of her time in Paris with her cousin the queen. He then married Agnes de Bourbon who predeceased him in 1289 and who often accompanied Mahaut to court to see her daughter, B atrix de Bourbon (d.1317) who was married to Robert de Clermont (d. 1318), Philippe III's younger brother. Mahaut cared enough for Agnes to commission a tomb for her at the Franciscan house at Souvigny. Robert's third wife was the young Marguerite de Hainaut who lived until 1342. Richard, La petite-ni ce, 85; Anselme, Histoire g n alogique et chronologique de la maison royale de France, 9 vols. (1726-33; repr., Paris: Editions du Palais Royal, 1967), 1: 296 and 384. 229 Most of my summary of Parsoneault's thesis comes from chap. 5, here, 192. 118 cousin's loyalty and refinement would play perfectly into the court that the queen gathered around her in the coming decades. We can see how the well-established French coronation ceremony remained intact with Marie, allowing her to situate herself in the working system of the realm and thereby link herself with past and future queens. And yet, because of the flexibility inherent in reginal ritual, in contrast to the more rigid formations of kingship, it was deemed acceptable to hold the queen's sacral rites in the more lushly intimate, but nevertheless holy and dynastic, setting of the Sainte-Chapelle. The new location of Marie's coronation also served visually to root her presence in Paris and allegiance to the Parisians from the start. The nature and placement of this initiation ritual allows us to examine the state of royal ideology after the first year of Marie's life in Paris. By noting how it varied from past ceremonies, influenced later coronations, and set the stage for Marie's reign as second queen to Philippe, we can analyze the dual nature of Marie's personal royal program one that survives well into her widowhood. It articulated her authority, which was based not just on precedence and tradition, but also on her ability to think creatively and introduce new and vital systems to the court and realm. With this coronation display Marie began her patronage as queen of France. Already well versed in the arts and letters, she imported a "Brabantine" love of secular culture to the French court. Accompanied by a group of loyal noble women and men from the north, she utilized ceremony and display to build a courtly structure that fit her needs as queen of France, and thus launched a new era in the history of Paris. 119 Combat at Court: Pierre de la Broce and the Tournament de Hem One can see in the queen's coronation just a year after her arrival in Paris, how Marie and the men and women who arrived with her from the north were quickly able to infuse the court of Philippe III with a northern approach to ceremony and celebration. Chronicles attest to Philippe's great love for the young queen, and he was without doubt fully aware and approving of the new tenor of life in his household that differed in many ways from the one in which he had been raised. While Marie was able to make some immediate changes or additions to the members of and routines at court, she must too have found some resistance from the men and women who had previously held primary influence over the king. Marguerite de Provence, Philippe's mother and a strong personality in her own right, was one figure who may have found the dynamic Marie difficult to accept. Marguerite's quest for recognition as heiress to the lands of Provence and role in promoting the canonization of her late husband, Louis IX, seem to have taken up much of her time. Nevertheless she must initially have been taken aback by the new queen's rapid and wholehearted involvement in the machinations of the Parisian court, even if, in the end, Marguerite remained an important counselor to Philippe. While Marie and Marguerite's daughter, Blanche, would become close friends, records indicate that Marie and her mother-in-law more than once belonged to opposing camps in debates that arose in the political arena.230 230 The major source of these troubles arose from the support given to Charles d'Anjou, king of Sicily, and, according to Marguerite, the undeserving count of Provence, by Robert d'Artois and Jean de Brabant, and therefore, Marie. Siv ry, Philippe III le Hardi (Paris: Fayard, 2003), 184 and 193-96, 255-70. Siv ry, 192, does, however, believe that, for the most part, Marguerite kept to the background in issues where Marie was 120 With far more at stake than the queen mother, the member of court who stood to lose the most from Marie's sway over Philippe was the king's chamberlain, Pierre de la Broce.231 In chapter two, I briefly described the controversy that arose from this competition for power that in May 1276 brought about accusations of murder by Pierre against the pregnant Marie after the deaths of her eldest step-son, Louis and his younger brother, Robert, her subsequent arrest and estrangement from her husband, at least partially, for the next two years, and the ultimate culmination in June, 1278, with the chamberlain's hanging in the gallows at Montfaucon, just outside the walls of Paris. Guillaume de Nangis explains that Pierre, seeing the great love that Philippe had for Marie after their marriage, was filled with jealousy and worry that he would lose his high status at court. He had come to Paris years before as a poor surgeon born in Touraine, but by the time Marie and Philippe were married, Pierre had risen to such power that the king would not act without his council. Barons and prelates could achieve nothing at court if they did not first offer him presents and bribes. Other evidence of favoritism was the king's willingness to promote Pierre's cousin-by-marriage to bishop of Bayeux and to marry the chamberlain's children to anyone Pierre desired.232 Other chroniclers use the concerned, not wanting to repeat the alienating effect created by Blanche of Castile as mother-in-law. 231 Siv ry dedicates most of chapters six and seven to the chamberlain and the potential reasons for his downfall. See also Langlois, Le r gne, 21-35; Brown, "Prince is Father," 324-25. 232 "Pierre de la Broce, maistre chambellene le roy, fu moult enfl et en desdaing de ce que le roy amoit tant sa femme, et en ot trop grant envie; et li fu avis quil ne seroit plus si priv de luy comme il estoit devant et que la grant hautesce ou il estoit mont pourroit bien abaissier. Si pourpensa de jour en jour comment il pourroit appetisier lamour qui 121 same argument of avaricious behavior to justify Pierre's fall as well. An anonymous chronicle from Flanders accuses Pierre of presumptuously dressing his children as if they were the king's own and specifies that Robert d'Artois and Jean de Brabant were especially angered by Pierre's control over Philippe's military decisions.233 One can see, from these records, that this nasty episode, all wrapped up as it was with the tragic death of Philippe III's two eldest sons in 1276, was not merely a estoit entre le roy et la reine, ne regardoit pas le lieu dont il estoit un poure cyrugien et estoit n de Touraine. Si monta tant en haut que le roy Phelippe en fist son chambellene et quil ne faisoit riens fors par son conseil. Ne les barons ne les prelaz ne faisoient riens a court sil ne li faisoient grans presens et grans dons. Ceste chose desplut moult aus barons, et orent grant indignacion de ce quil avoit si grant puissance devers le roy, et faisoit si sa voulent , ne demandoit riens au roy, tant fust grant chose, qui de riens li fu escondit. Il requist au roy que maistre Pierre de Bavay cousin sa femme fust evesque de Bayeux, et tantost le roy voult et commanda quil fust eveque : le chapitre de Bayeux ne losa contredire par la doubtance du roy. Le roy maria ses filz et ses filles la ou il voult commander et tout a sa voulent ." Guillaume de Nangis, Listoire du roy Phelippe, RHF 20: 495. 233 "et tant pr sumptueux estoit qu'il vesty ses enfans ainsi et d'autel draps comme il voioit habillier les enfans du roy, dont grant envie et malinvoeullance s'en conchupt encontre luy tout secr tement. En cel temps, advint que le conte d'Artois, qui cousin germain estoit du roy de France, et le duc Jehan de Brabant, qui fr re estoit de la royne, qu roient ensemble partout les armes (ce qu'il ne poivent faire sans grans despens), et Pierre de la Broche, qui tout gouvernoit devers le roy, ne leur vouloit fors dangier administrer tant de deniers comme ils obtenoient d'en avoir par l'ordonnance du roy et que bien mestier leur fust." Extraits d'une chronique anonyme intitul e anciennes chroniques de Flandre, RHF 22: 348. The Chronique de Philippe le Hardi describes the gifts to Pierre as "secrez donz ou... secr tes prommesses" and that the king made him "chastellain du Louvre et seigneur de Lang s [Langeais]; et li avoit donn moult de villes et moult de chastiaux...et cesti Pierres avoit acreu ses tresors par si grant richesce que oultre ses rentes, qui poivient bien valoir ii mille livres, ses biens meubles poivent bien estre nombrez ii c mille livres et plus...." This chronicler also adds that not only was Pierre jealous of the king's love for Marie, but that the chamberlain "avoit requis la royne de avoir afaire li," and when she refused he accused her of poisoning Louis when he himself had fed the boy poisoned meat. Primat, Chronique de Philippe le Hardi, trans. Jean de Vignay, RHF 33: 73-106, here 99-100. 122 competition between Marie and Pierre for the ear of the king. Many members of the nobility had much to gain by Pierre's downward journey on "la roe de fortune," as one chronicler termed it.234 Nevertheless, these histories do focus on Marie as the object of Pierre's wrath and point out that her popularity with the king was the initial reason for Pierre's worry. Also, between this dramatic scandal and her ornate coronation ceremony, Marie received more attention than most royal women from contemporary chroniclers; we can use these records to make hypotheses about her personality and those of the members of the court surrounding her.235 What remains is a complex example of how strong the desire was for Marie and her allies to become the most influential force in the king's life, and also how strong was Pierre de la Broce's desire to remain the most powerful man in the realm. The traits that thirteenth-century historians use to condemn Pierre, when placed in the larger history of royal counselors, seem rote and his fate preordained.236 A soubtil, malicious man237 bas par lignage,238 he was greedy for undeserved wealth and power. What I find so 234 Primat, Chronique de Philippe le Hardi, 100. 235 Primat, Chronique de Philippe le Hardi; Chronique anonyme d'un moine de SaintDenis, RHF 21: 80-102, here, 84-86; Bernard Guy, Fleurs des chroniques, RHF 21: 690734, here 704-5; Extraits d'une chronique anonyme intitul e anciennes chroniques de Flandre, RHF 22; and Guillaume de Nangis, Listoire du roy Phelippe, RHF 20. 236 Enguerran de Marigny, counsellor to Philippe IV, was similarly put to death in 1315 for acquiring too much power. 237 Extraits d'une chronique anonyme intitul e anciennes chroniques de Flandre, RHF 22: 348. 238 Primat, Chronique de Philippe le Hardi, 99. 123 interesting in the context of the French court is that, other than accusing an innocent woman of murder, the two most repeated charges made by contemporaries are of wearing clothes too luxurious for his status and of arranging marriages for his children outside their rank in society. Judging by the descriptions of Marie's coronation ceremony, the contents of royal inventories and purchases, or the visual evidence of courtly commissions, extravagant garments were far from rare within the confines of the latethirteenth-century court. In fact, a majority of the documentary accounts that refer specifically to Marie while queen are payments for her wardrobe.239 But by 239 One of the main surviving sources for the court expenses from 1282 through 1285 are the wax tablets recently published by Elizabeth Lalou, Les comptes sur tablettes de cire, see above, 29, n. 31. I list a few of the entries concerning Marie's wardrobe that discuss her embroiderer, tailor, pelterer, and furrier, citing Lalou rather than the original document: 11 mars 1284- Gaudfridus, brodizator, de Parisius, pro vestimentis domine regine ad hernesia, 271 l. 12 d. 18 mars 1284- Henricus, talliator domine regine [pro....], 8 l. 7 s. 3 d. 21 juin 1284- Rad. de Paciano, pelliparius, pro forraturis regine/ [......] robas regine, 30 l. 3 s. 6 d. Les comptes sur tablettes de cire, 7, 10, and 32. There are also many fragments of these accounts (wax tablet and otherwise) in various volumes of the RHF, such as the one cited earlier in reference to coronation expenses. One example of great importance for this study is the Fragmenta computorum ab anno 1227 ad annum 1326, that contains the Comptes de l'Hotel for Marie during the eighty-seven days included in the period from Purification (February 2) to Ascension Day (May 14), 1276, that she was by herself, or "sine rege." RHF 22: 755: Compotus hospitii dominae reginae Mariae per magistrum Guillelmum de Cheseio et dominum Radulfum de Jupilles, ad octabis Candelosae usque ad octabus Ascensionis. Itinera, pro IIII. XX. VII diebus sine rege, III. M. VIII. C. VIII. l. VII. d. Harnesia et nuncii missi, II. C l. LXIIII s. V d. Dona, VII. XX. XIX l. XV s. Elemosinae, VIII. XX. XVIII l. VI s. I d. Oblationes, X l. XVI s. Robae familiae, pro termino Paschae, IIII. XX. VIII l. X s. Equi empti et redditi, III. C. XXVI l. XII s. 124 communicating a high rank through dress befitting the king's family, Pierre, his wife, and their children made their "falsely" elevated status too visible. Marie and her northern courtiers may have required a high level of sumptuousness at court, but not everyone was welcome to partake of it. Furthermore, to step permanently outside one's rank through marriage (or the acquisition of office and land two other repeated complaints against Pierre and his family) was obviously still perceived as taboo even when an increasingly prominent and wealthy bourgeoisie was part of daily life at the late Capetian court. That just such a vocalization comes from the text of Adenet le Roi's Cl omad s, written about five years after the conclusion of this scandal, shows how every aspect of Marie's court was imbued with this mentality. Adenet describes the king who " mout fu sages et Misiae hospicii, XI. XX l. CXIIII s. VIII d. Pro pannis ad opus reginae et domicellarum suarum, Stephano Barbette, VII. XX. XII l. VIII s. Pro fourraturis dictarum robarum, VI. XX l. VI d. Pro samitis et camelotis, cendallis, pannis aureis et aliis, Johanni Martelli, VI. XX. VIII l. VIII s. VI d. Pro corrigiis, sertis, annulis et aliis, magistro Juliano, aurifabro, IIII. C l. XIX s. IIII d. Pro speciebus, Jacobo, specario, LIIII l. III s. VII d. Pro cultellis, scacario, telis, corrigiis et sertis, culcitris pictis, broudaturis et aliis, II. C. XIII l. XVII s. XI d. SUMMA: VI. M. XXI l. VI. s. VII d. Et pro termino Candelosae, VI. M. VII. C. VIII l. XIII s. IX d. The total of 6021 livres was a sizeable amount of money to spend for the 102 day term that fell between February 2 and March 14. While not all the queen's expenses are included in this fragment, one can still appreciate the extravagant lifestyle she led, even when away from the king. She spent hundreds of pounds on furs and robes for herself and her retinue (familia), as well as on goblets, place settings, and golden linens for her table, and golden rings, jewelry, and embroidered and painted cushions and wall hangings to complete the air of luxury. Also of note is that the sixteen-year old understood (or was encouraged to understand) that the more emphemeral realm of gifts and alms was just as important as the material setting she created for herself. 125 vaillans/ et dous et courtois et loiaus/ et dou cors hardis et vassaus,"240 and was surrounded by "les chevaliers, les damoisiaus, les escuiers qui de lignage erent gentil," but who nevertheless took council from a villain who "plus a et il plus couvoite...car pie 'a c'on dist ce proverbe,/ `de pute racine pute herbe'."241 Two years after the initial accusations against Marie, in June, 1278, Philippe's doubts about the innocence of his queen were finally laid to rest. This acquittal was based upon testimony given by a beguine in Nivelles to Mathieu de Vend me, abbot of Saint-Denis, proof of treasonous behavior on the part of Pierre de la Broce provided to Robert d'Artois by Alphonso X, king of Castile, and a box of documents containing evidence too damning to repeat.242 Along with the gathering of her northern family and friends that took place at Nieppe in August of that year, a tournament was held on October 8 and 9, the eve and feast day of Saint Denis, at Hem-Monceau, a location situated almost exactly half-way between Paris and Brussels. Both events must have been charged with an atmosphere of relief and celebratory political triumph.243 At first glance a king's chamberlain and an Arthurian joust may not seem to have much in common, but the scandal of Pierre de la Broce and the Tournament de Hem both, through differing modes of conflict, highlight the major characters and issues in the early 240 "Was very wise and valiant, and gentle and courteous and loyal, and was a bold and courageous force," Henry, Les oeuvres d'Adenet, 5: lines 125-28, italics mine. 241 "Had much and wanted more, so as the proverb states, `from rotten roots grows rotten grass'," Henry, Les oeuvres d'Adenet, 5: lines 154, and 169-70. 242 Guillaume de Nangis, Listoire du roy Phelippe, RHF 20: 503, 509, and 511. For Nieppe, see above, 62. 126 243 years of Marie's reign as queen of France. As noted in Chapter Two, the tournament was essential to the lifestyle of the northern court and with Marie's arrival in Paris found its way further south to the French capital, where Louis IX had outlawed it for many years. Philippe III enjoyed taking part in these arranged battles and, according to Guillaume de Nangis, traveled to Compi gne and Creil, and defeated many knights.244 Both of these towns, north of Paris on the route to Flanders and Brabant, grew increasingly important as sites for tournaments in the last third of the thirteenth century.245 Philippe acquired much of his taste for this pastime from members of his court such as Jean de Brabant and Charles d'Anjou, as well as Robert d'Artois.246 These men spent a great deal of time and money on these events that were not just measures of their prowess in battle, but as the Tournament de Hem demonstrated, could serve to illustrate the participants' political power through visual and physical display. The Tournament de Hem is a vividly detailed chronicle that records how Robert d'Artois, Jean de Brabant, Robert de Bourgogne, and many of the other northern noblemen and women, including Marie, assembled at this symbolically located town, for 244 Guillaume de Nangis, Listoire du roy Phelippe, RHF 20: 512. 245 For a very thorough study of the real and symbolic importance of the tournament in the late Medieval era, see Michel Stanesco, Jeux d'errance du chevalier medieval: Aspects ludiques de la fonction guerriere dans la litterature du moyen age flamboyant (Leiden and New York: Brill, 1988); for the importance of these and other towns, 89; Vale, Princely Court, 187. 246 Langlois, Le r gne, 196. For the extraordinary expense that Robert went to to maintain his presence at tournaments, see Vale, Princely Court, 186. 127 an Arthurian tournament and feast. 247 The participants assumed roles from the Arthurian legend so that the joust took on a theatrical and allegorical tone that helps to communicate the importance ceremony played in the court of Marie de Brabant.248 Robert d'Artois played the Chevalier au Lyon and Marie, Queen Genievre memorable for her own estrangement from her husband. Such an event would have merged the traditions of tournaments and lyrical recitations that Marie and the other participants had grown to value for their physical and intellectual stimulation.249 The historical significance of this symbolic celebration may well be linked to Marie's recent exoneration from the charge of murder, due in large part to the defensive actions of her cousins, Robert d'Artois and Robert de Bourgogne, her brother, Jean, and many of the 247 Sarrasin, Roman de Hem, Albert Henry, ed. (Brussels: Editions de la Revue de l'Universit de Bruxelles, 1939); Histoire des ducs de Normandie et des rois d'Angleterre, publi e en entier, pour la premi re fois, d'apr s deux manuscrits de la Biblioth que du roi; suivi de la relation du Tournoi de Ham, par Sarrazin, trouv re du XIIIe si cle, Francisque Michel, ed. (Paris: Jules Renouard, 1840), 222-83; Loomis, "Chivalric and Dramatic Imitations of Arthurian Romance," 92-95; idem., "Edward I, Arthurian Enthusiast," 121; Stanesco, Jeux d'errance, 88-94. Henry's introduction includes research into the person and life of Sarassin, the exact location of the now destroyed castle of Hem, the patron of Sarrasin and host of the tournament, Aubert de Longueval, and the roman's use as an historical document. To this last he adds a 50-page list of all the historical figures named in the tournament. 248 For discussion of a later, entirely fictional, allegorical tournament, see Nancy Freeman Regalado, "Allegories of Power: The Tournament of Vices and Virtues in the Roman de Fauvel (BN MS Fr. 146)," Gesta, 32/2 (1993), 135-46. 249 These tournaments were used both as visualizations of ideology and hierarchy, but from the standpoint of the knights, as practice for battle. Thus they served a practical, political, and pleasurable function. 128 others who signed a letter condemning Pierre.250 The moralizing content of the Arthurian romance would have taken on new meaning under such recent perilous circumstances. Meanwhile, the quick-wittedness and levity of the characters' discourse as well as the magnificent banquet accompanied by dancing and the singing of caroles that concluded the tournament would have served to help the members of Marie's court resume the lifestyle that had in large part been interrupted for the previous two years. Held on a feast day of great political import for the royal family, the merging of the ideal historical court of Arthur with the brilliant present-day court of France would have been visible to all who witnessed or heard news of its existence. This combination of courtly display, intellectual dexterity, and political awareness would color all of Marie's patronage, and affect the members of her court to such an extent that subsequent generations of women and men would adopt her approach to the visual and ceremonial. Ally, Mentor, and Mediator: Marie de Brabant as Queen and Widow at Court In the two years between Marie's marriage to and estrangement from Philippe after the death of his heir, Marie's court was enlarged by a series of women seeking refuge with her and the king of France. Little could she know at the time that these women, in particular Blanche de France, Mahaut d'Artois, and Jeanne de Navarre et 250 See above, 60, for the full list of men who signed a letter to pope Nicolas III condemning Pierre and his cousin, a number of whom were also present at the tournament at Hem. 129 Champagne would become great friends, and remain close until their deaths in the next century.251 The relationship of Blanche de France and Marie is especially well-documented, both during Marie's years as queen and in the period of their common widowhood. The opening folio of Arsenal 3142 is the most visually convincing argument for their friendship, as the acknowledgement by Adenet of their cooperation in commissioning the story is textual proof. A careful reading of the court documents reveals additional evidence for their nearly lifelong companionship. Born in Acre in 1252 while her parents Marguerite de Provence and Louis IX were on crusade, Blanche reversed the journey of her grandmother and namesake, Blanche, by marrying the heir to the kingdom of Castile, Ferdinand, in 1269. Well educated by her parents, Blanche's time at the cosmopolitan court of Alphonso X of Castile must nevertheless have been eye opening for the Capetian princess. The disastrous death of her husband in 1275 placed her at the mercy of the men and women who ruled Castile, and the result was not a happy one for Blanche or her two sons, Ferdinand and Alfonso. Blanche was denied her dowry and her sons were passed over in favor of their uncle. She eventually had to flee Castile, leaving the infantes with the children's paternal grandmother, Yolande, who had returned to her native kingdom of Aragon.252 Blanche made her way to the French court that Marie had already begun to transform and the two women seem to have instantly found in each other common desires 251 See above in the introduction for a more detailed explanation of their arrival at court. 252 Daumet, M moires sur les relations de la France et de la Castille de 1255 1328 (Paris: Fontemoing,1913), 120-25 and Strayer, The Reign of Philip the Fair, 371-72; Siv ry, Philippe III le Hardi, 164. 130 and tastes. Marie and Blanche benefited the same foundations and artists during their lives. This similarity of patronage continues after their deaths where we can find records of their testamentary bequests, usually fulfilled together in the same paragraph of a single document in the royal accounts.253 They are also mentioned as a pair in many household 253 What follows are just a few examples of how Marie and Blanche's paired beneficences were taken from the royal treasury and paid to the religious foundations of the Fr res de Saint-Croix, Sainte-Catherine du Val des Ecoliers, the Chartreuse, and the Mathurins : "Jovis ultima Januarii- Fratres Sancte Crucis Parisius, in redditu Regine Marie, pro medietate Omnium Sanct. cccxxiiito, inter admortisationes, 100 s.p.; et pro alio redditu, de dono defuncte domine Blanche de Yspania, pro quandam capellania fundata in eorum ecclesia per dictam dominam Blancham in honore sancti Cucufati; pro toto ejusdem termini, 24 l.p. cont. per procuratorem sorum, super Regem." Jules Viard, Les Journaux du Tr sor de Charles IV le Bel (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1917), no. 6884. Les freres de Sainte-Croix, were canons regular of the Order of Saint-Augustin, established in 1258 in a house that was ceded to them by Robert de Sorbon on la rue Saint-Croix-de-la-Bretonnerie. Jaillot, Recherches critiques, historiques et topographiques sur la ville de Paris, 7 vols. (Paris: Le Boucher, 1782), 3: 31. "Mercurii VIIIa Apr 1349 Ante Pascha Fratres Valliscolarium juxta Par, pro med OS cccxlviii , inter admortisationes ut supre, de dono...Et pro simili, de dono Regine Marie in redditu ejusdem domine, inter dictos redditus, non computata ut supra, 100 s.p. Et pro toto, in red domine Blanche de Yspania, de dono ejusdem, inter eosdem redditus, non comp ut supra, 24 l.p...." ANF, JJ71, fol.292v, no.48; JJ73, fol.104, no.123; JJ74, fol.113, no.194. See also, Jules Viard, Les Journaux du Tr sor de Philippe VI de Valois suivis de L'ordinarium Thesauri de 1338-1339 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1899), no. 879 and 3331. The Fratres Vallis Scolarium Parisiensis were canons regular of SainteCatherine du Val des coliers, established next to the old porte Baudoyer, where today stands the Place du March Sainte-Catherine. Jaillot, Recherches critiques, 3: 13. "Termino O. 1338 de dono Regine Marie in redditu ejusdem domine, inter dictos redditus, non computata ut supra, Carthusia 15 l.p. Valliscolarium 100s.p. [followed by the donations to the same institutions by "Blanche de Yspania] Maturinii 100 s.p. XXIXa Decembris. Fratres Sancte Crucis 100 s.p. [again, Blanche Yspania follows]." Viard, Les Journaux du Tr sor de Philippe VI, no. 5450, 5471, 5482, and 5483. The "Chartreuse de Vauvert" occupied a section of the jardins du Luxembourg. Nearby, the couvent des Mathurins of Paris was situated next to the palais des Thermes, on the rue du Sommerard that was between the rue Saint-Jacques and the section of the rue de la Harpe that was absorbed by the boulevard Saint-Michel. Jaillot, Recherches critiques, 3: 45 and 25, respectively. In 1384 Sainte-Catherine du Val des coliers (the Fratres Valliscolarium) was still receiving 100 s. par. from Marie de Brabant and Blanche de France "de dono 131 accounts.254 Many of these records include Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne in the same paragraph, for although quite a bit younger than Marie and Blanche, she was cousin to both women through her mother, Blanche d'Artois,255 and an integral part of the royal court. Upon becoming queen, she remained close to her predecessor.256 Time spent in ejusdem domine pro quadam capellania fundata in eorum ecclesia in honore Beati Johnnis Baptiste: 24 l. par.; et pro tertio in redditu Gaufridi cocatrix, de dono ejusdem domine: 66 s. 8 d. par." Viard, Les Journaux du Tr sor de Philippe VI, no. 1363. 254 Both women received funds in the same week of April, 1285, Ceratae Petri de Condeto tabulae adversariorum modo conscriptae ab anno 1284 ad annum 1286 conscriptae, RHF 22: 475. In 1298 "Regina Maria" and "Domina Blancha, amita Regis," are listed one after the other in the "Ad vitam," section of the accounts, Fragmenta computorum ab anno 1227 ad annum 1326, 764. Records preserved at the abbey of Saint-Germain-de-Pr s, where Marie owned a house, list references to "dominam Blancham de Hispania," and "dominam Mariam" for June 28,1307. E tabulis ceratis anni m. ccc. vii. olim in abbatia sancti germani parisiensis nunc in biblioteca imperialis seratis, RHF: 22, 547. In the Les comptes sur tablettes de cire this day chronicles, "tierricus [Almannus], mercurii sequenti, inde ad dominam Blancham de Hispania [pro uno cervo] presentando, 50 s." and "Parrotus de Planis, missus inde [tunc] pro alio cervo presentando ad reginam Mariam, 30 s" 776. A gift of deer is fairly unusual in the records. The acounts indicate that a gathering was at hand, probably to welcome Marguerite, the queen of England and Marie's daughter, or to celebrate the betrothal of Philippe's daughter, Isabelle, to the next king of England (see n. 100 below). 255 Both were first cousins: Marie, by her aunt, Mahaut de Brabant, mother of Blanche d'Artois, and Blanche de France by her uncle, Robert d'Artois, Blanche's father. 256 On June 2, 1284, the "regina Navarrae," "Domina Blancha," and the "regina," received 50, 36, and 200 livres respectively, Ceratae Petri de Condeto, RHF 22, 473 and Tablettes de cire, 27. In the same month of the following year H vrart, Richardin, and Huguet, the charioteers of "Madame de France," "Madame Bleinche," and "Madame de Navarre," received payment for their work. The queen's charretier received twice as much as those of Blanche and Jeanne. Compte du charroi de engins pour l'expedition d'Aragon en 1285, RHF: 22, 729 and 732. Sometime before 1288, both Marie and Jeanne both gave gifts of gem-encrusted golden goblets to their aunt B atrix de Brabant; see above, 47. 132 each other's company was facilitated by the proximity of their houses in Paris. Both queens of France possessed h tels on the property of Saint-Germain-de-Pr s. Marie often stayed at the H tel de Flandres during her widowhood, and in 1298 she was granted a house on the rue du Four, just outside the enceinte of Philippe Auguste at the place du march Saint-Germain, which would come to be known as the H tel d'Evreux.257 The H tel de Navarre was located across the street from the H tel d'Evreux, also outside the walls erected by Philippe Auguste on the rue Saint-Andr -des-Arts, near the Porte de Bucy and the Porte de Saint-Germain-des-Pr s.258 Blanche's main residence was further to the south at the convent of the Cordeli res of Lourcines that she and her mother Marguerite de Provence had founded. Nevertheless it was only a short walk or carriageride away from St.-Germain and she could easily have stayed with Marie or Jeanne, or at the palace if need be.259 257 Henri Sauval records that Marie was often in residence at the Flemish household in Paris. "Des redevances dues et des presents faits aux rois et reines de France de la troisi me race," Histoire et recherches des antiquit s de la ville de Paris, 3 vols. (Paris: C. Moette, 1724), 2: 434. For the hotel d'Evreux see ANF, 4490 A; Barry, Les droits de la reine, 417, 425; Raymond Cazelles, Nouvelle histoire de Paris de la fin du r gne de Philippe Auguste la mort de Charles V: 1223-1380 (Paris: Association pour la publication d'une Histoire de Paris and Diffusion Hachette, 1972), 54; and Lehugeur, Philippe le Long, 2: 124. 258 Jean Favier, Nouvelle histoire de Paris (Paris: Hachette, 1974), 110-11. 259 The Cordeli res, or Franciscan nuns, were situated just southeast of the modern Jardin du Luxembourg, where the hospital Broca now stands on the corner of rue Julienne and rue Pascal. For descriptions of the convent and the painted cycle of Saint-Louis's life and miracles, see Auguste Longnon, Documents parisiens sur l'iconographie de S. Louis d'apres un manuscrit de Peiresc conserv a la biblioth que de Carpentras, (Paris: H. Champion, 1882); Jaillot, Recherches critiques, 4: 75-80; Lebeuf, Histoire de la ville et du diocese de Paris, 4 vols. (Paris: A. Durand, 1863-1870), 2: 741; Pierre Bonfons, Les antiquitez et choses plus remarquables de Paris: Augument es par fr re Jaques Du Breul 133 One striking and much earlier example of Marie's affiliation with Blanche and Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne as well as Jeanne's mother, Blanche d'Artois, was her self-exile during the stay of the future Pedro III of Aragon, brother of Isabelle, the first wife of Philippe III, in Paris early in the spring of 1276.260 The prince of Aragon, with many ties to Castile, had not aided Blanche de France and her two sons when her husband, Ferdinand, had died the year before and the battle for succession had taken place.261 Pedro had been just as much a problem for the young Jeanne and Blanche d'Artois. He repeatedly made claims of matrimonial contracts and the right to rule Navarre as the lawful future husband of the two-year old Jeanne.262 Thus Marie's intentional absence from the court during his stay may well have been a way to remove these women from his company while he came to see the issues from Philippe's point of view. It also allowed time for the sons of Philippe and Isabelle d'Aragon to make the acquaintance of their uncle without the complication of their pregnant stepmother's presence. (Paris: Chez Pierre Rocolet ..., Cardin Besongne, Henry le Gras, ... & Nicolas Trabouilliet, 1608), 292-93. 260 Fragmenta computorum ab anno 1227 ad annum 1326, contains both the accounts of the queen and of Pedro of Aragon for this period. RHF 22: 755. See above, n. 62, for the transcription of Marie's Comptes de l'Hotel. Brown focuses on the strong uncle-nephew relationship that was fostered between Pedro and the French princes during this visit. "The Prince is Father," 323. 261 Favier, Philippe le Bel, 291-92. 262 This marriage never took place because, by 1276, Jeanne was already betrothed to the future Philippe IV. 134 In spite of the momentary lapse in her marriage that came later that spring, Marie gave birth to three children who grew to adulthood, Louis (1276-1319), Marguerite (1279-1317), and Blanche (1282-1305). Marguerite and Blanche, who received their names from their Capetian grandmother and great-grandmother, would both provide great political service to the French court through advantageous marriages to Edward I, king of England in September, 1299, and Rudolph, archduke of Austria in May, 1300, respectively. These alliances were the products of Marie's widowhood and illustrate her continued involvement in and importance to European politics. Blanche was married in Paris, but I have found no description of this ceremony. She died relatively early in childbed, and yet in just five years was able to introduce a "western" aesthetic to her Austrian home.263 Marguerite lived long enough to make a greater impact in England and leave a legacy as patron in her new land.264 According to Vale, this marriage was unusual during 263 The one monument that we can link to Blanche's patronage is her tomb which bears some similaritites to her grandparent's burial monument in Louvain and other French sculpture. It was part of an enormous donation of 1000 Pfund to the Minoritenkirche in Vienna to fund the rebuilding of their church that she outlined in her testament written September 22, 1304. 50 Pfund went toward the construction of her tomb that was to sit in the new choir. Gerhard Schmidt, "Das Grabmal der Blanche de France (d. 1305) bei den Wiener Minoriten," Festschrift f r Hans Wentzel zum 60. Geburtstag (Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1975), 181-92. 264 While no large study of Marguerite has been completed, single references to her patronage abound. For instance, see Charles Kingsford, The Grey Friars of London: Their History with the Register of their Convent and an Appendix of Documents (Aberdeen: The University Press, 1915), 17-50; Michael Prestwich, Edward I (Berkeley, CA and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988), 115-17, 121, 129-33, 164, 379, 385, and 396-97; Lillich, "European Stained Glass," 49; E. A. R. Brown, "The Political Repercussions of Family Ties in the Early Fourteenth Century: The Marriage of Edward II and Isabella of France," Speculum 63 (1988), 573-95, here 574, 579-80, 583, 135 the years 1290 to 1369 when the Plantagenets, for the most part, looked to the northern courts of the Low Countries for suitable matches.265 Marguerite's maternal lineage and background, however, placed her solidly in the sphere of northern families and these very men and women, many of whom were friends and relations of her mother, filled her entourage with their servants and accompanied her to her wedding feste.266 The Franco- 588; John Carmi Parsons, "The Intercessionary Patronage of Queen Margaret and Isabella of France," Thirteenth Century England VI (Proceedings of the Durham Conference), Michael Prestwich, R. H. Britnell, and Robin Frame, eds. (London: The Boydell Press, 1995), 145-56. 265 Vale, Princely Court, 5. 266 Interestingly the French documents recording Marguerite's marital journey to England are few and far between. The French sources reveal that along with the 11000 l. p. that Marguerite received to cover the expenses of her new role as queen of England, she was accompanied by Gui de Ch tillon, count of Blois, St.-Pol, and Bretagne, and his daughter Beatrix (d. 1304), wife of Jean I de Brienne, count of Eu: "XXVIIa Aout 1299. Comitissa Augi, domina pro expensis suis in via Anglie, 300 l. t. cont per Matheum de Leonibus, militem suum. Magister Johannes de Disi, pro expensis domine Margarete, sororis Regis, faciendis in via Anglie, 2000 l. p., cont per se," and "XXXa Aout 1299. Gaudfridus Cocatriz, pro jocalibus et aliis necessariis ad opus domine Margarete, sororis Regis, 4000 l. p. cont per Martinum Martini, super Regem, in quibus includuntur 3750 l. t. quos recepit a Betino." Viard, Les Journaux du Tr sor de Philippe IV le Bel, no. 3219, 3221, 3240. Members of her mother's entourage also accompanied the young Marguerite: "Bailliages de France (Toussaint 1299) minuta expensa: Pro expensis prepositi Monsterolii et 4 servientum dicte prepositure, eundo, tam per baliviam, in comitatu Marie, regine Francie, quando Regina Anglia transfretavit in Angliam, et cum ipsa per 15 dies in ballivia Ambianensi commorando; 12 l. 10 s." Comptes Royaux (1285-1314), R. Fawtier, ed. pt. 1: Comptes g n raux (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1953), no. 2089. If we look to an unexpected English source listing gifts to the wedding party, however, the image of who accompanied Marguerite to England becomes far less of a mystery. The list of objects purchased in Paris for dispersal at Edward and Marguerite's wedding names over 200 recipients of the gifts, among whom figure prominently are Marie, Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne, Philippe IV, Robert de Bourgogne (Marguerite's uncle through her grandmother, Alix de Bourgogne), Gui de Ch tillon et Bretagne, B atrix d'Eu, the countess of Dammartin, and three of Marie de Brabant's most trusted servents, her elemosinarius, Valle de Sestales, and two valets, Edigius le Keu and 136 Brabantine princess's marriage ceremony and celebration at Canterbury is strikingly reminiscent of Marie's coronation and the Tournament de Hem in its lavish features, Arthurian theme, and detailed recording.267 Two hundred and forty-five gold and jeweled objects, such as a silver-gilt casket enameled with the arms of France and England, were purchased in Paris for the wedding from the king's aurifaber, Adam, with the total cost coming to 10,519 l. 8 s. 6 d. (fig. 28).268 Once queen, Marguerite continued to surround herself with luxurious objects; her English inventories include precious reliquaries; ornate metal goblets and tableware; elaborately painted and upholstered chairs; furs, linen, and other fine garments and wall-hangings woven with heraldic arms; ebony, crystal, and jasper chess sets; and birds and cages that she gave to her sons. The queen also kept a minstrel on hand for performances, renovated many of the palaces on the royal itinerary to include wardrobes, chimneys, and gardens and streams, placed new glass in windows, altered chapels with partitions to create more private spaces, and kept the larders filled with sugar and spices.269 She also traveled to Paris with some regularity, bringing with Henricus de Centron, as well as hundreds of others from their courts. Vale transcribes the entire list as Appendix II in Princely Court, 351-56. 267 Roger Loomis's article, "Edward I, Arthurian Enthusiast," is dedicated to interpreting the chronicles surrounding this event. 268 Vale, Princely Court, 268 and 351-56. 269 Prestwich cites documents from the Public Records Office, the Calendar of Patent Rolls, or the Liber Quotidianus Contrarotulatoris Garderobiae, 1299-1300. Vale, Princely Court, 25 and 358, lists a great number of reliquaries in the queen's possession and comments on her sweet tooth. He also translates the full description of the chess sets, all contained in a casket: "A chessboard of jasper and crystal with crystal images bound with silver, and with the pieces of jasper and crystal.... A chessboard of red and green jasper bound with silver gilt, with the pieces of jasper and crystal.... A set of tables of 137 her an elaborate entourage.270 Not surprisingly, Marguerite's household income had to be increased twice in order to fulfill her extravagant tastes.271 Many of her objects can be compared to those in the, by comparison, paltry accounts of her mother. Marie too spent a great deal of money on ivory, metal, and jeweled reliquaries, golden goblets, belts, crowns, and rings, velvet, camel hair, silk, and gold fabrics, tapestries, coverlets, and pillows, furniture, chessboards, and spices for the kitchen.272 One of the six pieces of sculpture in metal and ivory purchased by Mahaut d'Artois from Marie's executors upon the queen's death was a golden saltcellar and lid decorated with three golden apples, almost certainly an Ovidian mythological reference to Paris and Helen of Troy. 273 nutmeg with metal stems, and the pieces for the same [made] of ginger and nutmeg bound with silver and with silver tallies." Vale, Princely Court, 172. Edward also seems to have given gifts to his mother-in-law from time to time as seen in the document of 1304 recording payment of 1000 l. sterling to Marie through "Coppus Cotenne et ses compagnons, marchands de la soci t des Frescobaldi de Florence." Foedera, convenciones, literae, et cuiusque generis acta publica, 2 vols., Rymer, ed. (London: Record Commission, 1816), 1: pt. 2, 953. 270 The records I have come across indicate that she journeyed to see her mother in 1302, 1306, and 1308 at the least. Vale describes how she brought with her a wardrobe consisting of twelve "pairs" of robes, one of which consisted of six pieces including a green velvet dress, three "furred garments, two surcoats, and a cloak." Princely Court, 98. 271 Prestwich, Edward I, 129. See above, 51 and 124, for Marie's inventory and gifts to her aunt, B atrix de Brabant. 272 273 In 1321 Mahaut bought from Marie de Brabant's executors : 1) une image de Notre-Dame en argent maill , 2) une autre en ivoire sur une pied d'argent, 3) deux chefs des Onze-mille vierges, en cuivre, avec garniture d'argent, 4) une sali re d'or couvercle et trois pommes d'or, and 5) un graduel not . Richard, La petiteni ce, 247. Just two years before, in1319 Marie had received from the countess of Artois "une ymage et un tabernacle d'argent tous esmailliez" that cost 26 livres. Richard, La 138 The eldest child of Marie and Philippe, Louis, would inherit the counties of Evreux and Meulan in 1298, after the death of his grandmother, Marguerite de Provence.274 Louis would become one of the favored counselors of his half-brother, Philippe IV, but in contrast to the king's full brother, Charles de Valois, Louis was not awarded any truly great lordships.275 In 1300 he married Marguerite d'Artois (d. 1311), the daughter of Philippe d'Artois (d. 1298) and Blanche de Bretagne (d. 1322) and, therefore, granddaughter of Robert d'Artois. Through this marriage to Marguerite, Louis suddenly was presented with the possibility of possessing dowery lands within the wealthy county of Artois. Marguerite's father and heir to the county, had died in 1298 leaving behind his wife and young son, Blanche and Robert (d.1343), as well as Marguerite. By forging a marital alliance between the already close Franco-Brabantine and Artesian families Marie ensured her son a pivotal role in the outcome of the county. Marie's cousin and friend, Robert d'Artois, was still living when the marriage took place, and was almost certainly present at the nuptial rites, for once not in Navarre, Gascony, petite-ni ce, 245. 274 These lands had been awarded to him by his father in his testament of 1285. ANF, J 390, no. 6, and BNF ms. Collection de Vexin, 8: bk. 2, chap. 4, fol. 612, preuves 11771179. 275 For his capacity as advisor, see Joseph Strayer, The Reign of Philip the Fair (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), 211; Brown, "Prince is Father," 301-2, points out that the multiple requests for income on his lands indicate that Philippe and Louis may not have been as close as other authors have supposed. Nevertheless, Philippe sent his brothers, Louis and Charles de Valois, with Gui, count of Saint-Pol, to attend the momentous marriage and coronation ceremonies of his only daughter, Isabelle. She wed Edward II of England on January 25, 1308, and was crowned on February 24 of the same year. Viard, Les journaux du tr sor de Philippe IV le Bel, xlvii. 139 Flanders, or Sicily fighting to ensure the borders and power of the kingdom of France. Just two years later, on July 11, 1302, Robert was killed in the battle of Courtrai. As his eldest surviving child, Mahaut took on the rule of Artois, but not without loud and ongoing protests from the young Robert d'Artois, son of Mahaut's recently deceased brother, Philippe and, therefore, Marguerite's brother. Louis and Marguerite were thus in a diplomatically influential place. Siblings to the passed over Robert, they nevertheless seem to have wholeheartedly supported Mahaut's right as countess and received in recompense her good will.276 We can view these marital matches as important displays of Marie's power long after her time as queen had come to an end. In the case of Marguerite's betrothal to Edward I, we have a fairly detailed account of the diplomatic process involved in such a contract and the pivotal role that women of the royal house played in ensuring its completion. The potential marriage of Marguerite and Edward was first recorded in documents that date to early 1293. But, because of a series of actions on the part of Edward that Philippe interpreted as aggressive toward France, a state of war was declared between the two countries, and negotiations between the kings were abandoned. Philippe IV then offered Marguerite to Sancho, king of Castile, to create an alliance with this southern neighbor in place of the failed attempt to bring the son of Blanche de France to the Castilian throne. At the same time that Philippe was looking to the south, however, members of the respective courts were still pursuing a continuation of the Franco-English 276 Mahaut and Louis traveled together to the court of Holland at the Hague for a series of jousts in August, 1319. Vale, Princely Court, 160. 140 alliance without the king's knowledge. The main personalities involved were Blanche d'Artois and her second husband Edmund of Lancaster, brother of king Edward, in one camp and Marie and Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne, daughter of Blanche, in the other. That this group was ultimately successful is witnessed by the marriage of Marguerite and Edward in September, 1299.277 In 1294 though, with the threat of war between England and France over the lands of Gascony looming on the horizon, this betrothal was of diplomatic necessity for retaining peace in the region. Subtle negotiations were required and according to the record it was Marie who was the prime mover in arranging the treaty. In fact, the phrasing of documents that record these efforts places Marie before the reigning queen of France: "la Royne Marie et la Royne Johanne me prierent que jeo repreisse les traitiz ovec elles."278 277 Following is the version of the story as taken from the letters of Philippe IV: [s.d.(1293)] "Lettres du Roi Philippe IV de France notifiant les pourparlers changes en vue d'un mariage entre la soeur Marguerite et le Roi Edouard d'Angleterre, ainsi que les clauses propos es par celui-ci." ANF, J918, no. 14. [9 avril 1294 et 3 nov 1294] "Lettres du Roi Sanche de Castille vidamant des lettres du Roi de France Philippe IV, et portant trait avec celui-ci au sujet d'un mariage projet entre son fils Ferdinand et Marguerite de France and d'un autre, entre sa fille B atrice et Louis de France." ANF, J915, no. 1. This marriage did not take place. [2 avril 1299] "Lettres du meme [Ed I] notificant le d nombrement des seigneuries et domaines (avec leur revenu) sur lesquels il assigne le douaire par lui promis la princesse Marguerite de France, qu'il doit pouser; il annerie en meme temps le mariage de son fils Edouard avec la Princesse Isabeau fille du Roi de France." ANF, J918, no. 16. Eleanor Simmons has fleshed out a far more nuanced version of the events leading up to the marriage of Marguerite and Edward. Les Heures de Nuremberg: R production int grale du calendrier et des images du manuscrit Solger 4.4 de la Stadtbibliothek de Nuremberg, Charles Scheel, trans. (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1994). 278 These are the words of Edmund in a presentation to the French Parlement in April, 1294. Published in Foedera, 1: pt. 2, 793. 141 This ordering implies the greater importance of Marie in this situation and can be explained in at least three ways. Marie is the elder of the two French queens, and as such deserves her lead place in the document. A second, and most logical explanation concerns each woman's relationship to the princess in question. Marie is closest in blood to Marguerite; as the princess's mother her name would lead in any negotiation concerning her daughter's future. Finally, the arrangement of their names may acknowledge an experience with treaty making and negotiations. Marie continued to play a dominant role in the fulfillment of this contract. It is to her that Edward writes on August 12, 1295, to ensure their amicable relations then and in the future.279 Just as revealing as Marie's, at least perceived, authority in the matter is the collaborative nature of this semi-covert meeting. Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne's allegiance in the realm of peace- and marriage-making lay with her mother, mother-inlaw, and her sister-in-law the female beneficiaries of this alliance. Jeanne acted against the wishes, or at least policies of her husband, the king of France, in order to secure a profitable marriage and link to the English throne.280 279 "Edouard, roi d'Angleterre, demande Marie, reine de France, des nouvelles de sa sant et lui annonce qu'il jouit d'une parfaite sant ; il ajoute quelques mots sur ses bonnes relations avec la reine, relations qu'il d sire entretenir. Datum apud Wesmonasterium, xii die augusti." Foedera, 1: pt. 2, 824. 280 That a less covert, but still female-influenced culmination of events occurred for the betrothal of Isabelle de France to prince Edward of England, is implied by the then queen of England, Marguerite de France's, return to Paris in April, 1307. Records of her visit coincide with payments to Marie, Marie's minsterallis, Houlier, and Blanche de France, who were present at court from at least April to June of that year. Marguerite brought with her a falcon and set of four English hunting dogs for the king. E tabulis ceratis anni m. ccc. vii. olim in abbatia sancti germani parisiensis nunc in biblioteca imperialis seratis, RHF 22: 547 and 549. A monk of St.-Victor also records a visit by Marguerite 142 Conclusion In addition to her possessions and activities in Paris, Marie spent a great deal of time traveling around the lands Philippe III awarded to her in 1280. As the royal itinerary of 1282-1285 reveals, some of the most-frequented stops on the king and queen's itinerary were at the ch teaux that would become Marie's dower residences when she was outside of Paris.281 They stayed at Pacy, Vernon, Evreux, Houdan, Anet, and Nogent, and it was while Philippe was still alive that the ch teau at Mantes was greatly renovated and enlarged to include a terrace that looked on to the Seine.282 These were not around this time, but one that was made to see her mother, who was not in Paris, and that may date as late as to the winter of 1307-1308: "Eodem anno, domina Margareta, relicta Edoardi IIII [sic] venit in Franciam, tribus filiis suis sub costodia dimissis; mansitque cum matre sua Maria aliquanto tempore in terra suae dotis." Excerpta e memoriali historiarum, auctore Johanne Parisiensis, Sancti Victoris Parisiensis canonico regulari, RHF 21: 650. See also, Brown, "Political Repercussions of Family Ties." While we do not have the same evidence of Marie's involvement in the marriage of her second daughter, Blanche, that her betrothal was also perceived as a peace treaty is recorded in contemporary chronicles. See, for example, Extraits d'une chronique anonyme intitul e anciennes chroniques de Flandre that states for the year 1294, "Toutes voyes ne demoura guaires apr s quant tellement fut traitti que une bonne paix y fut trouv e; car journ e fut prinse du roy de France et du nouveau roy d'Allemaigne estre tous deux Vaucoulour, et illec fu ordon et accord le mariage et alliance du roy Adulphe d'Allemaigne et de madame Marguerite [sic?], suer du roy de France; et par tant fut la paix confirm e, puis s'en retourna chascun en son pays grant joye," RHF 22: 350. 281 Tablettes de cire, lxxiii-lxxix. 282 In addition to these towns the castellenies of Br hal and Mantes, as well as 6250 l. "sur tous nos profis de la Baillie de Rouen" were listed in Philippe's gift of 1280, see above n. 13 for the full transcription. Another set of documents adds to our knowledge of Marie's possessions. In attempting to placate Robert d'Artois, the heir of Philippe d'Artois who was passed over in favor of Mahaut upon the death of her father, Robert, in 1302, Charles IV awarded the grandson lands in the county of Beaumont-le-Roger. The 1323 record of this transfer states he will receive, "des terres, fermes et domaines que tenait feue Marie de Brabant, 143 places of great remove from Paris and when she was widowed in 1285 they already held positive connotations from her years as queen. Rather than thinking of her time in these towns as a period of exile, as other scholars have done, I believe that Marie was busy administering her source of income and creating a secondary court only a day's ride from her hotel in Paris.283 A rich documentary record, much of which I have chosen not to include here for reasons of relevance, illustrates how, when Marie was widowed in 1285, only one decade after her coronation, she found herself with a well-established sense of place and identity reine de France, dans le comt de Beaumont...." ANF, JJ 61, no. 198, fol. 94-95v. That these lands had been among Marie's source of income during her life is repeated at least once more in the archival record. ANF, JJ 64, no. 130, fol. 76v. Beaumont-le-Roger is northwest of Evreux and its inclusion in Marie's dower lands extends the scope of what we can now see was a sizable and wealthy geographical unit. Another addition to this map was Marie's permanently recorded presence in the town of Louviers, just north of Evreux on the road to Rouen, where at the church of LaCroix-Saint-Leufroy an annual mass was said for the queen and her son Louis on October 28. "Maria, condam regina Franciae, et Ludovicus, ejus filius, comes Ebroicensis." Ex Necrologio monasterii crucis sancti leufredi, RHF 23: 479. Lormaye and Limay were two other towns in this region where records of Marie's beneficence survive. "1314, aout. Poissy. En indemnite du droit de patronage de l'eglise paroissiale de Saint-L ger pres de Saint-Germain-en-Laye, au diocese de Chartres, remis au roi par les abb et religieux de Saint-Magloire de Paris, cession ces derniers du droit de patronage de l' glise paroissiale de Limay, pr s de Mantes, au dioc se de Rouen, transport au roi par la reinem re Marie de Brabant qui le detenait dans son douaire." ANF, JJ 50, fol. 49v, no. 68. In the case of the former, her request takes the form of intercession on behalf of the parish priest of this town near Nogent. "1312, juillet. Maubuisson. A la pri re de la reine Marie de Brabant, et pour le salut des mes du roi, de feue la reine Jeanne et des a eux du roi, amortissement, en faveur du cur de Lormaye, de 100 s. de cens, d'une halle au pain dans le village de Lormaye, valant environ 100 s de rente, et d'une maison destin e a servir de presbyt re, acquis par les paroissiens et ledit cur dans les fiefs, terre, juridiction et district de la reine Marie. Ad relationem domine Regine Marie. Chalop." ANF, JJ 48, fol. 34, no. 56. 283 According to Lalou, Tablettes de cire, lxvii, 30 kilometers was an average day's journey during this period. Mantes is slightly more than 30 km. from the center of Paris. 144 and a network of colleagues and well-administered lands to provide her with a rewarding thirty-six years of widowhood. Her courtly patronage stretches across all these years in addition to those of her marriage. Having now set the stage historically, I now turn to the more artistic examples. One theme that the previous section has illustrated about Marie's life as queen is the collaborative nature of so many of her actions. In the drawing up of marriage contracts to create peaceful resolutions, the benefaction of new and existing religious institutions, and the ceremony of gift giving and receiving, these joint efforts consistently recur. While she often worked with her male relatives and allies to achieve a desired goal, as often as not it was with the female members of the court that Marie cooperated. Once again I call up the image and text of Cl omad s to illustrate how these traits of Marie's personality and court, as outlined above, came to life in the pages of Arsenal 3142. As Joan Ferrante has pointed out, the story of Cl omad s is one where "beautiful, loyal, and loving sisters and companions, all supportive and protective of each other...work together and within a male world" to achieve peace and friendship through marriage rather than war.284 As explained above, the marriage and coronation episodes in this romance are elaborate in their visual and symbolic significance, much as Marie's had been and her daughter Marguerite's would be. Moreover, we have seen these very peacemaking ventures played out by the female members of Marie's circle, just as Adenet had his heroines do in fiction. As we have seen, Marie had many men on whom she depended and who depended on her, but the late Capetian era was defined by a 284 Joan M. Ferrante, To the Glory of her Sex: Women's Roles in the Composition of Medieval Texts (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1997), 132-33. 145 network of wealthy wives and widows who collaborated to create a setting, in and out of Paris, that would influence the path that court culture took for generations to come. As the opening illumination of Arsenal 3142 exemplifies, and as most of the objects and monuments in the following chapters display, Marie did not work or play alone; she commissioned and used her possessions with a larger audience present and future in mind. 146 Chapter Four Deluxe, Didactic, Secular, and Spiritual: Manuscript Patronage in the Court of Marie de Brabant "Qu[od] [etiam] accendens illustris regina Francie domina maria co[n]sidera[n]s etiam qu[od] sicut in auro resplend[em] virt[] et claritas lapidis p[re]ciosi. sic et in corpore nobili rutilant ai[nim]e sci[r]e e virtutes. michi quoddam sci[]ale satis et vale licet modicum p[ro] se fac[er]e imp[er]avit," (Kalendarium regine, Arsenal 534, fol. 98).285 Displayed prominently in many of her manuscripts, in both pictorial and textual program, Marie fully realized the value of having herself portrayed as a literate, learned, and active queen. Whether the historical romance or the scientific treatise, these manuscripts could act as educational tools that promoted her courtly ideology. Existing on a far smaller scale than architectural foundations, manuscripts were nonetheless potent purveyors of a courtly mindset that continued to transform and complicate itself for centuries to come. By analyzing the contents of Marie's library composed of some of the most important manuscripts made in the late-thirteenth and early-fourteenth centuries that until this study have not been considered as a cohesive group in the larger context of contemporary courtly commissions, I maintain that she was in many cases directly involved in the introduction and support of new authors, artists, styles, and subject matter.286 She encouraged this trait in others and her legacy as patron lasted well into the 285 This dedicatory passage is translated below at, 198. 286 As stated in Chapter One, single references to Marie's patronage exist in a few sources, but to date, scholars have not looked at the interaction of the works she 147 late medieval period. The same holds true of her architectural, glass, and sculptural commissions to be considered in Chapter Five as products of her larger artistic agenda. My analysis will begin with a description of in what ways Arsenal 3142 is representative of the contents of Marie's library. Two factors inherent to the function of this manuscript performance and style illustrate the collaborative nature of patronage at this time and will be a recurring topic throughout the chapter; I maintain they show Marie's receptvity to original material from a variety of sources and the close-knit nature of the court. A sub-theme of any library is its pedagogical function, and Marie's was no exception. Whether for her children, for herself, or for posterity, many of these royal commissions demand a reevaluation of Marie's court as "a circle of lords and ladies...leading a leisured and largely frivolous life,"287 for many of the texts she owned are complex and erudite. This chapter ends with a comparison between two manuscripts that illustrates the performative potential of images in Marie's court. Finally, Chapter Five will provide a more thorough analysis of the religious patronage of Marie, and how her manuscripts reflect many of the same traits found in her commissions in other media. We know that Marie arrived from Brabant with artisans, poets, musicians, and scholars in her retinue. Even with these familiar resources at hand, she was more than capable of recognizing the value of the ample and luxurious assets at her fingertips in commissioned. I have also expanded the list of manuscripts we can place within the realm of Marie's influence, whether they display her role as patron, owner, or model. 287 See above, 106, for the full quote from Fawtier, The Capetian Kings of France: Monarchy and Nation, 987-1328 (London: Macmillan; New York: St. Martin's Press, 1960), 205. 148 Paris and immediately sought out some of the most talented artists in the commercial book trade in Paris. Marie also brought with her a defined set of preferences in secular and religious subject matter, but was pragmatic enough to adapt her established tastes to her new status as French queen. I will demonstrate how, by merging the two through her artistic and literary patronage, Marie was able to encourage an environment open to new ideas and new styles. It was this atmosphere fostered by the queen that initiated the change in focus from the production of primarily religious manuscripts for the French court to an ever-increasing manufacture of vernacular books containing secular stories and didactic or moral texts.288 The popularity of the romances and pedagogical texts that the queen cultivated would in turn affect the commercial book trade. The type of material included in and manner in which manuscripts were produced by the "Cholet Group," the M liacin Master, or Master Honor and his followers, directly resulted from the tenor of the French court in a post-Louis IX era.289 The shared, and often performative, nature of these tales and lessons involved a number of participants, many of whom would commission their own collections, often from the same artist or workshop. This desire to emulate the head of the court's taste in books must certainly have existed prior to Marie's 288 This is not to say that secular manuscripts did not exist previous to this time, but, rather, that they were not widely utilized by the royal court before Marie's arrival. See above, 103-6 , especially n. 28, for a detailed discussion of this argument. 289 Richard and Mary Rouse's book, Manuscripts and their Makers: Commercial Book Producers in Medieval Paris 1200-1500, 2 vols. (London: Harvey Miller, 2000), 1: 99, suddenly shifts to a more lighthearted and dynamic tone at the opening of chapter four, which is in large part dedicated to the Parisian book trade while Marie was queen. 149 arrival in Paris, and yet I have not found such clear indications of this type of a trend in manuscript production until the late 1270s or early 1280s. In many instances, her lead was followed and, thus made more significant, by female and male members of court. The rapid replication of works connected to Marie points to an enthralled and creativelyunified mindset on the part of the members of Marie's court as much as a slavish aping of the latest fashion in literature. Marie favored a number of artists during the course of her life and while they may have consistently questioned the iconographic conventions of self-representation there is no single style that one can pin to her patronage. I will show that more often than not, however, Marie is associated with a revolutionary aesthetic that combined formality with an increased sense of naturalism in a variety of forms. Creating a Queen's Library: The Manuscripts of Marie de Brabant The painted portrait, the textual dedication, or other internal evidence within the manuscript, in combination with later archival documentation, allow my identification of a group of Marie's manuscripts, all of which will be treated in more detail below.290 In addition to Arsenal 3142, Marie may well have possessed other miscellanies of vernacular courtly French epic and didactic poetry. After a more thorough analysis of the contents of Arsenal 3142, I will suggest that BNF, fr. 1447, BNF, fr. 12569, and BNF, fr. 24429 all vernacular French compilations of verse and poetry contained appropriate material for her library. Catherine Parsoneault has convincingly argued that the French and Latin Montpellier Codex (Montpellier, Biblioth que de la Facult de M decine, ms. 290 Also see Appendix I for a series of chronological lists outlining texts and manuscripts owned, commissioned, or influenced by Marie. 150 H. 196) was updated to fit Marie's changing tastes in music during the course of her life.291 This musical section in her library surely included at least one of the trouv re chansonniers produced in Paris, such as the Chansonnier du Roi (BNF, fr. 844), that contains her father's poetry. Many of the compilations mentioned above contain pedagogical texts along with romance verse. Marie was greatly interested in learned works that stood on their own, such as Guillaume de Saint-Cloud's Kalendarium regine (BNF, lat. 15171), an astronomical treatise that he composed upon Marie's request. Similarly scientific is the Lapidario that included instructions on making stained-glass, a work that Lillich feels strongly Alfonso X of Castile sent as a gift to Marie early in her reign, but that no longer seems to be extant. She almost certainly had access to a copy of Gilles de Rome's De Regimine principum that was commissioned by her husband and presented to her step-son soon after her arrival at court and whose contents illustrate a respect for the female members of the ruler's family in a way no earlier Mirror of Princes had. Likewise she would have known the Grandes chroniques de France (Paris, Biblioth que SainteGenevi ve, ms. 782) that was ordered in 1274 and presented to the royal family sometime between 1275 and 1280. Significantly, both this history of the kings of France and La Somme le roi (London, British Library, Add. 28162) written by the confessor of Philippe III, Fr re Laurent, were illuminated by artists who had previously been employed in producing 291 "The Montpellier Codex: Royal Influence and Musical Taste in Late ThirteenthCentury Paris" (Austin, University of Texas, 2001). 151 Marie's Montpellier Codex and her Breviary of the Sainte-Chapelle (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, ms. 1042). In addition to her breviary, Marie owned a martyrology celebrating the holy days important to the abbey of Saint-Germain-des-Pr s (BNF, lat. 12834) and a gradual with musical notation, which Mahaut d'Artois purchased from Marie's estate upon the queen's death in 1321.292 Eleanor Simmons also makes a viable case for Marie's patronage of the Nuremberg Hours (Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek, ms. Solger 4.4 ), although it did not remain in her library.293 Pride of place in her book coffer would have gone to the Breviary of Saint Louis, which had been miraculously returned to the king while he was in prison on crusade and which was given to Marie by her husband.294 That manuscripts Marie commissioned figure as some of the loveliest and most complex objects produced in late-thirteenth-century France makes my compilation of them all the more significant. A more in-depth study of their contents will reveal how together they provide us with an image of Marie as a royal woman who was smart in the realms of secular and sacred, and above all a lover of things luxurious and learned. 292 Richard, Une petite-ni ce de saint Louis: Mahaut comtesse d'Artois et de Bourgogne (1302-1329) (Paris, H. Champion, 1887), 103-104. 293 Les heures de Nuremberg: R production int grale du calendrier et des images du manuscrit Solger 4.4 de la Stadtbibliothek de Nuremberg, Charles Scheel, trans. (Paris: Les ditions du Cerf, 1994), 42-43. 294 L opold Delisle, "Testament de Blanche de Navarre, reine de France," M moires de la Soci t de l'Histoire de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France 12 (1885), 1-64, here 29. 152 A Queen's Book: Performance and Personalization in the Program of Arsenal 3142 Marie was a literary patron par excellence who understood the effective power of the cooperation between image and word. The example of Arsenal 3142, commissioned by the queen around 1285, is an enormous collection of courtly romances and didactic verse and as a whole speaks of a new fascination with the vernacular miscellany.295 Its illumination and textual program refer to Marie's courtly background and northern allegiances while communicating her status as French queen and patron. Costume and composition in the imagery speak to us of the figures', and therefore Marie's, status. Likewise, we can view the texts chosen for inclusion in the manuscript as an expression of courtly ideology. We can also view it, however, as a compendium of textual and pictorial evidence for Marie's deep interest in her Carolingian ancestors and larger issues of genealogy and female agency, the subject of Chapter Five. Arsenal 3142 is an extraordinary manuscript on a number of levels. Its scale and deluxe nature single it out as exceptional: each of the 321 folios measures 33 by 25 centimeters and the parchment is of the highest quality. The complete collection of Adenet's prose works in Arsenal 3142 has long interested literary scholars. Albert Henry was able to publish a five-volume critical edition of Adenet's compositions using this manuscript.296 It is also a prime example of the increasingly fluid elegance used in painting the human form combined with a love of the decorative pattern as seen in the styles of the M liacin and Papeleu Masters. By using a diapered gold, red, and blue 295 See above, 86, n. 2, for a list of the contents of Arsenal 3142. Henry, Adenet, see n. 4 above. 153 296 ground animated with fleurs-de-lis in its opening miniature, a gold ground engraved into a similar dot-filled diamond pattern for the beginning of the Enfances Ogier (fol. 73), or a delicate floral pattern inscribed into the ground behind the author Marie de France (fol. 256), its artists were displaying some of the most recent stylistic innovations in manuscript design. Also announcing a change from the layout used during the reign of Louis IX is the use, in many cases, of independent miniatures, rather than historiated initials, as textual headers. Coloristically, while many other of Marie's manuscripts employ even more subtle modeling, the large swatches of bright orange, electric green, and pale grey and blue also set Arsenal 3142 at the cutting edge for its day.297 While so far I have concentrated only on the opening illumination, the manuscript is filled with hundreds of miniatures, many of which are innovative in their iconography or focus and which help to identify the interests and desires of its owner. It is to a more in-depth analysis of this image and textual program that I now turn. There is no question that Marie is the dominant figure in the opening miniature of Arsenal 3142. She has been painted on a larger scale than her companions and sits in the place of honor on her richly-draped couch. She is not, however, the only figure to receive special treatment; each character in turn has been portrayed with a meaningful individuality. Adenet kneels in his own space to the left, Jean II is centrally located leaning back with gloves in hand, and Blanche gestures with great energy. Thus, rather 297 While he does not use these miniatures as examples, these are a few of the formal trends that Fran ois Avril sees as distinguishing the last third of the thirteenth-century and the first third of the fourteenth, from the style of manuscript produced during the reign of Louis IX. L'art au temps des rois maudits, 256-60. 154 than downplaying the importance of her companions, each figure is acknowledged as contributing to the function of this scene made all the more effective through their flexible, naturalistic poses. Their distinctive and lavish dress further separates and unites them, just as would have been the case in their daily life at court.298 In all, we understand the queen places great importance on the quality and individuality of her surroundings. That she expects a similar message to emerge from the text of this manuscript quickly becomes clear as one begins to read. Reading the words below, a reader would instantly recognize the author and the "deus dames" who had related and commissioned this story. The scribe has arranged the two passages that address the royal women on folio 1 to fall directly below and to the side of their image (figs. 1 and 32).299 This confluence of image and text may explain 298 See above, 126, n. 64 , for Marie's expenditure on fabric and garments for herself and the members of her household. For the use of liveries in the thirteenth-century see Vale, Princely Court, 93-95. 299 "Je m'esmai forment de l'emprise/ conment l'aie bien a chief mise;/ (beginning of column b and directly below Marie and Blanche) mais ce me fait reconforter/ que me daignierent conmander/ que je ceste estoire entendisse/ et a rimer l'entrepre sse/ deus dames en cui maint la flour/ de sens, de biaut , de valour./ Leur nons ne vueil en apert dire, car leur pais aim et dout leur ire [Adenet continues to describe why he can not name them]...(and continuing at the top of column c) Dieus en ces dues dames assist/ tant de bont , quant il les fist,/ et de biaut k'a souaidier/ i porroit on petit aider,/ car il n'i faut par verit / (this line takes us level with the top of Marie's crown) chose qui afiere a biaut ./ Sage et courtoise et debonaire/ est chascune, car exemplaire/ puet on de tous biens prendre en eles,/ (now we are level with Blanche's head) tant par sont et bonnes et beles./ Des ore mais vueil conmencier/ ceste matere a aprochier,/ car j'en ai tel conmandement/ que n'i doi metre longuement./ Mout me tieng a bon boneur ,/ quant tes dames m'ont conmand / de faire chose qui leur plaise;/ liez en doi bien estre et a aise,/ et vous dirai raison pour quoi/ joie de cuer avoir en doi:/ pour ce que n'ai sens dont seusse/ venir a chief, se je n'eusse/ en leur dous conmant pris l'avis de l'uevre que je vous devis./ Dames de si tres grant hautece/ qu'eles sont firent gentillece,/ quant me daignierent 155 why the opening miniature extends across two columns instead of three and why compositionally Marie and Blanche are placed at the right edge of the frame. They sit facing Adenet, reciting the story they commissioned, encased within, and identified by the text that surrounds them. Thus, right from the opening lines and miniature of Arsenal 3142, the reader is immediately made aware of the complex and manifold nature of Cl omad s' patronage, audience, and agenda, while preserving Marie's ultimate dominance in the image and project. When one reaches the epilogue and second dedication of Cl omad s, Adenet names himself and his illustrious line of patrons.300 Again the layout of the page encourages the viewer to make connections and give priority to certain lines over others. On folio 71v the acrostics that cleverly reveal the names of Marie and Blanche begin at the bottom of the first column, so that the letter "R," that begins "Roiine Marie" heads the middle column (fig. 2). Such a central location makes her name difficult to miss. Exactly adjacent, at the beginning of the right column, Adenet identifies himself, "Ce livre de Cl omad s/ Rimai le je le rois adenes/ Menestreus au bon duc henri," thus acknowledging the familial link between present and past benefactors. A similar strategy is present in the last miniature accompanying Cl omad s (fig. 33). The line "Cest la fin de ce livre ici," (18687) falls above the image of a knight receiving a book from Adenet. The artist placed the image of the book directly below the conmander;/ et certes mout en doi amer/ Humilit par cui le firent:/ par li fu ce qu'eles me dirent/ k'a faire empreisse ce livre." (17-26 and 43-73). 300 For this text see above, 39-40. 156 word "livre" in the line above. The relationship between image and word is reinforced by the gaze of the two characters; Adenet looks at his precious book, but the knight raises his eyes to the words outside the frame above his head. The knight's shield and the text that lies directly below his pointing foot, reveal him to be Robert, "noble conte preu et sage/d'Artois," (18687-88) but his epaulets display Brabantine arms, making clear the familial relationship between Marie and Robert, just as Marie and her father were joined by textual proximity on the previous folio.301 Robert is also visibly included in Marie's circle with this image, shown as another richly-dressed connoisseur of courtly romance. Through these examples of image and word games we see the interdependence between the illumination and verse programs of Arsenal 3142 and how they were produced best to reflect Marie's courtly ideology. They also point to a sophisticated and literate audience capable of appreciating such manipulations. The key to understanding certain puzzling aspects, such as the unusual iconography, of the opening miniature may also partly lie in the text or may be found through more in-depth analysis of the social context surrounding this manuscript's production. Dated through stylistic and literary evidence, its manufacture falls into the last years of Marie's marriage, or the first ones of 301 Marie and Robert were first cousins; his mother, Mahaut de Brabant, and her father, Henri III, were sister and brother. Robert displayed his lineage and kinship bonds through heraldry in life as well. For instance, in 1292 along with saddles bearing the arms of Charles d'Anjou and the counts of Burgundy and Brittany, he commissioned three saddles that displayed the "new arms of ... the duke of Brabant" and another that was "made and worked with his arms ... of velvet, silk, and the fleurs-de-lis of orfeverie. And with the arms of ... the duke of Brabant embroidered on samite." Arras, Archives d partementales de Pas-de-Calais, A. 132, no. 3, cited in Vale, Princely Court, 277. 157 her widowhood. Can we decide, through the illumination and literary program, into which stage of Marie's life it falls? Allowing the possibility that we can read the frontispiece as a performance and taking into account the other miniatures and story of Cl omad s, as well as the historical moment in which this manuscript was constructed, another explanation for the arrangement of the figures on the opening folio reveals itself. The story of Cl omad s centers on this prince's adventures that ultimately turn into a quest for his kidnapped lover, Clarmondine. In three of the most important interactions between the two main characters, we find Clarmondine in bed: first, deeply asleep the night before a May Day celebration, awoken magically by Cl omad s' three kisses (2912-3398); second, feigning illness in order to avoid marrying an evil, older man, only to be rescued by the cleverlydisguised Cl omad s (12781-13212); and finally, in the luxurious nuptial chamber on her and Cl omad s' wedding night, where, among other activities, they have a long conversation about creating the ideal court (17677-17892). Could this leit motif of Clarmondine in bed have been yet another motivation behind painting Marie de Brabant and these members of her court in her chamber? In the other saga written by Adenet that parallels Marie's own difficulties with Pierre de la Broce, Berte aus grans pi s, seminal moments of the story also take place in bed. The most dramatic example, when Berte's treasonous look-alike attempts to hide her smaller feet by remaining in bed but is discovered, results in Berte's restoration as queen of France. Also, the final lines of the 158 story are the direct result of Berte and Pepin's actions in bed: the births of Gille, "sage et bien ensaignie," the mother of Roland, and Charlemagne, "a la chiere hardie." 302 This emphasis on a reclining female in the romances contained in Arsenal 3142 also helps explain the anatomical exaggeration given to Marie de Brabant's legs and feet, while the bodies of the other three figures are rendered in a more naturalistic manner. Thus, the oft-occurring themes of marriage and fidelity represented by the bed in the works of Adenet are given visual reference, if not outright illustration, in the first miniature of Arsenal 3142. That the illumination on folio 1v shows the marriage of Cl omad s' parents, Marcadigas and Ynabele who, as the daughter of the king of Spain, wears the robes bearing the arms of Castile and Leon similar to the left half of Blanche's garments shown on the previous page only tightens the textual and visual game being played out in the program of Marie's manuscript (fig. 34). The overlap of historical court and visual and literary construction answers another question raised by study of the frontispiece. While one understands why Marie, Blanche, and Adenet would all be included in the opening miniature, Jean de Brabant's presence is less than obvious.303 Why not Marie's or Blanche's own sons, rather than the queen's nephew? Certainly the Brabantine connection that was so important to this manuscript may help to explain Jean's place in his aunt's chamber. Looking to the text 302 Interestingly, one of the few other surviving painted images of the Berte saga was installed on the walls of the ch teau de Cruet in celebration of the marriage of Marie's niece, also called Marie de Brabant, to Am d e, count of Savoie in 1298. It, too, chooses to show Berthe in bed as the crucial scene of the story (fig. 65). See below, 250, n. 42, for further description and bibliography. 303 See above, 88, n. 3. 159 of Cl omad s, one finds even more clues to justify his place in this scene. For one, the tradition of sending a young noble man to study at the French court was one in which Cl omad s himself participated.304 It was in this setting that the hero acquired the traits of honor and courtoisie. What we may be witnessing here, then, is the arrival or celebration of Jean's similar training at the court of Marie de Brabant. Widow or Wife: The Question of Dating The presence of her nephew may help to narrow the date of this manuscript. Jean was born in 1274, married Margaret of York (1275-1333) in 1290, and succeeded his father as duke of Brabant in 1294. Thus, the absolute date ante quem for this miniature is 1294, the year in which his cadet heraldry would have become obsolete. We know his ties with Marie remained close throughout their lives. In 1304 they entered into negotiations together to draft a treaty between France and Flanders.305 If this portrait celebrates a time when Jean had been sent to his aunt's court to diversify his education it would have been after 1281 when he turned seven, a traditional age for the beginning of such a mentorship, and before he became duke in 1294.306 We can narrow the period 304 "...lors s'en ala/ ou roiaume de France droit,/ que on adont Gaule nonmoit./ Pour aprendre sens et honnour/ et ce qu'il afiert a valour/ fu lonc tans en celui pays;/ car en es anciens escris/ treuve on que lonc tans a est / France la flours et la purt / d'arms, d'onnour, de gentillece,/ de courtoisie et de noblece/ ce est la touche et l'examplaire/ de ce c'on doit laisser et faire." (238-50). 305 Butkens, Troph es de Brabant, 4: 357. 306 For the practice of sending a son away from home, see Nicholas Orme, From Childhood to Chivalry: the education of the English kings and aristocracy, 1066-1530 (London and New York: Methuen, 1984), chap. 2. 160 further knowing that in 1284 Jean established a household in London for that year and the next; he did so again in 1288-90 and 1292-94.307 Also of significance for the interpretation of this illumination may be the drafting of the engagement contract of Jean and Margaret in 1277 and the death of Jean's mother, Marguerite de Flandres, in 1285.308 With these facts in mind the most likely years for Jean's stay in Paris are from 1281-84, 1286-87, and 1291. He would also have been in the company of his parents on the duke and duchess's frequent journeys to the French court earlier in his life. In addition to a familiarity with his aunt's royal entourage, the young Jean would certainly have had a great deal of contact with the court of his mother's father and step-mother, Guy de Dampierre and Isabelle de Luxembourg, longtime patrons of Adenet. In any of these settings, or combination thereof, Jean would have from a very young age heard the poetry and music of Adenet, the same minstrel who would be given the place of honor among an enormous group of at least 426 musicians at Jean and Margaret's wedding at Westminster in 1290.309 We may, therefore, find in this portrait a celebration of the young prince's 307 Even though Jean and Marguerite were married in 1290, Marguerite did not take up residence in Brabant until 1297. Malcolm Vale, The Princely Court: Medieval Courts and Culture in North-West Europe (Oxford and New York, Oxford University Press, 2001), 105. She was twenty-two at the time, but this late age for the consummation of marriage was common for all four of the daughters of Edward I who married. Michael Prestwich, Edward I (Berkeley, CA and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988), 127-29. Her continued residence at the English court after the marriage ceremony also explains why Jean's household continues to be recorded in the English ordinance as late as 1294. Vale, Princely Court, Appendix I (a). 308 Alphonse Wauters, Le duc Jean I et le Brabant sous le r gne de ce prince (1267-1294) (Brussels: Librairie Polytechnique de Decq, 1862), 65-67, 429, and 459. 309 See Chapter Two for Adenet's history with these courts. 161 arrival at the Marie's court where "la flours et la purt d'arms, d'onnour, de gentillece, de courtoisie et de noblece ce est la touche et l'examplaire de ce c'on doit laisser et faire" (246-50). This issue of dating is also important for it helps to decide if this manuscript was produced while Marie was still queen of France, or if it dates to early in her widowhood. The tenor and meaning of much of the manuscript's program would take a very different note if produced in the years after the death of Philippe III when Marie was reevaluating her status at court. Traditionally scholars have dated Arsenal 3142 as being produced at the latest by 1285. They cite stylistic grounds as one indication of date, but the true basis for this pre-1285 location rests on Marie's head.310 Shown as queen of France, scholars made the perfectly reasonable assumption that Marie still reigned as queen when this object was manufactured. We know, nevertheless, that this privilege, along with the title of queen, continued even after her husband's death. Long after she was widowed, in document after document, Marie is referred to as "La Royne Marie" just as Adenet names her in the text of Cl omad s.311 310 See for example Rouse and Rouse, Manuscripts and their Makers, 1: 101 and n. 17. One exception is L'art au temps des rois maudits, 269, that dates the manuscript to between 1285 and 1290 based entirely on Avril's stylistic chronology of the M liacin Master. 311 See above, 128-30 for a few examples of documents. We may, however, need to approach the crown as functioning on more than a conventional level in this image, for Blanche, who was never queen and who does not wear a crown in the M liacin portrait, does wear one here. For one, Blanche's crown lends a royal air to the portrait. More importantly, though, wearing the crown links her to the character of Ynabele, the Spanish queen who wears the arms of Castile and Leon, portrayed on the next folio of Arsenal 3142. This detail, then, acts as another symbol of the performative nature of this portrait. 162 A figure who is strikingly absent from this portrait, however, is Marie's husband, the king of France. One explanation that he may not have been part of the coterie at whose head Marie chose to depict herself is plausible. He is not cited as a past, present, or future patron in any of Adenet's romances. Certainly he was an integral member of Marie's court as king and brave husband, but perhaps he had no place in this exact setting. I would also offer a second suggestion that, as is the case in the opening folio of the M liacin manuscript, discussed below, where his son is shown as king of France, Philippe had already died (fig. 24). Thus, even though Philippe III is not pictured in the opening miniature, other important family and friends surround Marie. Could one interpret the authority and legitimacy that is created through the design of the manuscript as one of necessity? We know that initially the change in status that occurred for Marie in widowhood must have seemed daunting. What better moment to promote oneself as integral to the political and social workings of the French court? At the same time, one could read an announcement of independence and self-sufficiency into this image; these two widows, working in unison with relatives and artists, were the active agents in this world. Arsenal 3142: Female Patron and Reader Other elements within Arsenal 3142 illustrate how this manuscript was tailored to its female audience. By placing Cl omad s first in this manuscript, the prologue and dedication act as such for the entire manuscript; they seem to speak to Marie not just 163 from Adenet, but also from all the authors who follow.312 From the start as a reader we know the woman who reclines on the bed in the opening folio is "the essence of sense, beauty, and fortune," "lovely and wise in word and deed," "lucky, proud, courteous, friendly (debonaire), and of great nobility." Adenet also makes clear over and over that the genesis of the story comes from his patron. He claims that, after "recounting this story" to him, she thoughtfully commanded him to write it down "in a style that would please her."313 Scholars have long been aware as were medieval patrons, I imagine that these epithets were regularly used in dedicatory passages. That makes them no less meaningful and rewarding or useful in judging the way that Marie wished herself to be perceived. In addition to the number of positive traits that Adenet attributes to Marie, the length of the passages describing the specifics of the commission along with the miniature heading the page make us aware of the truly important role Marie played in the creative process.314 312 See above, 82, n. 2, for the full list of authors and works included in Arsenal 3142. The passages from which I take these descriptions are transcribed above, 36, n. 3. 313 314 It is this relationship between reality and literary construction that Roberta Krueger addresses in her book, Women Readers and the Ideology of Gender in Old French Verse Romance(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). In it she warns against accepting positive literary portrayals of female patrons in dedicatory passages. By looking further into the romances she studied Kruger found the negative portrayals of characters within far outnumbered any superficial compliments paid to the author's monetary supporter. She points out that a careful reading of the text of Cl omad s in regards to women's privilege negates Adenet's complimentary references to Marie and Blanche in the two dedicatory sections. She uses the example of the "Marriage Epilogue" at the end of the romance as a sign of Adenet's conservative construction of women that by default must extend to his view of female patrons and readers. This assumes two aspects of the reading experience for Marie and Blanche: first that they looked only to the female characters of the romance for inspiration and, second, that 164 Queens continue to play an integral role in Adenet's works beyond the opening page and dedicatory passages. In the last chapter I described the attention Adenet paid to weddings and coronations, focusing on the female rather than the male participants in the female participation in marriage contracts and ceremony was regarded as a form of powerlessness by medieval women. In both cases we believe the truth to be otherwise. That female readers looked to male characters is seen in the well-documented court of Eleanor of Castile, first wife to Edward I of England, where we find her commissioning a romance based on the chronicle and chanson de geste tradition to celebrate her inheritance of the county of Pontieu in 1279. She took as her role model Isembert, a ninth-century count who rebelled against the king of France and represented a more prosperous era for her Picard lands. John Carmi Parsons, "Of Queens, Courts, and Books: Reflections on the Literary Patronage of Thirteenth-Century Plantagenet Queens," The Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women, June Hall McCash, ed. (Athens & London: The University of Georgia Press, 1996),175-201, here 181-83. We could also use as proof of female reader's interest in male characters their patronage of history in general. In most cases, histories such as the Grandes chroniques de France or the Pseudo-Turpin, both of whom were owned by women, focused on men's lives and deeds. The first known copy of the Grandes chroniques was added to the royal library soon after Marie became queen. Marie's cousin and friend, Mahaut d'Artois commissioned two copies, one abridged and the other filled with 40 illuminations, one opening each istoire; Richard, 100. To give a broader picture of female interest in history, I include the example of Yolande de Saint-Pol, who requested the first French translation of the Pseudo-Turpin in 1200. Spiegel, Romancing the Past, 70. As for the second point, we have already seen how Marie's coronation and the protracted negotiations for the marriage of Marie's daughter, Marguerite, were two of the many subtle routes that the French queens took to demonstrate their necessity to king and court. See also: Parsons, Eleanor of Castile: Queen and Society in Thirteenth-Century England. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995; Parsons, "Mothers, Daughters, Marriage, Power: Some Plantagenet Evidence," Medieval Queenship, John Carmi Parsons, ed. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993), 63-78; Parsons, "Of Queens, Courts, and Books"; and Miriam Shadis, "Berenguela of Castile's Political Motherhood: The Management of Sexuality, Marriage, and Succession," Medieval Mothering, John Carmi Parsons and Bonnie Wheeler, eds. (New York and London: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1996), 335-58. Krueger's thesis illustrates the dangers of reading texts out of their original contexts; the program of Arsenal 3142 as a whole and other evidence within the manuscript Marie's and life negates many of the points Krueger raises. Interestingly, Krueger does, however, cite the frontispieces of Paris, Arsenal 3142 and Paris, BNF fr. 1633, which I discuss at the end of this chapter, as "precious" instances of female patronage visualized. Women Readers and the Ideology of Gender in Old French Verse Romance, 2-3. 165 ceremonies.315 Illuminations that accompany Cl omad s and Berte in Arsenal 3142 reiterate the focus on women and ceremony. In the marriage of Cl omad s's parents, it is his mother who stands out from the crowd, wearing a crown and heraldic robes (fig. 34) . Likewise it is Pepin's mother, rather than Charles Martel, who takes center stage at the banquet where her son rescues them from the attacking lion (fig. 35). In the opening miniatures of Berte in both Arsenal 3142 and a contemporary manuscript, BNF, fr. 12467, one finds the young Pepin saving his parents as a lion springs toward them released by enemies from its cage in the garden of the royal palace (fig. 36). Following the lead of the first two miniatures of Arsenal 3142, the illuminator has reworked traditional iconography to fulfill the new courtly subject here turning a supper and battle into a feast and a joust to continue the epically-inspired romance program. Less simplified than the elegant image of fr. 12467, the arrangement of the spectators in Arsenal 3142 underlines the female audience and patronage of this manuscript. Even though she remains nameless, in Marie's version, the queen takes the center stage gesturing with the greatest energy, while in fr.12467 it is the king, Charles Martel, who stands closest to Pepin. As with the dedicatory miniature and the marriage scene, the queen could place herself actively into the story that was about to unfold. Within the story of Berte one can also discover parallels between the lives of the young Hungarian princess, Berte, and Marie that may point to a further personalization of Adenet's historical fiction. Adenet inserted certain details that can not be found in any other recounting of Pepin or Berte's lives. The most striking example is that Pepin, while 315 See above, 111-12. 166 still young, had taken a first wife, a daughter of the longtime enemy family (89-100). After her death Pepin's advisors suggested a royal princess known as "Berte la Debonaire." Pepin's decision to wed the beautiful and clever Berte would remind the reader of the widowed Philippe III chosen Marie as his second wife because she was "sage," "bele," and "debonaire." As the plot continues, so do the reflections of Marie's first years of marriage. Her journey to Paris completed, Berte found herself betrayed by the king's favored servant and accused of murder. She was taken away to be killed in the forest, but owing to the brave and sympathetic behavior of three of the king's sergeants, Berte was saved from a beheading and released into the forest and was eventually reunited with her husband. It may be coincidental that Marie's early years in Paris hold certain similarities to this story of intrigue, but Adenet may well have had contemporary events in mind when he chose the details to include in his version of the story of Berte, which was completed just a few years after Marie's rescue by the dukes of Burgundy and Brabant and the count of Artois and the subsequent trial and hanging of Pierre de la Broce. Other pictorial and textual elements speak to female involvement in the design of Arsenal 3142. As Hindman and Ward have shown, the inclusion of the entire corpus of Marie de France's Fables in Arsenal 3142, unusually framed by portraits of the female author writing and reading rather than her ancient predecessor, Aesop, would have spoken with particular strength to a female viewer (figs. 37 and 38).316 Especially when 316 Ward believes that these portraits were a sign of how this version of Marie de France's Fables were personalized for a female audience; most copies of the Fables begin with a portrait of Aesop, on whose writings Marie had based about half of her own stories, 167 studying the closing portrait, where Marie de France both reads and presents her book to her audience, seated in a high-backed chair in front of a desk and with a whole coffer of books close at hand, could the noblewomen readers have felt an affinity with this authoress.317 The female patronage of Arsenal 3142 and many of these many historical and fictional double entendres of the manuscript are clarified in the opening miniature. Rather than seeing this portrait as unrelated to the subsequent text, as Richard and Mary Rouse, say, have described it, we can study how the image and textual programs intersect with contemporary events and personalities.318 For one, Adenet does write of more than the fabulous past; he refers to present day (or recently deceased) patrons in the opening and closing dedicatory texts in most of his writings, and alludes to the image that greets the reader at the beginning of the manuscript. And in the content of his stories and that of the other writings included in Arsenal 3142, he also alludes to his patrons, through subtle rather than with one of Marie. "Fables for the Court: Illustrations of Marie de France's Fables in Paris, BN, ms Arsenal 3142," Women and the Book: Assessing the Visual Evidence, Jane H. M. Taylor and Lesley Smith, eds. (Toronto and London: The University of Toronto Press and the British Library, 1997), 190-203, here 196. Hindman observes that "the author portraits in Marie de France's Fables are virtually unprecedented in vernacular verse." " sop's Cock and Marie's Hen: Gendered Authorship in Text and Image in Manuscripts of Marie de Frances' Fables," Women and the Book, 45-56, here 52. 317 A household inventory of Marie's cousin and friend, Mahaut d'Artois, lists just such a piece of furniture for reading and leather boxes for storing the books on journeys. Richard, Petite-ni ce, 106. 318 Rouse and Rouse, Manuscripts and Their Makers, 1: 114. 168 or glaring parallels between their lives and those of the fictional characters and through geographically and historically relevant topics. Along with the textual allusions in Cl omad s to the reign of Philippe le Hardi and the affair of Pierre de la Broce, the emphasis on in the text and the marriage of a princess wearing half of the arms of Blanche de France in the second illumination, the parallel between Cl omad s and Jean de Brabant's training in French courtoisie, and the adventurous, faithful troubadour, Pin onnet, who recurs throughout the plot of the text just as Adenet is rendered three times in this first segment of Arsenal 3142, all illustrate where story and history overlap. This merging of the two worlds is indicative of the atmosphere that Marie fostered at court; for her, invention, performance, and reality were often one and the same. Thus, while this portrait is new in format and placement, it is still intricately tied into the larger program of the manuscript it heads. Pleasure to Pedagogy: Arsenal 3142 as Miscellany One of the problems with attempting to categorize a late medieval library is the multivalent nature of so many of its manuscripts. Precisely at the time Marie began her collection of books there emerged on the Parisian scene a new type of compilation known as a miscellany of vernacular texts. 319 The perfect medium for combining seemingly random texts into what scholars believe was originally a thematically-linked 319 Sylvia Huot, in From Song to Book: The Poetics of Writing in Old French Lyric and Lyrical Narrative Poetry (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1987), 4-7, finds that vernacular anthologies like Arsenal 3142 do not appear until the late thirteenth century, as discussed for example, but the theme is an undercurrent that runs throughout her book. 169 whole, the miscellany became the ideal device for entertainment and pedagogy. Additionally, the combination of texts could highlight certain qualities of a text that otherwise would be less apparent. Often placing romances adjacent to moralizing religious poems, these manuscripts became mini-libraries unto themselves. Many of the books we can place in Marie's library fall into this category. Others that do not possess the organization of a miscellany are just as indicative of Marie's thirst for new approaches to viewing, reading, learning, and recording a large and varied selection of knowledge. The contents and date of Arsenal 3142 reveal this manuscript to be one of the earliest examples of the new genre of vernacular miscellany. Beyond the fictional and performative elements we have already discussed, we can view the works contained in Arsenal 3142 as more traditionally didactic and historically focused. Even Adenet's poems can be viewed as a series of vernacular quasichronicles, called romans d'antiquit s, especially combined as they are with the other writings in this manuscript. They were the perfect medium for Marie's love of poetry and song joined with history and politics. Adenet, when not gathering inspiration from Marie and Blanche and similar oral sources, claims to have utilized the "tres biaus livres" of the library at Saint-Denis to collect many of his facts.320 By announcing this renowned 320 For the story of Berte, Adenet "A Paris le cit estoie un venredi;/ Pour ce qu'il ert devenres, en mon cuer m'assenti/ K'a Saint Denis iroie por priier Dieu merci./ A un moine courtois, c'on nonmoit Savarit,/ M'acointai telement, Damedieu en graci,/ Que le livre as estoires me moustra et g'i vi/ L'estoire de Bertrain et de Pepin aussi," (5-11). For Ogier, "Ala Adans plus ne volt demourer/ A Saint Denis en France demander/ Comment porra de ceste estoire ouvrer/ Par quoi le puist seur verite fonder...Uns courtois moins , cui Dieus puisse honnorer,/ Dant Nicolas de Rains l'o nommer,/ Li fist l'estoire de chief en chief moustrer," (39-42 and 46-48). His work on Beuvon was also facilitated by the monastery's library and the monk Nicholas: "A Saint Denis en France la droite voie alai./ 170 source Adenet shows how these vraies estoires involved intellectual creativity that was anchored to the legitimate past by the sources Adenet studied, a device traditionally utilized by clerical authors and called translatio studii et imperii.321 At the same time, by their very nature as romances, the writings of Adenet create a fictional domain where Marie and the members of her court could play and take in moral lessons, all the while knowing that the characters with whom they interacted and the places they visited lay in the realm of a past reality, very much tied to their present world. Also, as we have discussed, one of the underlying themes of Adenet's stories is his main character's youth and the education they receive from the people and circumstances that they encounter.322 Adenet's works are not the only writings included in Arsenal 3142 that hold the same type of lesson and the same appropriative translatio studii et imperii. In addition to its edifying, historical entries, Arsenal 3142 contains a series of didactic texts, such as A un moine courtois sagement m'acointai,/ Dans Nicholas ot non, car je li demandai;/ D'estoires anc ennes enquis et encerchai/ De la geste Aymeri quis tant et reverchai/ Que je la vraie estoire avoec moi enportai,/ Hors d'un moult tres biau livre la matere en puisai;/ Mainte autre grant estoire avoec i esgardi,/ Mais pour la plus certaine a cesti m'apoiai." (12-20). The reiterated citation of such a reliable source was certainly intended to validate the historical content of Adenet's histoires, but it equally informs the modern historian of the reputation that Saint-Denis must have had as a repository of documents and chronicles pertaining to antiquity and the Frankish past. 321 Douglas Kelly, "Translatio Studii: Translation, Adaptation, and Allegory in Medieval French Literature," Philological Quarterly 57 (1978), 287-310. 322 Les Enfances Ogier and Beuvon de Conmarchis both focus on the education of young vassals to become "preudomes." The opening miniature of Ogier shows the young nobleman being offered to serve his lord, Charlemagne, while Beuvon depicts the knighting (adouber) of the sons of Beuves, the nephews of Guillaume d'Orange, Gerart and Guielin (figs. 39 and 40). The ceremony took place on Pentecost and the two were accompanied by one hundred young men. 171 Alard de Cambrai's Dit des sages. Also known as the Moralit s des philosophes, it is a compilation of wisdom drawn from Biblical and classical auctores, such as Solomon, Seneca, Cicero, Boethius, Diogenes, Socrates, Aristotle, Cato, Plato, and Saint Paul, adapted into and presented as advice to the chivalric audience for which the poem was intended. One of the speakers, disguised as a thirteenth-century cleric, is Aristotle, the inspiration for much of the didactic literature circulating at Marie's court (fig. 41). The inclusion and invocation of ancient authors through works such as Seneca's Proverbs or Aesop's Fables as retold by Marie de France again makes clear the pedagogical role that Arsenal 3142 fulfilled and the level of scholarship expected of its audience. The lines of Marie's prologue encourage her reader pay heed "to models and to axioms,/ that which the philosophers did find/... The ancient fathers did just this./ The emperor named Romulus,/ Wrote to his son, enunciating,/ And through examples demonstrating./"323 Translated from Greek to Latin by Aesop for Romulus, the tradition of imparting wisdom for rulers and their children is now carried on in French in Arsenal 3142. The Miserere and Dit de la charit by the Reclus de Moliens are two moralizing and satirical texts that 323 Marie de France in her dedication casts these fables in a historically legitimized didactic light: "Those persons, all, who are well-read,/ Should study and pay careful heed/ To fine accounts in worthy times,/ To models and to axioms:/ That which philosophers did find/ And wrote about and kept in mind./ The sayings which they heard they wrote,/ So that the morals we would note;/ Thus those who wish to mend their ways/ Can think about what wisdom says./ The ancient fathers did just this./ The emperor named Romulus,/ Wrote to his son, enunciating,/ And through examples demonstrating,/ How it behooved him to take care/ That no one trick him unaware./ Thus Aesop to his master wrote;/ He knew his manner and his thought;/ From Greek to Latin were transposed/ Those fables found and those composed," (1-20). This translation is taken from Marie de France, Fables, Harriet Spiegel, ed. and trans. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), 29. 172 had traditionally been used by lay and religious clerics who knew Latin.324 Jean Bodel's Cong and Chanson de Saisnes (Song of the Saxons) are also a mix of history and fiction with a moral lesson.325 Jean Bodel complements his readers' intellectual prowess in the prologue of the Chanson des Saisnes. In effect, its inclusion in Arsenal 3142 furthers Marie's image as a patron and consumer of authentic history, li livre d'estoire, at least as defined by Bodel who claimed to despise the false stories told by les vilains jougleres (4).326 The illumination program also reflects the didactic status of Arsenal 3142, where the lessons contained within the texts are often depicted. Thus, for the Dis de la charit by the Reclus de Moliens, the dispersal of bread to a crowd encourages the same activity 324 That both Aesop's Fables and the writings of the Reclus de Moliens proved to be popular reading material for royal women is witnessed in the inventory taken at the death of Cl mence d'Hongroie. "Un roman de sept sages et d'Ysopet," and "un roman de Reclus de Moliens," were both purchased by Marie's granddaughter, queen Jeanne d'Evreux. This inventory is reproduced in Paulin Paris, "Livres de la reine Cl mence, femme de Louis le Hutin, morte en 1328," Bulletin du bibliophile, 2nd ser., 18 (1837), 561-63, as well as Louis Dou t-D'Arcq, "Inventaire et vente apr s d c s des biens de la reine Cl mence de Hongrie, veuve de Louis le Hutin, 1328," Nouveau recueil des comptes de l'argenterie des rois de France (Paris: Renouard, H. Loones, successeur, 1874), 37-112, here 61-64. 325 In the first, Bodel satirically "bids farewell" to the people of Arras, while the latter is a roman d'antiquit concerning Charlemagne's crusade to convert the Saxon king, Guiteclin. 326 Jehan Bodel, La Chanson des Saisnes, Annette Brasseur, ed., 2 vols. (Geneva: Droz, 1989) and Annette Brasseur, tude linguistique et litt raire de la Chanson des Saisnes de Jehan Bodel (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1990), esp. 316-21. 173 that royal women were expected to perform.327 Many of the anonymous dits also address female morality: Les iiii sereurs, Les mariages des filles au dyable, and Le dis damours all use images of women to make their point. Figures in prayer also help to elicit actions on the part of the manuscript's audience. Other choices teach ethics and courtoisie to woman and man alike, using visual models familiar to the court: both Le dis de gentillece and Le dis dou bachelor show scenes of falconry; Le dis dou li mantiaus donnour and Le dis dou gardecors highlight vibrantly colored and furred garments; and Cond 's Le dis des trois mors et des trois vis is vividly depicted with three finely-dressed gentlemen, one of whom holds a falcon. Each of the one hundred three Fables d'Ysopet by Marie de France is accompanied by a miniature, helping to animate and clarify the fables, while refined images of the Virgin and Child, God Creating the World, and the Man of Sorrows bring these key religious figures in other stories brightly to life. With an image of the larger pedagogical program of this manuscript, we find another aspect of Marie's courtly patronage emerging, one that further complicates our picture of this "frivolous" queen. Most of these selections were not, however, written with Marie in mind as the original, specific reader. The writings of Marie de France, Alard de Cambrai, the Reclus de Moliens, Jean Bodel d'Arras, and Baudouin de Cond pre-date Arsenal 3142 by as much as a century. Nevertheless, they fit well into this later compilation and through the unifying device of their didactic nature and the image program where each is introduced by an author portrait in an historiated initial they 327 See Joan A. Holladay, "The Education of Jeanne d'Evreux: Personal Piety and Dynastic Salvation in Her Book of Hours at the Cloisters," Art History 17/4 (December, 1994), 585-610. 174 become just as immediate and accessible as the contemporary writings of Adenet. The added fact that all of these authors either worked for her closest relatives in the northern European lands of Marie's youth or came from these places themselves makes their inclusion even more striking and logical.328 The illumination on folio 1 of Arsenal 3142 shows Marie as muse and inventor, both acquiring and distributing knowledge, and if we read the image as refering to the entire contents of the manuscript or even of her library then the wealth of material available to the queen and her court was extensive and varied. Fleshing out the list of manuscripts that made up Marie's book collection, demonstrates how the queen introduced sources, for her own benefit and the edification of those who were in her circle, drawing on the secular and the sacred, the fictional and the scientific, the Latin and the vernacular, the poetic and the political, and the historical and the contemporary. Copying at Court: The Value of Multiplication As the previous discussion of content has suggested, collaborative patronage through the utilization of the same texts and/or authors and artists increased to a remarkable extent during Marie's life. For instance, Marie may have possessed additional copies of Adenet's writings; we know this duplicate ownership to be the case for many other members of her court. One interesting example, BNF, fr. 1447, contains 328 Marie de France (active late 12th century) and Baudouin de Cond (active 1245-1290) wrote for the count and countess of Flanders, the Reclus de Moliens (active early 13th century) was originally from Molhem in Brabant, and Jean Bodel lived and worked in the Artesian capital of Arras in the late-twelfth century. See above in Chapter Two, for a summary of the literary patronage of Marie's Brabantine, Flemish, and Artesian relatives. 175 just the three romances Floire et Blanchefleur (fols. 1-20v), Adenet's Berte aus grans pi s (fols. 21-66v), and Claris et Laris (fols. 67-256v). Using only one wide column of text throughout, each story opens with a single, delicately-rendered miniature that takes up the top third of the folio (fig. 42). The first shows a scene of two lovers reunited and the second and third are of scenes of banqueting, all centering on royal female characters. The bas-de-pages on these title pages are also unified through the theme of hunting: Floire et Blanchefleur shows a man on horseback with falcons and cranes; the hunters with Berte chase boars from horseback with the help of hounds; and a white stag is pursued by archers and hounds at the beginning of Claris et Laris. Each opening illumination places emphasis on its female character, a focus that I maintain argues for a female viewer or patron. See for example the image from Berte where, in a similar manner to Arsenal 3142 (fig. 35), the wife of Charles Martel, rather than the king, takes center stage at the banquet turned joust. This composition is not retained in Paris, BNF, fr. 12467, another contemporary manuscript containing many of the same works as Arsenal 3142, where the placement of king and queen are reversed so that he stands next to the brave Pepin and becomes the focus of the miniature (fig. 36). Compiled around 1280, BNF, fr. 1447 was also illuminated by the M liacin Master. Previous scholars have pointed out that all three texts share themes of the importance of marital alliances and their progeny and thwarted marriage triumphant, as well as its historical continuum that joins pre-Carolingian, to Carolingian, to Arthurian 176 times, all set in France and the Northern and German kingdoms.329 Floire and Blanchefleur, the parents of Berte, must undertake a quest similar to those of Berte and Pepin in order to find one another. Part of the journey of Berte's parents involves a cup decorated with the story of the Trojan War, valued because it once belonged to Aeneas. The implication is that their travails and fidelity will eventually result in the birth of their grandson, Charlemagne, who resurrects ancient Rome in the Holy Roman Empire. Berte utilizes the same themes, managing by its end to fulfill the prophecy made in Floire et Blanchefleur. Claris et Laris takes as its focus two pairs of lovers finally united at the conclusion of an Arthurian saga that has striking similarities to the res gestae of Charlemagne. And Arthur, too, claims blood that extends back to the Trojans, once again tying in the theme of ancient bloodlines that validate later rulers. I would suggest that these themes are ones that would have held special appeal to Marie when, in the late 1270s and early 1280s immediately after the scandal involving her and Pierre de la Broce, the feelings of love (and power) lost and regained would still have been potently fresh in her memory. So too would the genealogical connection between these Carolingian figures have resonated with her Brabantine lineage. Marie's love of Arthurian themed events such as the Tournament de Hem adds another layer of logic to the inclusion of Claris et Laris in this collection. So, too, the bas-de-pages of hunting, both symbolic, in Marie's quest for acquittal, and real, in the love of Philippe III 329 Huot , From Song to Book, 19-20; Rouse and Rouse, Manuscripts and their Makers, 1: 111; and Busby, Codex and Context: Reading Old French Verse Narrative in Manuscript, 2 vols. (Amsterdam and New York: Rodopi, 2002), 1: 430-31. Busby, 431, even goes as far as to say, "and since women...are the means of conjoining lineages and empires, it may not be too fanciful to posit a female patron." 177 for the sport especially that of boar, reserved only for the king's hunt ties this manuscript to Marie.330 That she had connections with the one living author contained in this compilation and would continue to patronize the artist who illuminated the manuscript makes this possibility even stronger.331 Smaller in scale than Arsenal 3142, fr. 1447 exhibits a disregard for conserving parchment, a high quality of images and script, and a highly unified design and program; all these features make this a tiny gem that accompanies the elaborate crown of Arsenal 3142 in Marie's library. These were not the only manuscripts produced in Paris in the latter part of the thirteenth century to contain the writings of Adenet. Almost instantly upon their introduction a whole group of copies were manufactured for members of the court, some of which survive and for some of whose existence we only have documentary evidence. Not only were Adenet's stories popular, but the same few artists illuminated all the extant codices.332 As evidence for the adoption of a literary and visual aesthetic by many members of Marie's court and influence by the queen, we can almost find no better example. Paris, BNF, fr. 24404 contains just Cl omad s and Berte aus grans pi s by Adenet. Produced on a slightly smaller scale than Arsenal 3142 (27 by 20 cm), the 330 Langlois, Le r gne de Philippe III le Hardi (1887; repr., Geneva: M gariotis Reprints, 1979), 7, n. 2. Parsoneault, 205, uses a similar argument to personalize the program of the Montpellier Codex. It is also interesting that the hunter who was under orders by the evil queen to kill Berte, brought back the heart of a sanglier, or wild boar, in her place. 331 Claris et Laris only predates the production of this manuscript by a decade or so and Marie may well have had contact with its author too, but the name of this writer remains a mystery to modern scholars. That fr. 1447 is the only extant copy of this Arthurian tale makes its patron's connection to the source of this text even more probable. 332 See Rouse and Rouse, Manuscripts and their Makers, 1: 109-14, for the common production methods for all of Adenet's manuscripts that date to this era. 178 manuscript was also illuminated by the M liacin Master. The Cl omad s is missing its first folio and opening image, so the marriage scene, personalized with the arms of Castile and Leon, now heads the manuscript. The acrostics and closing dedication are also included, though not quite as successfully integrated into the mise-en-page because of the smaller folio size, and the final page (fol. 168) contains the envoy to Robert d'Artois and a very similar illumination to the one in Arsenal 3142. The opening miniature of Berte depicts Adenet pointing to the contents of an open book while standing in front of a hooded and black-robed figure one presumes to be the monk, Savarin, who supplied him with the material for the roman d'antiquit . Another manuscript that testifies to the influence Marie had upon courtly patronage, Paris, BNF, fr. 1471, contains just Adenet's Enfances Ogier. Its opening illumination is very similar to the same scene in Arsenal 3142 where Charlemagne, wearing heraldically-inscribed robes and holding a scepter, sits enthroned in the left half of a tent, surrounded by a group of men (figs. 39 and 44-45). Across the tent pole, looking back toward Charlemagne, Ogier and his father kneel in front of another group of men and seem to implore Charlemagne's forgiveness. Both this manuscript and fr. 24404 could have belonged to any of the men or women of Marie's court. Delisle suggests that fr. 1471 was Adenet's presentation copy to Marie, to whom the text was dedicated. Just as likely is the possibility that it is the copy stolen from the palace of Mahaut d'Artois at Hesdin by her nephew, Robert d'Artois in 1316.333 Either manuscript could also have been commissioned by or given as a gift to Marie's cousin, Robert d'Artois, and we 333 Richard, Petite-ni ce, 102. 179 know that Cl mence d'Hongroie owned an Enfances Ogier that was purchased by Jeanne d'Evreux upon the queen's death in 1328.334 The second illuminator of Arsenal 3142, the Fable Master or the young Papeleu Master, was responsible for illustrating the miscellany, BNF, fr. 12467. I discussed this manuscript above, comparing the opening miniature of Berte (fols. 78v-98) to the one in Arsenal 3142 (figs. 35 and 36).335 Rather than being placed together, the Enfances Ogier (fols. 1-47v) that heads the compilation and Berte frame a series of didactic texts. Likewise a candidate for ownership by Robert or Mahaut d'Artois because of its subject matter and provenance, this collection of vernacular secular and religious verse eventually entered into the library of the duke and duchess of Burgundy. Philippe le Hardi and Margaret of Flanders also owned a copy of Cl omad s that may originally have been a part of fr. 12467.336 This example illustrates how these objects, as well as the material contained within them, continued to be important to a courtly library. We also find listings of Adenet's Enfances Ogier "carved with the arms of the queen" probably Jeanne de Bourbon as well as Berte aus grans pi s, paired with Girart d'Amiens' 334 Dou t-D'Arcq, "Inventaire et vente apr s d c s des biens de la reine Cl mence de Hongrie, 61-64. 335 See above, 167 and 177, for the differences in these two images. 336 Muriel J. Hughes, "The Library of Philip the Bold and Margaret of Flanders, First Valois Duke and Duchess of Burgundy," Journal of Medieval History 4 (1978), 145-88, here 183. 180 Charlemagne, in the inventories of Charles V and Charles VI.337 As further evidence for the ongoing appeal of these stories to a royal, female audience, we know that in 1390 Isabeau de Bavi re checked the Berte and Charlemagne manuscript out of the royal library.338 It is no wonder that through these romans d'antiquit s, Marie found herself at the center of a group of patrons familiar with the same stories and capable of group performance such as we see in the portraits heading Arsenal 3142 or BNF, fr. 1633, described at the end of this chapter. That each patron chose to use one of the two artists who illuminated Arsenal 3142 makes even more of a case for her ability to promote an aesthetic that appealed to the court as a whole. Historical Romance and Vernacular History in the Queen's Library Jean Bodel's desire to write authentic history, as he states in the prologue of the Chanson des Saisnes, may also have been what motivated the designer of Paris, BNF, fr. 12569, an Old French crusade cycle that contains Le chevalier au cygne, La chanson d'Antioche, La chanson de J rusalem, La chr tient Corbaran, La prise d'Acre, La mort Godefroi, and La chanson du roi Baudouin, all of which focus on Godefroi de Bouillon (d. 1100), son of Eustache II de Boulogne (d. 1070/82) and Ide de Lorraine (d. 1113). 337 L opold Delisle, Recherches sur la librairie de Charles V, 2 vols. (Paris: H. Champion, 1907), 2: nos. 1147 and 1160; Inventaire de la Biblioth que du roi Charles VI fait au Louvre en 1423 par ordre du r gent duc de Bedford (Paris: Soci t des bibliophiles, 1867), no. 218, for the Enfances Ogier. 338 L opold Delisle, Le cabinet des manuscrits de la Biblioth que imp riale, 3 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie imp riale, 1868), 3: 167, and Delisle, Recherches sur la librairie de Charles V, 2: no. 1160. 181 Godefroi was a leader of the First Crusade and was given the title, "defender of the Holy Sepulchre" for his success in capturing "la vile ou Jesus li dous Dix/ Rechut mort et torment." This manuscript was produced in Artois around 1275 and because of the genealogical ties that members of houses such as those of Brabant and Artois possessed with this historic figure, scholars have suggested that Marie is the most likely patron of this manuscript.339 A textual detail unique to this manuscript highlights the importance Godefroi and the manuscript's patron placed on his home.340 The text explains that because of his brave deeds, Godefroi was able to send relics to his mother, Ide, who placed them in churches at Boulogne and Lens. Many pilgrims traveled from distant lands, as the text explains, to see these blessed sites.341 This personalization of fr. 12569 through the display of relics at Lens just as had occurred in the marriage ceremony of Marie's aunt B atrix de Brabant and the stress placed on female agency in the promotion of piety adds weight to the theory of Marie's ownership of this manuscript.342 339 La Prise d'Acre, La Mort Godefroi, and La Chanson des rois Baudouin, vol. 7, pt. 2 of The Old French Crusade Cycle: The Jerusalem Continuations, Peter Grillo, ed. (Tuscaloosa and London: The University of Alabama Press, 1987), xxxi-xxxv, here xxxiii, and Busby, Reading Old French Verse, 1: 257-62. 340 Busby transcribes both the laisse and explicit. Reading Old French Verse, 1: 258. 341 "Or est as .II. eglises li lius plus grass us,/ Car mout de pelerin de loins pa s lontix/ Requerent les relikes par frois tans malaisix," (2103-2105). 342 See above, 43, for B atrix's marriage and how the secular and sacred festivities mixed in a dedication of relics from the Holy Land for which a new chasse had been sculpted. Below, in Chapter Five, I will address this theme again in my discussion of Marie's patronage of the Ch sse de Nivelles. 182 In an unusual format, illuminations fall only on folios 1, 210, and 234v, where the last two are full-page, multi-scened images. The first miniature shows king Oriant and queen B atrix looking down from a tower to a woman holding swaddled twins, one of whom is Godefroi's grandfather, the chevalier au cygne. It is the queen whose presence is not often acknowledged in the text of this romance in other manuscripts, and never in an image whose gaze and pointing gesture directs the viewer from the top left to the bottom right where the children lie. The second illumination is split into five frames that show scenes of battle that result in the conversion of the pagan king, Corboran. The final folio of images is divided into eight sections showing the attack and conquest of Acre, rendered as a domed building, Godefroi and his queen Matrone, sister of Corboran, bidding farewell to the crusaders, and the crusaders traveling to Rome where they are blessed by the pope on their way home. As much as is possible in a story that focuses on its male protagonist, we see evidence of how women impact the plot. The relatively unbroken text of this manuscript, interrupted by miniatures on only three folios, "lends to the whole text an appearance of weightiness and seriousness approaching that of the chronicle."343 And the organization of the illuminations into powerful full-page spreads gives even the images a compact solidity that emphasizes their narrative function. This work provided Marie with a method of highlighting her illustrious ancestry early in her time at court and a valuable lesson for her children about their family's past and their own potential in the future. 343 Busby, Reading Old French Verse, 1: 259. 183 At the same moment that fr. 12569 was being produced, members of the Cholet Group atelier were creating the first copy of the Grandes chroniques de France (Paris, Biblioth que Ste.-Genevi ve, ms. 782) for the king and his family. 344 Primat finished writing his history, begun at the request of Saint Louis, in 1274, and it was at this time that Philippe III, or Matthieu de Vend me, abbot of Saint-Denis, ordered this copy. Hedeman has thoroughly analyzed the text and image cycles, which she describes as a Mirror of Princes as much as a history of the kings of France.345 While I realize that this was not a copy made for Marie, we can nevertheless assume it made an exciting new addition to the royal library, and with its pedagogical content, was used in the education of the children at court. Balanced with chronicles of her northern ancestors, such as the Old French Crusade Cycle (fr. 12569) and the Genealogium ducum Brabantiae, to which the Grandes chroniques was responding, this deluxe vernacular history would have 344 The Cholet Group was originally designated by Robert Branner in Manuscript Painting in the Age of Saint Louis (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1977), 128-32. Avril in L'art au temps des rois maudits, 262, adopts the same name while acknowledging the inaccuracies of such a grouping. 345 Anne D. Hedeman, The Royal Image: Illustrations of the Grandes Chroniques de France 1274-1422 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1991), 11-29. A vernacular history of the dukes of Brabant was composed for the bride of Jean II, Margaret of York, to educate and impress her in the deeds of her new family. Jan van Heelu, Rymkronyk van Jan van Heelu betreffende den slag van Woeringen, van het jaer 1288, Jan Frans Willems, ed. (Brussels: M. Hayez, 1836). While the Grandes chroniques were not written with Marie in mind specifically, one can imagine its arrival at the court served a similar function. 184 inspired the royal children with its elaborate accounts of their long and celebrated family line.346 Pleasure and Piety in Song and Image Knowing Marie's musical and poetic upbringing and the importance that song and performance played in the life of her court, one is not surprised to find chansonniers in her manuscript collection, especially one containing the songs of her father. That a number of other similar manuscripts were produced in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, quite probably for members of her court, is a predictable consequence. Lyric compilations, while comparable to the narrative and didactic anthologies discussed above, often contained musical notation in addition to the text of the songs. In many cases illuminated and rubricated to introduce the individual trouv res, they usually begin with the aristocratic and end with the unknown songwriters.347 In addition to sequence, author portraits distinguish between noble and nonnoble trouv res by their stance and dress. For instance, on fol. 6 of Paris, BNF, fr. 844, Henri III rides a horse that is covered from head to tail in a cotte emblazoned with the golden lions rampant of Brabant, and holds a shield similarly decorated in one hand and a sword raised in the other (fig. 3). The red rubric identifies him as "li duc de brabant" and a bird sits atop the elaborately flourished "A" that opens this first poem. I 346 For the motivations behind this elaborate royal chronicle see Gabrielle Spiegel, Romancing the Past, 13-14, 269, 312-13, 315-19. 347 See Huot, From Song to Book, chap. 2, for a survey of trouv re chansonniers. 185 pointed out above that this image is identical to that on his seal (fig. 4). While this is by no means the only chansonnier in which her father's songs are included, the heraldic personalization of her father, so similar to that which occurs on the costumes of Marie and her companions in Arsenal 3142, makes a case for Marie's ownership. Often referred to as the Chansonnier du roi, it may actually have originally been the Chansonnier de la reine. Chivalry and love accompanied by music are the subjects of the songs contained in fr. 844, a theme appropriate to the court cultivated by Marie in her years as queen. The lyric compilations that are linked most closely in terms of content to fr. 844 are Arras, Biblioth que municipale, ms. 657, and Rome, Vatican Library, Reg. 1490, both made in Artois, the first dated to 1278 by a colophon and the second produced in the early fourteenth century. Two others (London, British Museum, Egerton 274, and Oxford, Bodleian, Douce, 308), produced in Paris in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries respectively, found their way to England. Another Artesian collection (Paris, BNF, fr. 25566) from the late thirteenth century that begins with the complete works of Adam de la Halle, minstrel to Robert d'Artois, has been compared to Arsenal 3142 because it is the only manuscript to contain all of Adenet le Roi's extant writings.348 This collecting together an entire corpus of a minstrel, whether prompted by patron or author, is one that occurred for the first time in the atmosphere of Marie de 348 Huot, From Song to Book, 69-70. Fr. 25566 also includes Richard de Fournival's Bestiare d'amours, and its Response, his Consaus d'amours, and Poissance d'amours, Jean Bodel's Cong and Jeu de Saint Nicholas, Renart le Nouvel, Li Tornoiement Anticrist, as well as a whole series of dits. 186 Brabant's court. That she herself, daughter and sister to trouv res, was raised in a household where focus on composers would have been well-received, makes it all the more probable that it was Marie's influence that led to such compilations. This love of music and music concerned with love played out in a variety of forms for Marie. For instance, in addition to the portrait of Adenet with his viol in the large miniature at the opening of Arsenal 3142, the marginal image at the beginning of the Enfances Ogier ends its flourish at the bottom right corner of the page with another crowned trouv re playing a similar instrument (fig. 32). Henry has also noted in Cl omad s the encyclopedic number of references to instruments named, described, and played at the May Day f te and coronation of Clarmondine and Cl omad s.349 Far more directly related to musical performance is the Montpellier Codex. Catherine Parsoneault has recently completed a dissertation on this ornately illuminated anthology of French and Latin secular and sacred motets the same type of song Guillaume de Nangis records as having been sung at Marie's coronation that with close codicological study narrates a long history with its owner, Marie de Brabant.350 She first acquired the manuscript in the years immediately after she was reunited with Philippe in 1278, with additions being made to the manuscript up until the mid-1290s. The whole manuscript is lavishly illuminated, the first section by members of the Cholet Group atelier and the addition by the most important artist in late-thirteenth and early-fourteenth 349 Henry, Adenet, 5: 693-96. Interestingly he illustrates his points with marginal illuminations of musicians from the Psalter of Guy de Dampierre. 350 "The Montpellier Codex." Its bilingual text implies Marie's ability to read in both French and Latin. 187 century Paris, Master Honor . The Cholet Group was one of the most innovative ateliers of the 1270s in Paris. By the latter part of the century and into the next, the Cholet Group's style was found throughout the north of France as well as in Artois and Lorraine. Distinctive in its ability to deal inventively with secular subjects, it also began to incorporate a sense of illusionism in the rendering of drapery and modeling of features, as one can see in miniature of the Trinity and the bas-de-page game of leapfrog on fol. 88 or the exchange of a flower between two lovers on fol. 63v (figs. 46 and 47).351 The subtle, almost pastel palette stands in complete contrast to earlier, and even most contemporary, manuscripts. It is significant that Marie was receptive to this workshop, and not one with a more traditional style, to bring to life the music so integral to her court. Striking too, is that one finds in the Old Corpus portion of the manuscript some of the first uses of marginalia on a grand scale.352 That this was a feature more popular in manuscripts from the north than in Paris, lends even more credence to Parsoneault's thesis that Marie was the owner of this extraordinarily deluxe and complex manuscript. Further Personalization in the Miscellany: BNF fr. 24429 While I have thus far painted the objects in Marie's library mostly as evidence for the pleasurable lessons that history provided for the French court as encouraged by the queen, the didactic undercurrent of Marie's manuscripts takes more obvious form in 351 Beer, "Pariser Buchmalerei in der Zeit Ludwigs des Heiligen und in letzten Viertel des 13. Jahrhunderts," Zeitschrift f r Kunstgeschichte 44 (1981), 62-91, here 75-76 and 81-83 and L'art au temps des rois maudits, 261-66, especially 262-64. 352 L'art au temps des rois maudits, 259. 188 another miscellany, Paris, BNF, fr. 24429. Also personalized for a royal female audience through image and text, it incorporates many of the themes we encountered in Arsenal 3142 and will find in other manuscripts of Marie's library.353 Only half as long as Arsenal 3142, fr. 24429 places a far greater emphasis on pious lay practices as a form of pedagogy in addition to calling up moral and historical models. The manuscript begins with a table of contents, followed by two versions of the "ages du monde," or history of the world. One takes the annalistic form of a long, fifteen-folio calendar beginning with the year 1 (Christ's birth) and ending with an entry for 1296, and the other, written in prose, is divided into three sections on the emperors of Rome, the kings of France, and the apostles and their successors, the popes. Along with the portraits of a crowned woman throughout the manuscript, these two sections may tell us as much about the audience of this manuscript as any other of the entries in fr. 24429. As Huot points out there are at least two French queens who were alive in 1296, assuming that is the approximate date of the manuscript. She names Marie de Brabant and Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne (and also Blanche de France who was never crowned as queen of Castile) as potential owners of fr. 24429. If we look to the biases manifested in the calendar to help decide for which queen it was made, we find that in addition to the attention paid to French history, a great deal 353 Sylvia Huot has published a study of this manuscript as part of her interest in the thematic nature of vernacular compilations in thirteenth and fourteenth-century France. "A Book Made for a Queen: The Shaping of a Late Medieval Anthology Manuscript (B.N. fr. 24429)," The Whole Book: Cultural Perspectives on the Medieval Miscellany, Stephen Nichols and Siegfried Wenzel, eds. (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1996), 123-43. 189 of ink is dedicated to recording the rulers of the lands to the north of France. Details such as when, for the year 243, "Phelippes" became king of the Christians and made his son ruler of the empire with him, would have struck a chord for both Marie and Jeanne, but the ongoing mention of the counts of Flanders, Boulogne, and Holland as well as specific references to Robert d'Artois and Jean de Brabant may tilt the tables slightly in Marie's favor. It is also perhaps not surprising to find mention made of the wives of many of the emperors and kings, such as Helen, Clotilde, and Blanche, wives of Julian, Clovis, and Louis VIII, as well as Cleopatra and the thirteenth-century countesses of Flanders, Jeanne and Marguerite. Saints dear to the royal family, such as Denis, Germain, and R mi are highlighted, but so too are Merlin and Arthur named as personalities essential to the history of the world and may certainly say something more specific about the interests of the calendar's reader. These are calendar entries that would have interested Marie personally, but also would have been essential in the education of all her children. The pointed and for this calendar, rather detailed fact of "the daughter of the king of France, marrying the king of England" in the year 1153, provides us with yet a more personalized parallel with Marie and her family. By the late 1290s the upcoming marriage of Marie's daughter, Marguerite, was well into the planning stage at the French court. By 1299 she too would become a queen and find the personalized illuminations fitting. And the fact that the martyrdom of "Thomas of Canterbury" and Richard the Lion-Heart's journey to the Holy Land are recorded may also be just unusual enough for inclusion in a French calendar to make a case for an owner to whom England and the northern domains were also of interest. Thus we arrive at another possible scenario for 190 the fabrication and use of fr. 24429 as a marriage gift for Marguerite. In either case, whether for a former princess of Brabant or the future queen of England, the organization of this manuscript would have proved personally and pedagogically effective. We can find an example of visual instruction on the first page of the manuscript. The illumination of the life of Christ that opens the calendar is of an interesting format that mimics the arrangement of contemporary ivories as much as paintings (fig. 48). The horizontal image that stretches across the folio is divided into two registers each split into five corresponding compartments. This layout provides ten frames that a viewer can read from left to right and from top to bottom, in other words both chronologically and typologically. Beginning with the top row it reads: Nativity, Circumcision, Presentation at the Temple, Flight into Egypt, and Massacre of the Innocents followed below by Crucifixion, Resurrection, Ascension, Pentecost, and an image that is damaged, but that appears to be a stoning or scene of martyrdom (the later Christian equivalent of the Old Testament Massacre of the Innocents). Both compositionally and thematically tied, the vertical pairs would have made an ideal teaching device for comparing different episodes from early Christian history. The first textual entry of the calendar for the year 1, "Here was born Jesus Christ. Circumcised. Offered at the Temple. And carried into exile," sits directly under the illumination and is arranged to act like a rubric for the upper register, framing the lower with the parallel structure of image and text. Christ's "death by Herod," as visualized in the Crucifixion above, is the last calendar entry of this opening page and the reader is to understand that the remaining rubrics for the lower register can be found with further study of subsequent folios. 191 In spite of the ensuing historical genealogies of the emperors, the kings of France, and the Popes, this image sets the devotional scene for much of the rest of the manuscript. Even the Lapidaire, a study of precious stones that describes their qualities, their source and where to find them, their names, their colors, and the virtues they represent, ultimately serves a moralizing end (fols. 25-28). Composed by an Arab king, Evaus, who had it translated and presented to the emperor of Rome ["Noyron" or Nero], it was translated into French in the late-thirteenth century. This earliest extant copy of the Lapidaire is still another example of Marie's pleasure in new material that reputes to have come from an Arab source. The two illuminations that open this text show the crowned Evaus handing a book to a messenger who is repeated in the second miniature, now kneeling before the emperor who also wears his identifying regalia and symbolically accepts the book on behalf of the Latin west (fig. 49). These royal men's scholarly pursuits prefigure the actions of a queen who, in a series of images scattered throughout the manuscript, learns to read, translate, memorize, and meditate on a text, as well as donate her knowledge (and alms) to others (figs. 50-53). At the opening of the Vers d'aumosne she offers coins to a crowd of needy subjects whose hands reach across to hers, perfectly framed in the center of the composition.354 She also kneels with hands raised before an image of God enthroned at the beginning of the Pater Noster and faces her spiritual advisor from a similar location as they begin the practice of translation from 354 Alms were a regular expense in the royal household, which points to the importance of this act for members of the royal family. For example, see above, 120, n. 62. See also, Holladay, "The Education of Jeanne d'Evreux," who analyzes the importance of charitable activities for queens in particular. 192 Latin to French and reflect upon the finished product. Finally, the queen bows her head in contemplation over an open book that provides her with a vision of the crowned Virgin and Child. The process of meditation that Huot breaks down in detail, is part of a whole group of new reading practices introduced to a lay audience to promote personal piety in the last years of the thirteenth century.355 These are by no means the only images in this manuscript, and many folios have three miniatures that work in pedagogical conjunction with the rubric and text they head. Nor are the texts all religious in nature; many come from classical sources, just as is the case in Arsenal 3142. As we saw in the Montpellier Codex and shall see in the example of the Kalendarium regine, Marie was literate in Latin and the vernacular, so not only would the bi-lingual format of one section of fr. 24429, the Meditacions, have served her well, but it would have been the ideal tool for teaching this skill to others.356 355 Huot, "A Book Made for a Queen," 124. 356 The connection between women and vernacular texts is often cited in discussions of literacy as well as patronage. For instance, Walter Ong writes, "vernacular literature tended to be regarded as literature for women...Hence, the importance in vernacular history of romances and devotional books and sermons for mixed audiences." Ramus: Method, and the Decay of Dialogue (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958), 11. In addition to possessing manuscripts for their own edification, women required texts for the education of their children. In numerous cases noblewomen are referred to as the parent responsible for their children's moral and intellectual upbringing. There exist historical models for this situation at least as far back as Suetonius who describes Atia's role in the educational growth of Augustus, and Jerome who writes to Laeta that the speech of the mother makes the son eloquent. Rosemary Barton Tobin, Vincent of Beauvais' De Eruditione Filiorum Nobilium. The Education of Women (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., 1984), 83. Queens in particular, as the mothers of kings, were praised for their competence at instructing the souls and minds of their offspring. Elizabeth McCartney, "The King's Mother and Royal Prerogative in Early-Sixteenth-Century France," Medieval Queenship, John Carmi Parsons, ed. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993), 117-41. In order to fulfill 193 An image of Marie's court is beginning to emerge from these manuscript examples. It was not just concerned with romance and music, but was also absorbed with religion, history, and ancient writers, as well as interaction with contemporary scholars. The combination of these diverse interests foretells a change in royal patronage both as a means of self-enlightenment and the education of others that would continue to accelerate during the rest of the late Middle Ages. A majority of the contents of the manuscripts already described also taught the ideals of learning and chivalry. Estudies and Chevalerie in the Kalendarium regine If there still remains any doubt of the seriousness with which Marie took learning and the effects that this love of manuscripts had on the French court, then this next example should lay it to rest. In 1296, Guillaume de Saint-Cloud composed a work entitled the Kalendarium regine at the request of Marie de Brabant.357 It is a complex these duties, women commissioned psalters, gospels, bestiaries, books of hours, and educational treatises. For specific examples of commissions pertaining to education see Bell, 162-65, and Pamela Sheingorn, "The Wise Mother: The Image of St. Anne Teaching the Virgin Mary," Gesta 32/1 (1993), 69-80, here 76-77. 357 We know of Guillaume de Saint-Cloud, or Guillelmus de Santo-Clodoaldo, only what he tells us in his writings. In addition to the Kalendarium, one other work, the Almanach planetarium, dating to 1292, survives. F. Lajard, "Guillaume de Saint-Cloud, Astronome," Histoire litt raire de la France 25 (1869), 63-74. Saint-Cloud is a town not far from Marie's dower lands. In fact, one of her clercs familiers, and a canon at Meaux, was Simon de Saint-Cloud: "Permission pour le salut des ames du roi et de feue de la reine Jeanne a Me. Simon de Saint-Cloud, chanoine de Meaux, clerc familier de la reine Marie de Brabant, d'acquerir dans les censives, fiefs et arriere-fiefs royaux 80 l par de revenu, sans aucune justice, pour la fondation de 4 chapellenies ou autres oeuvres pi s; avec amortissement desdites 80 l en faveur de ceux a qui ledit Me. Simon les transportera. Dol[is]. 1310, juin, Royallieu pres Compiegne." ANF, JJ 45, fol. 86, no. 131. 194 astronomical treatise that mathematically predicts the length of days and nights not just in one location, but also taking into account the changing climats, as one travels east and west as well as north and south. He creates a number of tables and charts that allow his reader to accurately keep track of these measurements for the next two hundred years, until 1496. In addition to his own rigorous computations that correct many previous scholars' mistakes, Guillaume gives credit to the measurements made by the caliph Almamon. The western scholar also points out the simplicity of working with Arabic, rather than Roman, numerals and strongly recommends they be introduced to the schools (lat. 15171, fol. 94). Within a few years he completed a French translation, called the Kalendrier de la reine Marie, for Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne.358 This adoption of Arab intellectual approaches and detailed astronomical function alone make this manuscript interesting when considering its royal female patronage. Just 358 "Et pour ce que premiere ent je le fis en latin il plest a la tres haute et tres noble ma dame jehanne par la grace de dieu royne de france et de navarre quil soit translate en francois," (Arsenal 2872, fol. 8v). I have consulted three copies of this manuscript all dating to the late-thirteenth or fourteenth century. BNF, lat.15171 and Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 534 are both in Latin, while Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 2872 is the French translation. Both Latin versions are contained in manuscripts compiled after the Kalendarium text's initial composition. Another translation survives in Rennes, Biblioth que municipale, ms. 593; see below, n. 93. Of the three Parisian manuscripts, Arsenal 534, of higher quality than lat. 15171 and dating to the late-thirteenth century, is the one most likely to have been in Marie's possession. Internal evidence, however, argues against this as a presentation copy. While the diagrams and tables are complete, the few figural illuminations for the Kalendarium are either unfinished or were added later in the fourteenth century. Lat. 15171 could well be a scribal copy for the parchment is irregularly shaped and rough, and the text is heavily abbreviated. Documentary evidence suggests that these manuscripts were not necessarily richly illuminated. In a request by Robert d'Artois in 1302, he paid 6 livres 8 sous for two "livres d'astronomie o est le kalendrier nouvel," without specifying a need or fee for the illumination, a detail that is included in other contemporary requests by both Robert and Mahaut. Richard, La petite-ni ce, 99-100. 195 as extraordinary, however, is his four-folio prologue, where Guillaume invokes the most revered minds of history. And here the other motivations behind the writing of this treatise become clear. For one, the men he chooses to discuss as writers were usually blessed with enlightened patrons and, second, the reason these scholars were supported by their patrons is because of their abilities as teachers of studium et milicia, or estudies et chevalerie. In other words, Guillaume is writing this text to impart wisdom in both the academic and military realms, and Marie is the one who desires this knowledge. He begins his prologue with Vegetius.359 He names the battles that Julius Caesar won and how study of Galienus and Archimenides made it possible. We are told that Aristotle's Libro de regimine pricipium [sic] was the text by which Alexander learned to read. This renowned teacher and his disciple resurface throughout the Kalendarium.360 Guillaume invokes Book Twenty-One of Saint Augustine's City of God in the name of regum et principum,361 as is the case for Boetius and Plato's Res publicas.362 Guillaume goes on to relate the entire history of political and military theory from the Chaldeans, 359 Jean Priorat (d. 1290?), the translator of Vegetius into French, accompanied the royal campaign to Aragon in 1285, no doubt to provide military advice to the king. Flavius Vegetius Renatus, L'art de chevalerie trad. du De Re militari de V g ce, par Jean de Meun: Publi avec une tude sur cette traduction et sur Li Abrejance de l'ordre de chevalerie de Jean Priorat, Ulysse Robert, ed. (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1897). 360 Arsenal 534, fol. 97 and lat. 15171, fol. 88. In French the text reads, "Et aussi trouve len que aristote escript a alixandre li livre du gouvernement des princes (Arsenal 2872, fol. 7v). 361 Fol. 97v and fol. 88 in the Latin manuscripts. Called les roys et les glorieus princes in French (fol. 7v). 362 Fol. 97v, fol. 88v, and fol. 8. 196 Greeks, Romans, up to the Franks under all of whom studium et milicia floruerunt.363 This pedagogical pursuit was what allowed these cultures to obtinentibus monarchiam, and rule the world with such success.364 Well into the lesson, Guillaume arrives at the example of Charlemagne, fame karolus regis pipini fili...francoix rex et emperator.365 This man loved and recorded the histories of the kings and the sciences, and founded study of the fathers in both Greek and in Latin. And he always carried his books on the sciences with him day and night. Wishing to achieve the same wisdom as these previous rulers, Marie, illustris regina Francie, "who possesses the clarity and virtue of precious stones resplendently set in gold and a body gleaming with a scientific and virtuous soul," commanded Guillaume to write this small scientific work.366 Upon receiving this order he decides to follow in the path of 363 Fol. 97v and fol. 88v: lestudie et la chevalerie florisoient ensemble devers euls (fol. 8). Fol. 97v and fol. 88v: orent la seignorie du monde (fol. 8). 364 365 "Le tres noble charles filz le roy pepin qui jadis fu emperieres des Roumans et roy des francois et si haute renomee...car si aime les hystoires des roys le recordent il fu defirians et amas les sciences et ententis a fonder les estudes et peres des estudians...et introduis es lettres des grieus et des latins et toujours faisoit il porter avec soi les livres des sciences et avoit poses et colacions par iour et par nuit aus astronomens," (fol. 97v, fol. 88v, and fol. 8). 366 "Et accendens illustris regina Francie domina maria co'sidera's e qo' ficut in auro resplend's virt' e claritas lapidis p'ciosi. sic et in corpore nobili rutilant ai'e sci'e e virtuces. michi quoddam sci'ale satis e vale licet modicum `p se fac'e imp'avit," (Arsenal 534, fol. 98); "Et a ce mesmes prenant garde la tres noble madame marie royne de france et avec ce que tout aussi come la clarite et la vertu de pierre precieuse resplendis en lor. Tout aussi reluisent du noble corps les sciences et les vertues de lame. ma commande a faire une petite chose de science," (Arsenal 2872, fol. 8-8v; fol. 88v in lat. 15171). 197 the ancients, even if only in the most rudimentary fashion.367 He finishes his prologue with a summary of what he will present and how it will take the form of both text and calendar, and how he will name it the kalendarium regine. He hopes that once the queen reads or listens to the text, that she will want to converse with him on its contents.368 Marie is a patron who Guillaume assumes will interact with him concerning the details of his work, especially as she requested its composition in the first place. Guillaume's use of translatio studii et imperii the transfer of power through the acquisition of knowledge is confirmed by his prologue's recurring theme of how, throughout history, princes and kings have benefited from the study of books on the arts of war and science. These "ancient" authors' writings were integral to the canon of medieval thought and their translations would figure as required reading for late medieval courts.369 Along with their moral significance, these authors, especially in combination with their patrons, such as Augustus, Caesar, and Alexander, reverberated on a courtly and political level to this later medieval audience. Charlemagne is held up as the apex of 367 "ut [i]g[itur] antiquor[um] lic[et] rudis efficiat imitator artem in sciendi...," (Arsenal 534, fol. 98ra); "Et pour ce que je puisse ensuivre les ancians la soit ce q[ue] rudement au comandement de la haut dite dame mettray en escript lart de savoir...," (Arsenal 2872, fol. 8v; fol. 88v in lat. 15171). 368 "Dignetur [i]g[itur] si placet regalis maiestas hec leg[er]e [vel] audire [etiam/inter?] loco alicui[us] recreato[r]is seu con[n]fabulatoris medium huic op[er]i locum dare," (Arsenal 534, fol. 98); "Or veulle donques plaire a la hautesce royal a lire ou a oir ceste oeuvre. Et prendre sa a sa fois en lieu daucune recreation ou daucun flaboiement [sic] que len pourroit devant lui dire," (Arsenal 2872, fol. 8v; fol. 88v in lat. 15171). 369 Christine de Pizan uses the phrase, "the most noteworthy books," in describing the worth of these authors' texts to Charles V later in the fourteenth century. Claire Sherman, Imaging Aristotle: Verbal and Visual Representation in Fourteenth-Century France (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1995), 8. 198 the line of wise rulers; both scholar and patron, his is the example that Marie should follow. The ultimate lesson of Guillaume's prologue is the symbiosis that must exist between studium et milicia or estudie et chevalerie, while the remainder of his text provides his reader with the practical knowledge to help a ruler attain political and military dominance. That Marie's brother, Jean de Brabant, had in Guillaume's opinion successfully attempted this combination is alluded to in an epilogue that exists only in lat. 15171.370 Once again crediting domine regine marie with the creation of this kalendarium he qualifies that she is the sororis q'ndi' ducis braiba'tie (fol. 94). Already deceased by 1296, Jean had been triumphant in military campaigns throughout Europe, especially so in Brabant whose borders he had greatly increased.371 Remembered just as clearly as a poet and patron of history, he also was perceived as a literate ruler. By invoking her brother's memory Guillaume not only pays a compliment to Jean, but also makes it clear that Marie, as a princess of Brabant as well as queen of France, qualifies as a noble ruler in her own right. Marie's love of the arts, veneration of study, and support of scholars places her solidly in this genealogy of patronage. Composed for the queen when she was well into her widowhood, the instant success of the Kalendarium establishes Marie's continued importance as a respected patron and member of court.372 370 It may also exist in the Rennes Calendrier, which I have not been able to examine. See Chapter Two for Jean's life. 371 372 Translated into French for the reigning queen, Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne, the Calendrier de la reine seems also to have found a place in the library of her successor, Cl mence d'Hongroie. The Rouses, Manuscripts and their Makers, 1: 372, n. 81, believe that Rennes, Bibl. mun. ms. 393 was owned by Cl mence d'Hongroie. It begins with le canon sus l'Almanach au juif as well as a large group of planetary tables and the 199 Self-enlightenment and the Education of Princesses and Princes: Gilles de Rome's De Regimine principum We know that the Kalendarium was a text perceived by its author and owners to be appropriate for female consumption. In its encouragement of learning as a means to military dominance, it seems to have just as great potential for a male audience. The distinct possibility exists that this treatise was intended for the education of the children of the regine as well as for herself. Far more obvious in its function as a pedagogical tool for the royal children is Gilles de Rome's De regimine principum. While this text was not commissioned by Marie, considered within the context of her patronage, it nevertheless reflects her influence over didactic material at court. Gilles de Rome (1247-1316), also known as Aegidio Colonna, was a brother at the Augustinian house in Paris, to which Marie was a major donor. He came to Paris as a student of Thomas Aquinas and by the late 1270s was tutor to the royal children. By 1280 Philippe III had commissioned him to write De Regimine principum,373 and by 1283 it was translated into the vernacular Li Livre du gouvernement des princes by Henri de Calendrier de la reine, and may well correspond with the entry in her inventory that reads, "se commence de l'anemallat aux juys, pr si 30 l. p." This manuscript was illuminated by the Maubeuge Master, a collaborator of Thomas Maubeuge, on April 23, 1303. The remainder of the contents and such an early date (Cl mence was not born until 1292 or 1293 and did not come to live permanently in Paris until 1315 when she married Louis X) all point instead to initial ownership by Marie de Brabant or Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne. If it was the copy owned by Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne, she may have left the book to her son Louis, who in turn could have passed it on to his wife, Cl mence. I plan to examine this manuscript as part of a future study. See also, Paulin Paris, "Livres de la reine Cl mence," 563, no. 32. 373 One of the earliest extant examples is in BNF, lat. 7066. 200 Gauchi (a canon of St. Martin at Li ge in Brabant).374 Gilles states that Philippe III wished a new book to be created for his own son, the future Philippe IV. The dedication states that the manuscript was intended for the "tres Noble et Puissent Prince monseign' PH'E Premier Nez et hoir de tres haut Noble et Puissent Prince monseigneur PH'E Roy de France."375 That Philippe III had such a manual written for his heir, the future Philippe IV, is not surprising considering he himself had benefited from a similar text requested by his father, Louis IX. It was from this text, De Eruditione Filiorum Nobilium by Vincent de Beauvais, that Gilles took the very detailed and sophisticated ideas and organization and reshaped it into the more familiar structure of a Mirror of Princes. While he retained the encyclopedic content of Vincent's treatise, he instead organized it into three books that advise on the rule of the entire family, household, and nation, rather than just on the education of noble children. What separates his work from that of earlier Mirrors is his lengthy section on the education of children based on the ideas of Aristotle and Vincent de Beauvais. The connection to a similarly titled treatise, written for Marie's brother by Thomas Aquinas, teacher of Gilles de Rome, makes a case for Marie's influence in the choice of tutor, author, and text. As queen, one of her primary responsibilities was to manage the education of the royal children.376 That Gilles encouraged just such an 374 As is, for example, preserved in Dole, Biblioth que municipale, ms. 157. This version was to become immensely popular for future generations. 375 Transcribed from Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 2690, fol. 5r. 376 Marie's mother commissioned a text from Thomas Aquinas that is often called De Regimine principum; see above, 64-65. Nicholas Orme, From Childhood to Chivalry, 92, 201 important role for the "prince's" wife (in stark contrast to the original model composed by Aristotle himself) also suggests that the author took seriously the women of the royal court. Because of this role as educator, and because of their elevated status, Gilles also states that noblewomen must be literate themselves. We know that this treatise proved important to later queens; a copy was in the library of Cl mence d'Hongroie upon her death when Marie's granddaughter, Queen Jeanne d'Evreux, purchased it.377 Another indication of the importance of this treatise to the members of Marie's family and court exists in a copy of the French translation (Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, 10.144). This manuscript was produced for the English court in the years following the wedding of Marie's daughter to Edward I of England, and simultaneous with the births of Marguerite's two sons, Thomas of Brotherton and Edmund of Woodstock, in 1300 and 1301.378 The illumination that heads the first chapter of the second book that deals with how kings and princes should govern their families and mesnies, prominently displays the believes that De Eruditione Filiorum Nobiliorum, was composed at the request of Marguerite de Provence for the benefit of Philippe III, in 1260-1261. Durand de Champagne dedicated his treatise on the education of women, the Speculum dominarum, to Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne who had it quickly translated to French. She also commissioned Joinville's, Vie de Saint Louis that, due to her death, was instead presented to her son, Louis de Navarre, in 1309. Between 1319 and 1329 Watriquet de Couvin wrote the Mireoirs as Dames, an allegorical version of the Speculum dominarum for Jeanne d'Evreux. Dits de Watriquez, Auguste Scheler, ed. (Bruxelles: V. Devaux et Cie, 1868). 377 Dou t-D'Arcq, "Inventaire et vente apr s d c s des biens de la reine Cl mence de Hongrie," 61-64. 378 This manuscript is included in Transformations of the Court Style: Gothic Art in Europe 1270 to 1330 (Providence, RI: Department of Art, Brown University, 1977), 12425. 202 queen as intercessor between the king on the one side and the children and their tutor on the other (fig. 54). Religious Patronage: Tradition or Innovation? In their exhibition catalog on art produced for the late-thirteenth and earlyfourteenth-century English and French courts, Peter Brieger and Philippe Verdier describe the image of the "Three Living and Three Dead," on folio 311 of Arsenal 3142 as exhibiting a very personal, "consciousness of death behind the fa ade of worldly splendour" (fig. 55).379 In its new and vivid portrayal of the inevitable decay of all things mortal, this image epitomizes Marie's religious manuscript patronage. We have already seen that many of Marie's books are a mix of secular and sacred subjects, with fr. 24429's compilation of historical and devotional didactic material being the most obvious example, and that with this infusion of the secular into the royal library Marie transformed courtly patronage in general. Yet even with her manuscripts that are entirely religious in their textual focus we see an interest in innovative iconography accompanying the latest in devotional material, only somewhat tempered by traditional and familiar religious subjects. Just such an example exists in the Breviary of the Sainte-Chapelle (New York, Morgan 1042), so called because its calendar celebrates the holy days especially 379 Art and the Courts: France and England from 1259 to 1328, Peter Brieger and Philippe Verdier, eds., 2 vols. (Ottowa: National Gallery of Canada, 1972), 1: 32. 203 important to the royal court and chapel.380 This calendar also contains the obits of Philippe III and Louis IX, listing the latter as king and not as saint, thus giving us the years from 1285 to 1297 between the death of Philippe III and the canonization of Louis IX as the time of its production. A portrait of a crowned woman kneeling before the Virgin and Child in the Beatus vir initial (fol. 8) identifies it as a queen's book (fig. 56). That the royal woman also sports a widow's wimple places it squarely in the possession of Marie.381 We know that Marie endowed the Sainte-Chapelle with funds and the commission of this book shows her continued contact with Parisian illuminators, in this case La Sainte Abbaye Master, and the royal chapel into her widowhood.382 In addition to noting the dedication date of the Sainte-Chapelle (April 26), other details in the calendar personalize this manuscript to Marie. While many female saints are included, such as Mary of Egypt or Agnes, one in particular, saint Gertrude of Nivelles, the patron saint of the duchy of Brabant and to whom Marie gave a new ch sse shortly 380 Sydney Cockerell, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Second Series of 50 Manuscripts (nos. 51-100) in the Collection of Henry Yates Thompson (Cambridge: Chiswick Press, 1902), no. 72; Illustrations from One Hundred Manuscripts in the Library of Henry Yates Thompson, (London: Chiswick Press, 1916), 6, no. 6, pl. xxvii-xxx; Alison Stones, "L'atelier artistique de la Vie de sainte Beno te d'Origny: Nouvelles Considerations," Bulletin de la Soci t nationale des Antiquaires de France (1990), 378-400; L'art au temps des rois maudits, 284. Morgan 1042 is incomplete. The final existing folio, 101v, has a catchphrase "Ad os' p'redentes," indicating at least one additional, missing quire. 381 The other French queen during this time, Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne, has been suggested as the owner, but she is disqualified as she pre-deceased Philippe le Bel and was thus never a widow. Stones, 394-95 and L'art au temps des rois maudits, 284. 382 See below, 298, n. 17, for Marie's donations to the Sainte-Chapelle and below, 208-9, for La Sainte Abbaye Master. 204 after she became queen, makes an unusual appearance in a Sainte-Chapelle list of holy days. Another far more popular saint, Nicholas of Bari, had Brabantine connections as the patron of the ducal chapel in Louvain. Saints Maturin, Magloire, Augustine, and Germain were founders of monastic orders to whom Marie gave money. She established a chapel dedicated to Saint Paul at the coll giale de Notre-Dame in Mantes, one of her dower castellanies and main residences outside of Paris in her widowhood. While none of these inclusions may be individually remarkable, together they speak to us of a patron's special interests. The portrait of Marie on the first page of the psalter section of the breviary, directly after the calendar, shows her reading a book, open for us, the readers, to see.383 383 Of course a donor or dedicatory portrait of a woman who does not hold a book is still an indication of her involvement with the book. As the user of the manuscript she automatically links herself with the text and images. The reason I focus on this portrait which includes a codex as an attribute is that Bell, 168, sees this kind of image as a change in iconography brought about by women's increased association with books and greater influence in book design. One must also keep in mind that these portraits are not necessarily "true-to-life" representations of the women readers. Although their costumes would place them into a specific moment in time, we can not assume any resemblance of facial features; these were merely generic types. In some ways this portrait of Marie is similar to the opening folio of the Hours of Saint Louis in The Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux (New York, Cloisters ms. 54.1.2, fol. 102v), where the young queen occupies the same architectural space as the object of her veneration, a statue, or vision, of her great-grandfather, St. Louis (fig. 29). For more on this manuscript and its function see, Holladay "The Education of Jeanne d'Evreux," 585610 and Madeline Caviness, "Patron or Matron? A Capetian Bride and a Vade Mecum for Her Marriage Bed," Speculum 68 (April, 1993), 333-62, here 356. The book from which she garners her devotional inspiration is tilted in an unwieldy manner for Jeanne-the-illustration, but one that allows the viewer (originally Jeanne-the-young-woman) to more clearly realize its contents. Pamela Sheingorn, in her article on images of St. Anne as teacher of the Virgin Mary, reinterprets these visualizations of reading women. Traditionally, scholars have viewed an image such as the one just discussed solely as an indication of female piety. And although Sheingorn 205 The widowed queen is ornately clothed, wearing a crown and draped in rich fur-lined robes, looking on as an angel leans from the sky and gently places a crown on the head of the queen of Heaven seated across from her. The youthful Virgin, hair falling loosely over her shoulders, wraps her arms around the Christ child facing her in her lap so they too can study a book that he holds.384 Marie interacts with the Virgin, not just through this shared act of reading, but also through their gazes that meet and draw Marie directly into the Virgin's space.385 If she were to stand, the earthly queen would exist on the same scale as the Virgin. These two women are further joined by the manner in which the artist has manipulated their surroundings. As with Marie's portrait in Arsenal 3142, the Master of La Sainte Abbaye plays with space so that Marie's legs and the Virgin's robes slip between the curve of the initial B and the pink ground surrounding it, encasing them in what has become a three-dimensional world. In this single initial we have Marie and the Virgin united in their knowledge of coronation, education, and contemplation. does not reject this reading of the illustration, she also sees it as "evidence of a literate woman, an owner of books, and possibly even a patroness." Sheingorn, 75. Just as with laywomen reading, Bell and Sheingorn see the Virgin pictured reading as a reflection of "the reality of their patron's lives." Bell, 173. Although we must be wary of attempting to view "reality" through a culture's art, I do believe that designers were reacting to their patron's wishes and in this way images give evidence of self-representation or aspirations. 384 Depictions of the queen during the French coronation ceremony show her with her hair down as a sign of her fertility. See Claire Sherman, "Taking a Second Look: Observations on the Iconography of a French Queen, Jeanne de Bourbon (1338-1378)," Feminism and Art History: Questioning the Litany, Norma Broude and Mary D. Garrard, eds. (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1982), 100-17. 385 This intimacy is lacking in the contemporary Beaupr Antiphonary (Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, ms. W. 760, fol. 3) where the donor sits in the left margin, encased in her own architectural space, to watch the scene of the Three Marys at the Tomb (fig. 43). 206 The architectural and spatial details create a three-dimensional space as if recreating personal devotions in a private chapel, just as Marie could sit contemplatively in the chapel at Mantes, kneeling before her alabaster statue of the Virgin, book in hand.386 The portrait of the queen takes on an especially intimate tenor when one considers the precious size of the breviary, a mere 19 by 12 1/2 centimeters. Use of a breviary, one of a number of liturgical texts that promoted individual contact with Christian doctrine also reveals Marie's receptivity to mendicant influence. Raised in an atmosphere that embraced Dominican and Franciscan emotionally-oriented devotional ideas, Marie, like her parents before her, combined this popularization or even secularization of religion with an ornate courtly aesthetic. The saints, Christ, and the Virgin existed as historical figures in close psychological proximity to the living, almost as ancestors who showed concern for their human descendants. This relationship is made clear to the viewer, not just in the queen's portrait, but in the many images of the crowned David throughout the psalter. The king receives whispered counsel from God, who also gently pulls David's naked soul from the vessel that carried him to heaven (fig. 57). In her display of devotion we see Marie working within a traditional religious framework prayer to the Virgin and Christ while questioning how to depict oneself in an iconographically fresh way. I have found no earlier portraits than this that have a mortal and religious figure interacting in such an intimate manner; Marie and the Virgin 386 See below, Chapter Five, beginning 275, for a discussion of this chapel and its decoration. 207 seem to breathe the same air.387 Fitting very much with her use of a personally relevant architectural space in her chapel construction, as we shall see in Chapter Five, this miniature reiterates her close relationship with the Virgin on a spatial, maternal, and royal plane. In addition to the utilization of the religious text of the breviary, this manuscript also seems to have acted as inspiration for other royal breviaries.388 For instance, Morgan 1042 probably pre-dates the Breviary of Philippe le Bel (BNF, lat. 1023), which is iconographically very similar, and this correspondence suggests that it may have acted as a model for the king's manuscript.389 Not only is this connection of interest for the 387 For instance, the contemporary image of Yolande de Soissons in her psalter, has her praying to what is unmistakably a statue of the Virgin and Child. It is not until 1311, when Jeanne d'Eu has a copy of La Somme le Roi made for her, that we see an image of another women, kneeling before a standing Virgin and Child, actually touching hands and depicted on the same scale. I take these two examples from L'art au temps des rois maudits, 298-99 and 304 respectively, but to my knowledge nothing earlier than Marie's portrait survives. In fact these innovations are usually attributed to the artists of Charles V and his brothers. 388 By the death of Cl mence d'Hongroie in 1328, this queen owned six breviaries, illustrating the increased desire for ownership of this manuscript form. Louis Dou tD'Arcq, "Inventaire et vente apr s d c s des biens de la reine Cl mence de Hongrie," 6164. 389 L'art au temps des rois maudits, 275-76 and 284. Another manuscript, painted by Master Honor and possibly predating the Breviary of Philippe le Bel is the Nuremberg Hours (Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek, Solger ms. 4.4). Treated in depth by Eleanor Simmons, in Les Heures de Nuremberg, she believes that Marie is the most likely patron of this lavish manuscript, and that she had it made for her daughter Marguerite in celebration of her betrothal to the king of England. The calendar containing saints important to both the French and English households and fleur-de-lis painted on the gold diapered ground of the owner portrait, identify it as having a royal French commission (fig. 58). This portrait, on folio 179v, shows the owner ascending the allegorical steps of the Gradual Psalms illustrating new tendencies toward a personal, intimate devotion. See Simmons, Les Heures de Nuremberg, 27, for its relationship to the Breviary of Philippe 208 impact that Marie's patronage had on the royal library and the power of her commissions as model, it also again establishes that Marie had close contact with her step-son during her widowhood. Likewise of significance for courtly commissions is the artist of the Breviary of the Sainte-Chapelle. Known as La Sainte Abbaye Master, whose work I will discuss further below, the artist illuminated all but one miniature in Morgan 1042. Fran ois Avril believes Marie may have brought this artist, who exhibits a mixed northern and Parisian style, to Paris.390 Significantly, the single illumination not painted by La Sainte Abbaye Master, depicting the Trinity (fig. 59), was painted instead by the M liacin Master, this same artist responsible for Arsenal 3142. The M liacin Master also completely illuminated another royal breviary owned by Marie's good friend and cousin, Robert de Bourgogne (BNF, lat. 1123). On fol. 38 we find the duke in prayer before his father-in-law, as the opening miniature for a mass of Saint Louis.391 While these examples say as much about artistic practices as they do about the influence of patronage, again the overlap in style and content helps us to gain an understanding of how the members of court shared a similar aesthetic and interest in material. The artist Master Honor would become similarly renowned and popular at court and it was in his atelier that another manuscript belonging to Marie, one of the earliest le Bel and, 33-44, for the patron and recipient. 390 L'art au temps des rois maudits, 282 and 284. He cites Biblioth que de Chaumont, ms. 36, a psalter made for the Cistercian abbey at Morimond, as another possible example of this artist's work. 391 This latter manuscript seems to have been produced only a year or two after Louis' canonization, while Marie's predates 1297. L'art au temps des rois maudits, 271. 209 examples of Honor 's work, was also produced. The Martyrology of Saint-Germain-desPr s (c. 1280) is linked to Marie through the arms of Brabant that occur on a shield held by the Gemini twins on the opening calendar page for May (fig. 60).392 An interest in the religious life of the abbey of Saint-Germain-des-Pr s is not surprising considering Marie's residence in Paris was on the Place du March Saint-Germain; this physical proximity may have prompted a spiritual familiarity that explains the motivation for owning a manuscript that celebrates the saints most dear to the monks of St.-Germain. Visually, this manuscript broke new ground in Parisian painting; it contains the earliest gold scrolls painted on a gold ground, a subtle but aesthetically breathtaking device that was soon after used in the Breviary of Philippe le Bel and the Somme le Roi manuscripts. Just as important for the history of painting is how this illumination cycle reveals an early form of idealized naturalism achieved with modeling. This painterly quality, in combination with the abstract and opulent gold ground creates a tension between abstraction and reality that is present in so many illuminated manuscripts produced at the end of the thirteenth century. Contemporary with Gilles de Rome's De regimine principum is La Somme le Roi by Fr re Laurent d'Orl ans. Written by the confessor of Philippe III in 1279 for members of the royal family, La Somme takes a more mystical pedagogical direction than 392 Vitzthum noted this in Die Pariser Miniaturmalerei von der Zeit des hl. Ludwig bis zu Philipp von Valois und ihr Verh ltnis zur Malerei in Nordwesteuropa, (Leipzig: Quelle & Meyer, 1907), 18-24, pl. 2. See also L'art au temps des rois maudits, 272-73 and John Higgitt, The Murthly Hours: Devotion, Literacy and Luxury in Paris, England and the Gaelic West (London: the British Library and University of Toronto Press in association with the National Library of Scotland, 2000), 84 and 106. 210 the mirror of princes. The copies most closely associated with the late-thirteenth-century French court are London, British Library, Add. 54180, Paris, Biblioth que Mazarine, ms. 870, and London, British Library, Add. 28162 and Add. 39843 the last two originally comprising a single manuscript. Some of the most magnificent manuscripts of their day, they employ full-page illuminations to illustrate the moral points Fr re Laurent outlines in his text. The first, dated to 1290-95 and illuminated by Master Honor , who had ten years earlier painted the Martyrology of Saint-Germain for Marie, contains heraldic references to the kingdoms of France and Navarre. Avril suggests this was a commission made for Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne and Philippe IV "et fait sans doute allusion [ leur] mariage."393 Containing no heraldic hints, the Somme portion of the Mazarine manuscript is otherwise identical to British Library, Add. 54180, and was also painted by Master Honor . In addition to La Somme le Roi the manuscript contains a devotional treatise, Le miroir de l' me, written explicitly for a female reader, who is named as the "tres noble et tres puissante dame, madame Blanche, par la grace de Dieu royne de France," in other words Blanche of Castile.394 While this manuscript could not have belonged to Blanche 393 L'art au temps des rois maudits, 275. See the Rouses, Manuscripts and their Makers, 1: chap. 6, for a full discussion of the Somme manuscripts. Cl mence d'Hongroie owned a copy of this manuscript. Called "un roman des 10 commandements de la Loy," it was purchased by Jeanne d'Evreux upon her death. Dou t-D'Arcq, "Inventaire et vente apr s d c s des biens de la reine Cl mence de Hongrie," 61-64. 394 Mazarine, ms. 870, fol. 192. This text is treated in Leopold Delisle, "Le miroir de l'ame," Histoire litt raire de la France 30, 325-29 who transcribes a far greater amount of the text than Hentsch, De la litt rature didactique du moyen ge s'addressant specialement aux femmes, Alice Hentsch, ed. (1903; repr., Geneva: Slatkine Reprints, 1975), 74-75. 211 she had been dead for nearly fifty years when it was produced it could certainly have been made for another royal woman invoking her memory. The three most likely candidates are Marie de Brabant, Blanche de France, and Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne.395 On folio 192 is the figure of a seated woman accepting a mirror from a kneeling nun whom we assume to be the author. As with the texts in Marie's pedagogical miscellany, BNF, fr. 24429, the Miroir encourages a personal piety and the practice of Christian virtues in her daily life attained through rigorous study. In the preface, along with the dedication, the author constructs an Augustinian dialogue on the merits of parole and escripture. She notes that not all that is heard can be remembered, hence the importance of the written word. The author continues, "Et pour ce convient il moult de choses metre en escripture, et me smement translater de latin en fran ois, pour ce, que chascune chose soit meuz se e et plus communement."396 Thus, the author sees a French translation as an asset to the reader's ability to retain the message. Placed in combination with the richly illustrated vernacular Somme, this female-authored text would have a made a powerful statement about the perceived ability of late-thirteenthcentury royal women to read and to manage personal devotion. The last pair of manuscripts one containing the Somme text (London, British Library, Add. 28162) and the other two treatises called La Sainte Abbaye and Le livre de l'estat de l' me (London, British Library, Add. 39843) were produced by the same 395 The Rouses suggest Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne as its original owner. Manuscripts and their Makers, 1: 153. 396 Delisle, "Le miroir de l'ame," 326. 212 artist who illuminated Marie's Breviary of the Sainte-Chapelle, an illuminator known as the Master of La Sainte Abbaye. Avril hypothesizes that Marie brought this artist to Paris.397 Exhibiting certain northern stylistic tendencies, the illuminator also adopted Parisian traits similar to Master Honor who illuminated Marie's Martyrology of SaintGermain-des-Pr s and the first two Somme manuscripts listed above. As with the Grandes chroniques and De regimine principum, these commissions can not be linked firmly to Marie's personal patronage, but we see evidence of an aesthetic and intellectual approach that colored the commissions of those in her immediate vicinity and that affected the direction courtly taste would take well into the next century. We also know by textual record that Marie was in the possession of a gradual not . This manuscript that contains the music and words of the mass was bought by Mahaut d'Artois in March, 1322 from the executors of Marie de Brabant for four livres.398 A missal possessing the arms of both Marie de Brabant and Jeanne d'Evreux "well written" and of Parisian usage was in the Grand Chamber of King Charles V at Vincennes.399 Also known to have been in Marie's possession because of later documentation is a livre d'oroisons et devocions owned first by Marie and later by her 397 L'art au temps des rois maudits, 282. 398 Richard, La petite-ni ce, 103-4. Cl mence d'Hongroie also possessed a musically notated gradual at her death in 1328; Dou t-D'Arcq, "Inventaire et vente apr s d c s des biens de la reine Cl mence de Hongrie," 61-64. 399 L opold Delisle, Recherches sur la librairie de Charles V, 2 vols. (Paris: H. Champion, 1907), 2: no. 164. 213 granddaughter, Jeanne.400 Especially important to Marie's library was the Breviary of St. Louis.401 Her husband gave it to Marie before his death in 1285 so still early in the veneration of Saint Louis; nevertheless, she must have treated it as one of her prize possessions especially after Louis's canonization was finally approved in 1297. While not her own blood ancestor, his increased importance elevates the position of the Capetian line, from where as queen of France Marie acquired her power. And it is as queen that Marie became as powerful Her foundation of a chapel honoring this Capetian saint at the collegiate church of Notre-Dame in Mantes soon thereafter places Marie squarely in the circle of relatives who immediately associated themselves with the 400 Two references are made to this manuscript in separate codicils to the testament of Blanche de Navarre, second wife and long-lived widow of Philippe VI, and greatgranddaughter to Marie. The first reads: "Et un livre d'oroisons ey devocions qui fu noz tr s chieres dames la royne Marie et ladite madame la royne Jehanne d'Evreux; et le nous donna la duchesse d'Orliens, sa fille, derreniere trespass e; et se commance apr s le kalendrier Gloria in excelsis Deo." Delisle, "Testament de Blanche de Navarre," 31, and the other reference to it at 43. While highly unlikely, the other queen Marie to whom this might refer is Marie de Luxembourg, second wife of Charles IV. 401 We know of this manuscript's thirteenth and fourteenth-century provenance from the testament of Blanche de Navarre where it received an especially long and descriptive entry: "Item nous laissons nostre tr s chier et tr s am neveu le Roy de Navarre le breviaire qui fu monseigneur le roy saint Loys de France, lequel l'ange lui apporta en la charte quant il fu pris des enemis de la foy, et fu monseigneur le roy Phelippe, son filz ainsn , qui mourust en Arragon, mary de madame la royne Marie, nostre besaiole, et le lui donna en sa vie. Et depuis est venu de hoir en hoir de la ligni e monseigneur saint Loys. Et le nous donna nostre fr re le roy de Navarre, son p re. Et pour reverence et la saintet de monseigneur saint Loys, et que par grace il est venu de la ligne de nous, et depuis que nous eusmes le dit breviaire promeismes nostre dit fr re qui il retourneroit en nostre ligne, nous voulons et ordonnons que nostre dit neveu il demeure, et desormais ensuivament ses successeurs, senz estre aucunement estrange, et les requerons que ilz le facent tousjours garder comme precieux et noble jouel venu de noz ancesseurs, et qu'il ne parte point de la lign e." Delisle, "Testament de Blanche de Navarre," 29. 214 sanctity of their ancestor through foundation or ownership.402 The route these manuscripts took to Blanche de Navarre (d. 1398) and Charles V, gives us an indication of the legatees to whom Marie left a portion of her possessions or who felt them important enough to purchase from her estate after her death. In the case of the missal and "book of prayers and devotions," they seem to have traveled to Jeanne d'Evreux. Either willed by her grandmother to Jeanne, who was about thirteen when Marie died, or purchased by Jeanne later in life, these were objects with which she had a special enough relationship to leave to her niece, another queen of France, Blanche de Navarre.403 The Breviary of Saint Louis seems to have taken a different route, going from Marie to Philippe d'Evreux, the heir to her and his father's lands, and Marie's only other direct 402 For more on this chapel see below, beginning 275. The cult of Saint Louis has received a great deal of attention in recent scholarship. Georgia Summers Wright, "The Tomb of St. Louis," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 34 (1971), 65-82; Gabrielle Spiegel, "The Cult of St. Louis and Capetian Kingship," Journal of Medieval History 1 (1975), 43-69; Marcel Thomas, "L'iconographie de saint Louis, dans les Heures de Jeanne de Navarre," Septi me centenaire de la mort de saint Louis. Actes des colloques de Royaumont et de Paris (21-27 mai 1979) (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1976)___; Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "Philippe le Bel and the Remains of St. Louis," Gazette des Beaux Arts 95 (1980), 175-82; Brown, "The Chapels and Cult of Saint Louis at SaintDenis," Mediaevalia, 10 (1984), 279-331; Holladay, "The Education of Jeanne d'Evreux"; Holladay, "Der Mann als Vorbild die Frau als Betrachterin: Frauen des franz sischen K nigshauses und Bilderzyklen zum Leben des heiligen Louis," Frauen Kunst Wissenschaft, 24 (1997), 45-53; Jane Geein Chung-Apley, "The Illustrated Vie et miracles de Saint Louis of Guillaume de Saint-Pathus (Paris, B.N. Ms. Fr. 5716)" (University of Michigan, Thesis (Ph. D.), 1998). 403 Because Blanche does not mention how this manuscript reached her, it may also be possible that rather than having been left these manuscripts by Jeanne, she sought them out as especially important objects to her lineage either as great-granddaughter of Marie and grand-niece of Jeanne, or as queen. 215 descendant404 besides Philippe's sister, Jeanne d'Evreux. Philippe, king of Navarre by his marriage to Jeanne de Navarre, left the breviary to his son, Charles le Mauvais de Navarre, and from there this "precious and noble jewel," passed to Blanche. Blanche names Marie specifically as her great-grandmother (besaiole) and explains how the breviary has stayed in the family, passing from heir to heir and how it must continue to do so, never leaving the lineage. These documents thus indirectly show how Marie must have left many of her belongings to her two surviving grandchildren, Jeanne and Philippe. Close friends such as Mahaut d'Artois, however, purchased others. In all these cases, these objects were deemed worthy enough to record their purchase and their continued presence in the royal family by both king and queen long after her death. Conclusion I have already outlined in the last chapter the important friendship that grew between Marie and her sister-in-law, Blanche de France, upon the latter's return to Paris, in January, 1278. Under the influence of its new queen, the court may have seemed closer in tone to the one of Alfonso X that Blanche had just left; the piously learned and regal atmosphere that Louis IX and his mother Blanche of Castile had promoted for the first three quarters of the thirteenth century, had now been infused with a taste for the secular and the poetic. Receptive to all manner of materials and subject matter, the 404 Both Marguerite de France's sons died soon after their mother, the implication being that Isabelle (also known as the "she-wolf) had them killed to eliminate any chance of competition between them and their younger nephew, Edward III, after the death of Edward II, their half-brother. 216 seventeen year-old queen was delighted with the stories and experiences of her sister-inlaw, Blanche. Blanche supported Marie, with the cooperation and contributions of the king and other prominent members of the French court, in creating a realm where fantasy could co-exist with piety, formal display could be performed with an intelligent informality, and the past could be played out in the present. Scholars and artists were requested to create visual and textual material that took the focus of the court of Louis IX in a new direction. In theme and aesthetic no two better representations of this mode of collaboration exist than in the royal portraits on the opening folios of Arsenal 3142 and BNF, fr. 1633, both of which lead into texts, Cl omad s and M liacin respectively, whose authors were inspired by the story based on the Arab tale of the "Thousand and One Nights" (figs. 1 and 24).405 Both manuscripts were produced in Paris in the mid-1280s and were painted by the same artist, the M liacin Master, who during his career became intimately 405 As far back as Henri Martin, "Cinq portraits du XIIIe si cle: Marie de Brabant, Blanche de France, Jean II de Brabant, Robert d'Artois, Adenet le Roi, m nestrel," M moires de la Soci t nationale des antiquaires de France (1904), 269-79 and pl. 15, and Albert Henry's Les oeuvres d'Adenet le Roi, 5 vols. (Bruges: De Tempel, 1951-56), scholars have suggested that Adenet used as his source for Cl omad s a story Blanche told upon her return from Spain. For the most recent example see Rouse and Rouse, Manuscripts and their Makers, 1: 102-3. While this may be the case for Adenet does gives credit to these women as the requestors of this story he does not actually name Blanche as the original teller of the story. As with all of his works, he instead gives credit to the library of Saint Denis as his source; see below, 171, n. 41, for Adenet's exact words. Susan Ward points out that, while there is no textual evidence for Blanche as the source, the opening illumination of Arsenal 3142 may provide alternate documentation of Blanche's role as storyteller. "Fables for the Court," 198. 217 associated with the royal court.406 We have already looked at the opening of Arsenal 3142 in some detail, so the similarly innovative M liacin miniature should occupy us now. Heading the text written by Girart d'Amiens a few years after Adenet wrote Cl omad s is an image of a gathering. A group of royal and noble figures are seated either on chairs or on the ground and gesture toward a central pair. Identified by heraldry on their robes Marie de Brabant sits second from the left, in the company of not only Blanche de France, but the new queen Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne; Jeanne's mother, Blanche d'Artois; and the widow and wife, respectively, of the two youngest 406 Much of the latter part of Arsenal 3142 was illuminated by the Fable Master, so named for his illumination of the Fables of Marie de France in this manuscript, or the young Papeleu Master, who illuminated the Bible signed by the scribe Jean de Papeleu (Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 5059). L'art au temps des rois maudits: Philippe le Bel et ses fils 1285-1328 (Paris: Editions de la R union des mus es nationaux, 1998), 269, 280-81; Rouse and Rouse, Manuscripts and their Makers, 1: 109. The portrait in Kalila et Dimna (BNF, lat. 8504, fol. 1v) is a later and more formal permutation of the two courtly, performative images of the M liacin master (fig. 30). Not commissioned by Marie, we can still view this as part of the larger system of collaboration at the French court. Exhibiting a similar interest in translations of exotic Arabic texts assimilated through Spain, this story was requested by Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne for translation into Latin from Castilian by Raimond de B ziers. Not finished until after her death, its opening royal portrait, while clear in its overall intent, is slightly confusing in its details. Given to Philippe IV at the knighting festivities of Pentecost on June 13, 1313, held in honor of the heir to Jeanne's kingdom of Navarre, the future Louis X, it includes a portrait that shows Philippe enthroned and surrounded by members of his family. Both Les rois maudits, 271-72, and Rouse and Rouse, 1: 125 and n. 211, explain the confusion between the visual and textual dedication, the latter of which records that the queen of England in the portrait is identified in the text as "Ad honorum...inclite domine Margarete regine Anglie." The Rouses think Raymond has made a textual error and is, instead, talking about Philippe IV's daughter, Isabella, but since Les rois maudits identifies Louis d'Evreux as one of the members of the portrait, one must at least consider that the text refers to Philippe and Louis' sister, Marguerite, wife of Edward I, and also queen of England. 218 sons of Louis IX, Jeanne de Ch tillon et Blois (d. 1292), and B atrix de Bourbon (d. 1310).407 Seated on the ground in the center is the recently crowned Philippe le Bel, and at either edge the constables of France and Champagne, Raoul de Clermont and Gaucher de Ch tillon. The group is assembled in a glade of trees filled with songbirds, flanked by two towers, possibly reciting or acting out the poem that begins just below the frame of their illumination. The other four miniatures in this manuscript are banquet scenes attended by king, queen, and noble men and women and refer to specific sections of the poem. They retain the informal courtly tenor of the opening folio (fig. 31).408 Mary and Richard Rouse convincingly argue that Gaucher de Ch tillon was the patron of this and a number of other manuscripts produced during the late Capetian era, and that he presented this one to Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne soon after she appointed him constable of her county of Champagne.409 Jeanne's importance to this manuscript may be illustrated 407 The order of the figures as read from left to right is Gaucher de Ch tillon, Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne, Marie de Brabant, Blanche de France, Philippe le Bel, Jeanne de Ch tillon, B atrix de Bourbon, Blanche d'Artois, and Raoul de Clermont. Jeanne de Ch tillon et Blois was the widow of Pierre d'Alen on (d. 1283) while Beatrice's husband was the youngest son, Robert, comte de Clermont (d. 1318). As countess of Blois, Jeanne had inherited from her father the county of Blois as well as the revenues of the county of Chartres, the "richest diocese in Christendom." Her patronage included windows at La Trinit in Vend me, among them an early image of her father-in-law, Louis IX, a fresco celebrating the donation of fourteen cells to the Carthusian monastery on the outskirts of Paris, and a hospital foundation in Guise. Meredith Lillich, The Armor of Light: Stained Glass in Western France, 1250-1325 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1994), 221-49. 408 The identities of the king and queen vary according to the plot. For a recent summary of this manuscript and a list of bibliography see L'art au temps des rois maudits, 266-67. 409 Rouse and Rouse, Manuscripts and Their Makers, 1: 104-6. 219 through the queen's added, central presence in all five miniatures of this manuscript, when no queen is mentioned in the text. Manufactured in the years just subsequent to Marie's reign as queen, this manuscript was produced for a court molded by her patronage. Physically present within the object, she is an integral member of the audience, just as she is for Arsenal 3142. We see in both the opening folios of Arsenal 3142 and fr. 1633 depictions that perfectly embody what Roberta Krueger defines as an "authorial audience," and what I see as a sign of collaboration between members of the court.410 These portraits are of the very women and men for whom these stories (and in particular these manuscripts) were intended and the fact that the participants are shown enjoying the poetic compositions illustrates how Adenet, Girart, and the manuscripts' designers would have assumed a sophisticated level of literary knowledge on the part of their audience. We see this confidence in the patrons' and readers' abilities to participate in these texts given visual form in the illumination cycles. In both cases the portraits show groups of mixed gender and may well represent a literary performance of the works these images head. That the texts of both Cl omad s and M liacin contain songs that their characters recite (while sitting in a room or a garden) give further credence to Susan Ward's thesis that the 410 Roberta L. Krueger, Women Readers and the Ideology of Gender in Old French Verse Romance, 26. In this phrase she is using the terminology of Peter Rabinowitz, "Truth in Fiction: A Reexamination of Audiences," Critical Inquiry 4 (1977), 121-41 and Rabinowitz, Before Reading: Narrative Conventions and the Politics of Interpretation (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987). 220 frontispiece of Arsenal 3142 depicts the recitation even the creation of the poem.411 These miniatures thus testify to the idea of Marie's court as a socially creative experience. We, of course, can not necessarily read them as exact depictions of an historically accurate, intimate gathering, for they are as much idealized visualizations of the power relationships that existed between these figures. Rather than seals on a document or heraldry in glass, they display political alliances set within a pleasurable scene of poetic performance with the performers permanently present. We know, however, that even though these scenarios may be based in an affected reality, their function at the head of these manuscripts awards them a role that is as symbolic as it is "historical." In merging these two functions and addressing the characters who would have read from these manuscripts by means of both secular image and text, a new, personalized manuscript program was created for the members of Marie de Brabant's court.412 411 Susan Ward, "Fables for the Court," 198. For the chansons included in these two poems see Henry, Adenet, 5: 675-92, "Les compositions lyriques ins r es," and R gine Colliot, "Courtoisie et amour courtois dans le Cl omad s d'Adenet le Roi," Courtly Literature: Culture and Context, Keith Busby and Erik Kooper, eds. (Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1990), 95-111, here 107. In addition to Ward's article, Sandra Hindman deals with "the ambiguous world of oral and written culture in the thirteenth century," as seen in Arsenal 3142. " sop's Cock and Marie's Hen," 52. 412 We can also interpret these miniatures as a record of what Gabrielle Spiegel calls the "periodic ritual reenactment of the basic values of lay culture by means of a shared, public recitation of traditional stories." Romancing the Past: The Rise of Vernacular Prose Historiography in Thirteenth-Century France (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1993), 65. 221 These two dignified performances are set in the casual locales of a palace chamber and a tree-filled royal garden. Both intimate in their gestures and stately in their heraldically-inscribed garments the members of these gatherings appear almost paradoxical. This combination, however, is the key to understanding the late Capetian court during Marie's life. Its visual and textual secular language, as recorded on these manuscript pages, can simultaneously support ceremony and romance. History, literature, and the visual arts legitimize and act as a source of inspiration for the fantastic and mythical, and allow their readers, speakers, and viewers to manipulate the world in a variety of ways. At the same time that these two frontispieces reveal their common audience they also illustrate different models by which to communicate familial or courtly ties. What makes this simultaneous similarity and diversity especially interesting is that, as I stated above, the same artist was commissioned to paint both illumination programs. We have evidence here, therefore, of the M liacin Master being requested to create images that, while communicating parallel courtly ideals of performative portraiture, still retained the individual taste of their patrons.413 What becomes clear about Marie's patronage of manuscripts in general, including those of both a secular and a religious nature, is her search for wide-ranging and scholarly 413 Two copies of this story and four of Adenet's, including Arsenal 3142, were illuminated by the M liacin Master and, as Richard and Mary Rouse have shown, in some cases were worked on by the same scribes and flourishers; they may even have had the same libraire, Robert de l'Isle-Adam, acting as the contractor between artist and patron. The other manuscripts containing Girart d'Amien's M liacin and works by Adenet le Roi illustrated by the M liacin Master are: Florence, Riccard 2757 and BNF, fr. 1447, BNF, fr. 24404, and BNF, fr. 1471 respectively. Rouse and Rouse, Manuscripts and their Makers, 1: 106-15. I will address all three Adenet manuscripts below. 222 material, such as found in the Kalendarium regine, the miscellany fr. 24429, or the Martyrology of Saint-Germain-des-Pr s, and her incorporation of a personalized iconography, as seen in Arsenal 3142 and the Beatus miniature of the Breviary of the Sainte-Chapelle (Morgan 1042). In conjunction with these two points, her manuscripts evince an interest in supporting artists who introduced innovative ways of representing subject matter. From the start Marie supported illuminators known for or promising inventive styles; thus the Cholet Group had a hand in the earliest manuscript we can associate with the queen, the Montpellier Codex. This same group also illuminated the first copy of the Grandes chroniques that was presented to the royal family shortly after the queen's arrival. For Marie the most important figure is the M liacin Master who worked on at least three of her manuscripts, one filled with nearly all secular subject matter and the other two that were religious in focus. He collaborated with the northern La Sainte Abbaye Master on Marie's Breviary of the Sainte-Chapelle and became a favorite of other important members of court. Another example of Marie's instinct for discovering important artists survives in her Martyrology of Saint-Germain; it is one of the earliest examples of Master Honor 's work and her patronage may have been the reason he becomes the most important illuminator in late-thirteenth century Paris. We have also seen how, along with her portraits, Marie's artists were able to produce a greater intimacy through the innovative arrangement of figures whether they be mortal friends gathered together in a bedroom or the immortal Virgin and Child leaning in to hear Marie's pious whispers. Taken as a whole, Marie's manuscripts can be seen as 223 having transformed not just what material was appropriate for consumption at court, but the entire aesthetic that gave visual form to courtly identity. 224 Chapter Five Carolingian Current: Promotion and Patrimony in the Patronage of Marie de Brabant "estraite de gentil linage et de grant, fille au noble duc de Braibant."414 Taking full advantage of the possibilities of patronage, Marie utilized the literary, plastic, painted, and ceremonial arts to publicize her and her family's uninterrupted lineage from the most honored ruler of the medieval period, Charlemagne. In this chapter, I will explore how Marie conceived of herself and her family, and how, through projects that were spread across northern France and Brabant, she mapped out genealogical routes that connected her to her natal and marital relatives physically as well as temporally. Many of these commissions functioned in "public" settings, making Marie's celebration of her past, present, and future not just a personal activity, but one that was political and meant to speak to viewers who both lived locally and traveled from distant lands. Dating to different moments in her life, the projects record Marie's vision of her place within her lineage and highlight her role in defining and extending it. Important as evidence of familial self-consciousness, her consistent evocation of secular and sacred histories in iconic and narrative forms often marked by heraldic devices also served to memorialize Marie's reputation and success as queen in life and in death. I will trace Marie's patronage with an eye to the context and changing tenor of the Parisian court, as discussed in the second chapter, beginning with Marie's arrival in Paris and 414 Chronique anonyme, RHF 21: 92. 225 continuing through her years as queen. As widow, her patronage did not change as much as one might expect, and we will see how Marie continued to project her identity through its lens. Merovingian, Carolingian, and Lotharingian History and the Haute Lignage of Marie de Brabant As the thirteenth-century Chronique anonyme attests, not only was Marie a dame bonne et b le et sage, but she was "estraite de gentil linage et de grant, fille au noble duc de Braibant."415 The dukes of Brabant were viewed as especially noble in the eyes of contemporaries for their pure lineage and direct descent from Merovingian and Carolingian ancestors. It was for this royal blood that Philippe III had taken Marie as his second wife. An awareness of the elevated nature of his new stepmother's family would in the longrun be the cause of difficult realtions between Marie and her stepson, Philippe IV.416 Philippe IV's deceased mother, Isabella, had come from Aragon, a line that was considered less reputable and noble by some contemporaries. How ironic that the very ancestral propaganda that had been one of the attractions to Marie for his father would 415 "A woman good, beautiful, and wise... descended from a great and noble lineage, daughter of the noble duke of Brabant." RHF 21: 92. A more involved version of the engagement is recorded by Guillaume de Nangis in his Listoire du roy Phelippe. RHF 20: 495. See above, 105-6. 416 Andrew W. Lewis, Royal Succession in Capetian France: Studies on Familial Order and the State (Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1981), 138; Brown, "The Prince is Father of the King: The Character and Childhood of Philip the Fair of France," Medieval Studies 49 (1987), 282-334, here 321; Elizabeth Brown, "La g n alogie cap tienne dans l'historiographie du Moyen Age," Religion et culture autour de l'an mil: Royaume cap tien et Lotharingie (Paris: Picard, 1987), 200-14, here 206-7. 226 worry Philippe IV for his entire reign. Marie also possessed another familial attribute that Philippe IV could not claim at the beginning of his reign an ancestral saint. Through her Merovingian and Carolingian blood, Marie was descended from a number of sainted ancestors, two of whom, Saint Gertrude and Saint Gudule, were extremely popular in the northern provinces and whose cults were celebrated at major pilgrimage sites.417 That Marie and her family chose to endow the foundations related to these women's lives is yet another element of their devotional and genealogical self-publicity. These female saints are also significant figures in the Genealogia Ducum Brabantiae, the text that has garnered the greatest amount of attention by modern scholars for its active promotion of the house of Brabant.418 Written in the years just preceding Marie's marriage to Philippe III, the plot begins in Homeric antiquity, with Priam, as do many other contemporary genealogies. One striking disparity between this history and the contemporary royal Grandes Chroniques is the author's choice to write in 417 The Genealogia Ducum Brabantiae Ampliata is followed by the Nomina Sanctorum e Stirpe Ducum Brabantiae Descendentium, a list, with glosses, of all the sainted ancestors of the dukes of Brabant (Paris, BNF, lat. 14194, fols. 213-23 and 223-24, respectively). Most are Merovingian or Carolingian, but the last fifth of the list are more recent relatives. MGH. Scriptores 25 (1880; repr., 1974), 391-99, here 398-99. See above, 72, n. 97, for the dating of these chronicles. For more on thirteenth-century interest in these saints see Judith Oliver, "Gothic Women and Merovingian Desert Mothers," Gesta 32/2 (1993), 124-34. 418 See above, 101-2, in Chapter Two. 227 Latin rather than French or Dutch vernacular.419 The legitimacy that Latin lends to the Brabantine genealogy fit perfectly with the noble tone that was needed during the regency of Aleyde and the early years of Jean's rule. In addition, the history created in the Genealogia is tailored to accentuate not just the illustrious Merovingian, Carolingian, and more recent past of the dukes of Brabant, but the individuals and moments in that past that were most revered by and useful to Marie's regent mother, Aleyde, and her children.420 The section of the Genealogia that is crucial to understanding Jean and Marie's 419 This is not to say that all royal historical tracts were written in the vernacular. Guillaume de Nangis initially wrote his life of Philippe III in Latin and then translated it into French a few years later. See above, 106, 110-17, for a discussion of this text. 420 Significantly, the tomb fabrication and arrangement at Saint-Denis and the composition of the Grandes chroniques de France (following a much older historiographic tradition) took place in the 1260s, early in the regency of Aleyde. As seen above, the genealogical tomb was not new to the dukes of Brabant, nor was the significance of their Carolingian heritage. The increased visibility of a sculpted and textual genealogy in the French kingdom, may however, have prompted the regent duchess and her ambitious son to take steps to increase their own visibility as key political players and even as potential rulers of other nearby provinces. Gabrielle Spiegel believes that Louis IX and his immediate ancestors were themselves responding to a new hunger or uneasiness on the part of the northern nobility when they began to commission royal historiography. The Flemish and Picard aristocracy had begun to promote their ancient blood lines through composition of personalized vernacular prose historiography late in the twelfth century, motivated by the growing consolidation of the French kingdom under Philip Augustus. These same northern neighbors may have intensified the debate later in the thirteenth-century when the French throne entered into the discussion with a multi-valent explanation of their right to rule. Romancing the Past: the Rise of Vernacular Prose Historiography in Thirteenth-Century France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993). If so, then we can view the Brabantine visual and textual commissions as a part of this international conversation. Aleyde and Jean chose to increase the visibility of their line, just as the French were doing the same, or vice versa. Thus, they were utilizing their patronage simultaneously as an offensive and defensive tool, actively pursuing an image of themselves as an ancient dynasty, while constructing this wall of legitimacy to ward off others' claims of a more esteemed and worthy family. 228 direct descent from Charlemagne comes during the life of Charles de Lorraine. Charles, duke of Brabant and Lorraine, was the second son of Louis IV, king of the Franks, and Gerberga, daughter of Henry the Fowler, the duke of Saxony who was elected emperor after his marriage to the German princess Matilda, who herself was of Charlemagne's line.421 Charles of Lorraine and his brother, Lothar, who inherited the kingdom of France, were thus descended from Charlemagne in both maternal and paternal lines. When Lothar's son, Louis V, died in 987 without an heir, Charles was considered the closest relation. From its thirteenth-century, pro-French stance, the Grandes chroniques (written late in the reign of Louis IX) agrees that Charles of Lorraine had a blood right to the throne, but that the strength of the powerful Hugh Capet, duke of the Franks, was too strong to deny.422 The Genealogia tells another story; for its Brabantine audience the denial of Charles as heir was the pivotal event that denied them rule of the French kingdom. When Hugh Capet usurped the crown from Charles in 987, he created a line that, while certainly long-lived and illustrious, could never have the same right to the kingdom of France as that possessed by the dukes of Brabant.423 The Genealogia does 421 Louis IV was the great-grandson of Charlemagne. Matilda's genealogy back to Charlemagne extends as follows: her father was emperor Louis, who was the son of emperor Arnulph, son of Carloman, son of Louis the German, son of Louis the Pious. Matilda was also the widow of the count of Lorraine. None of these details are included in the Genealogia, as they were in the Chronicle of the Kings of France (BNF, lat. 13836) originally intended for Philip IV. 422 Les Grandes Chroniques de France, Jules Viard, ed., 9 vols. (Paris: Soci t de l'histoire de France, 1920-37), 3: 146-47. 423 Genealogia ducum brabantiae heredum Franciae and Genealogia ducum brabantiae ampliata, 388-89 and 395, respectively. Elizabeth Hallam, Capetian France 987-1328 (London and New York: Longman, 1980), 20-24, nicely summarizes the events leading 229 not mince words. It states that this Hugh Capet came to rule fraudulently, and through that act ensured that his successors would have to relinquish the French throne in the future. With this usurpation, the line of Charlemagne's descendants as rulers of France was ended. The Genealogia continues to explain that this noble blood is instead carried on in the counts of Brussels and Louvain, as it has been for many years, and where it still reigns.424 Not only does the Brabantine chronicle disapprove of the change of power that occurred in Hugh Capet's time, but it extends that denial to the present era, declaring that these non-Carolingian rulers, the Hugonides, still persist today ten generations hence in Louis [IX] the king of France. The present duke of Lorraine and Brabant,425 Jean, "the twelfth generation of the `Karolides' since Charles de Lorraine, is still owed, as were his ancestors before him, the acknowledgement of this loss."426 up to the coronation of Hugh Capet in 987. Political intrigue and the central role of the Capetians in the government of France, Burgundy, and Lorraine ensured that Charles de Lorraine never had much of a chance of succeeding to the crown. The Genealogia, predictably, does not include any of these details, focusing instead on the simple progression that would have taken place had Charles become the next Carolingian king of the Franks after his brother. It drives home this point by reiterating that Charles's daughter, Gerberga, was subsequently robbed of a chance at succession after her father's death. 424 "Cui successisse debuisset Karolus [Charles de Lorraine], patruus suus [Louis V], dux Brabantie recta linea secundum heredes. Sed Hugo Capit regnum Francorum fraudulenter intravit et posteris suis hereditarie reliquit." Genealogia ducum brabantiae heredum Franciae, 388. 425 The Genealogia purposefully inverts the usual order of the duke's titles so as to emphasize how Jean directly parallels his ancestor. 426 "Horum Hugonidarum regum decimus est Ludovicus rex Francie modernus et Iohannes dux Lotharingie et Brabantie etiam modernus, duodecimus Karolidarum a Karolo duce, qui Franciam amisit sibi debitam. Et sic cessavit stirps Karoli Magni regnare in Francia, in qua ipsa confirmata fuerat hereditarie apostolica auctoritate et 230 Thus, as the progeny of Charles de Lorraine, it was the thirteenth-century dukes, and Marie speciosam atque gratiosam,427 who possessed the purest Carolingian blood and were the rightful rulers of France in a genealogical sense. It seems doubtful that Aleyde, Jean I, or even Marie realistically expected the dukes of Brabant successfully to overthrow the French king or that the king would voluntarily "repay his debt."428 A more likely motivation was that this genealogical treatise would publicize the new duke's long, illustrious past and pave the way for any bids he might make on German provinces, or even as a candidate for the empire itself.429 To some extent, the promotion was Francorum electione, lata etiam sententia anathematis in omnes alienigenas regnum Francorum contra ipsam prosapiam invasuros. Hec stirps gloriosa, per quam exaltata fuerat sancta ecclesia et lex christiana, principando permansit in Brabantia, ex qua originem traxerat...." Genealogia ducum brabantiae ampliata, 395. Brown translates the rest of the passage: "Thus, the line of Charlemagne ceased reigning in France despite the hereditary right confirmed to it by apostolic authority and the election of the Franks, and despite the sentence of anathema issued [by Pope Stephen II] against any others who might attempt to take France from them. This glorious line, by which Holy Church and Christian law has been exalted, has continued to rule in Brabant, from which it had taken its origin." "The Prince is Father," 321. 427 "beautiful and favored." Genealogia ducum brabantiae ampliata, 391. 428 Nevertheless, as the text in n. 16 shows, dynastic claims certainly color the tone of the text. Even the opening subtitle of the history "Incipit genealogia Karoli Magni successorumque eius, ducum Brabantie, heredum Francie," informs the reader that the point of this genealogy is to prove the legitimacy of the duke of Brabant as heir to "Francie." Genealogia ducum brabantiae heredum Franciae, 387. 429 Jean's validity as an imperial candidate is also alluded to in the Genealogia, through his Merovingian ancestry: Blitildis was the daughter of Clotaire II le Grand, and sister of Dagobert I (although in the Grandes chroniques and the VSD chronicle she is the daughter of Clotaire I and therefore great aunt to Clotaire II). She married "Ansbertus princeps illustris generes Romanus ex imperiali prosapia ortus," and was the mother of Arnoldus who is the father of Saint Arnulphus "benedixit et progeniem eius, prophetando de ipsis, quod ipsi essent futuri reges Francorum hereditarii et imperatores Romanorum excellentissimi, et factum est ita. Hec benedictio cum unctione descendit in nobilissimam 231 successful, for in 1270 Jean married the French princess, Marguerite. The hope for an heir endowed with Brabantine and French blood must have been in the minds of both Jean and his mother. The disappointment over Marguerite's death in childbirth only a year later was soon assuaged by his sister's engagement to the king himself, who, as we have seen, was intrigued with Marie's haute lignage as well as her intellect.430 Maybe now the heritage of Charles de Lorraine's descendents could finally be fulfilled.431 When, in 1276, just a month before her own first son was born, Marie was accused of poisoning Louis, her husband's eldest son and heir to the throne, the potential rise of one of her own sons to the status of heir to the kingdom of France was given as motive et sanctissimsm pros apiam ducum Lotharingie et Brabantie, que tunc Austria vocabatur." Genealogia ducum brabantiae ampliata, 392. 430 Marguerite was buried in Paris, at the abbey of Saint-Denis, at the feet of her father, Louis IX. It is most likely that she was visiting Paris to attend the funeral of her father at the time of her death which would explain her burial in Paris rather than Brabant. 431 As Peggy McCracken recognizes "before the succession of the son to the father's throne was assumed to be a hereditary right, the queen's lineage was an important part of her son's claim to the throne. This was particularly the case for queen mothers who could claim Charlemagne as an ancestor, and their lineage was promoted as a further justification of their son's rule. As hereditary succession to the French throne became established, the symbolic importance of the queen's genealogy declined and her eclipsed status as a mother of exemplary lineage combined with other forces in the consolidation of royal authority to diminish her influence in the royal court." Romance of Adultery: Queenship and Sexual Transgression in Old French Literature (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), 5-6. I do not entirely agree with this assessment of the diminished status of royal women with regard to power, and as I will show below, Marie used Merovingian and Carolingian imagery and themes to promote her children's lineage. Whether this patronage was an attempt to revive the use of queen's blood to justify succession rights must be, in view of some of the striking events early in Marie's reign, a consideration. Also see Lewis, Royal Succession, 47-50, on the importance of Carolingian descent for the Capetian family. 232 enough for murder.432 She was eventually acquitted of all charges, but with a document such as the Genealogia in circulation, one could understand why she might be suspected of such an act. Thus Marie was raised in a setting where the promotion of Brabant's haute lignage was a significant theme. Her mother, Aleyde de Bourgogne, and brother, Jean I, were well aware of their descent from esteemed Carolingian ancestors and of the powerful respect that such a lineage could provide to their political dealings. So when Marie arrived in Paris in 1274 it was as a twelfth-generation descendent of Charlemagne, something that even her husband, the king of France, could not claim as completely.433 The celebrations and banquet that followed their wedding at Vincennes on the August 21 may well have alluded to the peace and benefits that this union promised. Ten months later the royal persona of Marie was presented in a far more public fashion when she was crowned as queen of France in the most elaborate of ceremonies at the Sainte-Chapelle. By infusing the royal family with Marie's purer Carolingian blood, Philippe boosted the potency of his own dynasty.434 As princess of Brabant and queen of France, Marie was 432 Guillaume de Nangis, Listoire du roy Phelippe, RHF 20: 503; R. Kay, "Martin IV and the Fugitive Bishop of Bayeux," Speculum 40 (1965), 460-83, esp. 466-77. 433 Philippe Augustus was the first Capetian to be able to claim Carolingian blood through his mother Ad le of Champagne. His son, Louis VIII was celebrated as the fulfillment of the Valerian prophecy of reditus, which was made real through his mother, Isabelle de Hainaut, who was also a descendant of Charlemagne. Louis VIII may have had a copy of Charlemagne's coronation robes, covered in fleurs-de-lis, made for his coronation in 1223. Colette Beaune, Birth of an Ideology: Myths and Symbols of Nation in LateMedieval France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 56 and 203-4. 434 Philippe III had begun to promote his putative Carolingian lineage in his own coronation a few years earlier by carrying the sword, called Joyeuse, which had been 233 honored as a crucial link in the chain of enduring dynastic power, and as a route to her family's German allies. Ancestral Awareness in Marie de Brabant's Coronation Ceremony The coronations of late-medieval, French queens were imbued with enormous symbolism that communicated both the concrete and the abstract union of the person with the realm. By the late thirteenth century, assuming that Marie's ceremony followed the ordo that was composed slightly before 1270, the queen swore her allegiance to the kingdom and promised to uphold her role as beneficent, fecund Christian mother.435 handed down from Charlemagne. Grandes chroniques, 4: 29; Brown, "Prince," 320-21; Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, 57; Anne D. Hedeman, The Royal Image: Illustrations of the Grandes Chroniques de France 1274-1422 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 20; Danielle Gaborit-Chopin, Regalia: Les instruments du sacre des rois de France. Les honneurs de Charlemagne (Paris: Editions de la Reunion des mus es nationaux, 1987), 64-66. This sword survives to this day, although it has been greatly restored. The hilt is used as an example, in L'art au temps des rois maudits, 187-88, of metalwork from the reign of either Philippe III or Philippe IV. The abbey of Saint-Denis also claimed to have the crown of Charlemagne that the emperor left there before leaving for the Crusade. The monks at Saint-Denis record that the crown was then remade during the reign of Philippe III. Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, 56-57. Anne D. Hedeman has explored the dynastic personalization of the first copy of the Grandes chroniques (Paris, Biblioth que Ste.-Genevi ve. ms. 782) that was presented to the royal family in the years just following Marie's arrival in Paris. The cycle dedicated to Charlemagne emphasizes his French kingship rather than his role as emperor. Primat's portrayal of Charlemagne thus implies the primacy of the French nation over German and Italian lands and can be interpreted as an aspect of royal ideology concerning royal territorial and political aspirations. One can also view the Carolingian section of the Grandes chroniques as a Dionysian ploy to further connect their monastery with the cult of Charlemagne. Hedeman, Royal Image, 19. 435 For an analysis of a mid-fourteenth-century queen's coronation see, Claire Richter Sherman, "Taking a Second Look: Observations on the Iconography of a French Queen, Jeanne de Bourbon (1338-1378)," Feminism and Art History: Questioning the Litany, Norma Broude and Mary D. Garrard, eds. (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1982), 234 Marie thus became the political symbol of the dynastic marriage of the houses of France and Brabant and, through her inferred reproductive abilities, of the continued prosperity of her new country. She provided the crucial blood link between the BrabantineCarolingian past and France's strengthened future, and also personified the ideal political and social values that queenship entailed. We have already briefly seen in Chapter Three how this ceremony was one of many projects in which Marie was involved that questioned the order established during the lengthy reign of Louis IX. In this section, this ceremony serves to introduce the historically-loaded significance of Marie's ancestry as it was visible in her patronage projects. The location and events surrounding Marie's coronation provide a window through which to view the achievements and expectations of this marriage, for Philippe as well as Marie. For the first time the sacral rites took place in the new Sainte-Chapelle; 100-17. See also the facsimile of the manuscript that celebrated this coronation: The Coronation Book of Charles V of France (Cottonian MS Tiberius B. VIII), E. S. Dewick, ed. (London: Harrison and sons, printers, 1899); Carra Ferguson O'Meara, Monarchy and Consent: The Coronation Book of Charles V of France (London: Harvey Miller Publishers, 2001). Richard Jackson transcribes all of the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century ordos in volume two of his Ordines Coronationis Franciae: Texts and Ordines for the Coronation of Frankish and French Kings and Queens in the Middle Ages, 2 vols. (Phildelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995-2000), including the Last Capetian Ordo that was probably used for Marie's ceremony. See also Percy Ernst Schramm, Der K nig von Frankreich: Das Wesen der Monarchie vom 9. zum 16. Jahrhundert, 2 vols. (Weimar: Hermann B hlaus Nachfolger, 1960); Richard Jackson, "Les manuscrits des ordines de couronnement de la biblioth que de Charles V, roi de France," Le moyen age (1976), 6788; Jackson, Vive le Roi! A History of the French Coronation Ceremony from Charles V to Charles X (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984); Jacques LeGoff, "A Coronation Program for the Age of Saint Louis: The Ordo of 1250," Coronations: Medieval and Early Modern Monarchic Ritual, J nos M. Bak, ed. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990), 46-57. 235 they were attended by many of the same families whose presence had graced her parent's courtly gatherings.436 To celebrate their union and Marie's coronation, Philippe had a medal cast that depicted Marie kneeling before the archbishop of Reims as he placed the crown upon her head (fig. 63).437 The inscription encircling the pair reads "SACRATA ET CORONATA XXIIII IUNII MCCLXXV. ORAT[ORIUM] CAES[ARIS]." By describing the recently erected Ste.-Chapelle as Oratorium Caesaris, the medal evokes Charlemagne's palatine chapel in Aachen, and so celebrated Marie's ancient heritage and the possibilities it promised. The crown recorded in the drawing of the medal shows an arched imperial crown topped by fleurs-de-lis. By contrast, contemporary descriptions of other queens' crowns, such as the couronne de la reine and couronne de Jeanne d'Evreux, depict open circles, simply crested with fleurs-de-lis (fig. 64).438 If this crown was manufactured especially 436 See above, 115-16, n. 48, for a transcription of the ceremony as described by Guillaume de Nangis. 437 M. Saveur-J r me Morand, Histoire de la Ste-Chapelle Royale du Palais (Paris: Chez Clousier et Prault, 1790), 76-77. The archbishop of Sens was outraged that he was not chosen to perform the ceremony that took place within his ecclesiastical domain. Brabantine connections with the city of Reims may have influenced this decision. The archbishop of Reims was also certainly loathe to give up his traditional role in the coronation process. As the Ste.-Chapelle was under papal jurisdiction, ceremonies there were independent of local ecclesiastical dictate. Guillaume de Nangis, Listoire du roy Phelippe, RHF 20, 497; Catherine Parsoneault, "The Montpellier Codex: Royal Influence and Musical Taste in Late Thirteenth-Century Paris" (Austin, University of Texas, 2001), 177. 438 Danielle Gaborit-Chopin, Regalia: Les instruments du sacre des rois de France, les "Honneurs de Charlemagne" (Paris : Minist re de la culture et de la communication, Editions de la R union des mus es nationaux,1987), 85, 99-101, and 87, discusses the imperial crown, the couronne de la reine, and the couronne de Jeanne d'Evreux respectively. Jeanne d'Evreux's crown was the more light-weight version she used in the 236 for Marie de Brabant's coronation, its unique shape also speaks of her imperial, and therefore Carolingian, connections.439 Surrounded by vividly-colored windows filled with Old and New Testament and thirteenth-century royalty, and the prized relics of Christendom, Marie must have made a stunning picture both physically and metaphorically. Coronation ceremony, location, regalia, and the nationality of the attendees all reiterated the attention that was focused upon Marie's lineage and the excitement that her presence had produced. Full of political symbolism and familial significance, the transformation of consort into queen provided an ideal moment for additional ceremony. After gathering together many princes of the realm and Empire in the Ste.-Chapelle, a container of relics that had come from the holy city of Jerusalem, Philippe III enunciated his desire for a future crusade and implied his intent to make an imperial bid.440 The king, the queen, the dukes of Brabant and Burgundy, the seigneurs of France, and the brothers of the king proceeded with great pomp to take the cross after the ceremony.441 In the end then, this numerous ceremonies in which she participated throughout her long life. Charles V's inventory records twenty or more such "festival crowns" (festin) that "he used for royal entries, lits de justice, and diplomatic receptions." Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, 55. 439 Beaune, Birth of an Ideology, 56, states that it was usual practice to have a new crown made for each coronation. By the late thirteenth century, however, the popularity of the crowns of Charlemagne and Saint Louis may have made the creation of new crowns for the kings of France less urgent. This need not be true for the queens who had no similar mythical crown. 440 Langlois, Le r gne, 82. 441 Langlois, Le r gne, 82. Later that year Jean de Brabant again promised to accompany Philippe on crusade. "Littera qualiter Dux Brabantiae promisit ire in Terram-Sanctam cum Rege Philippo. Nous Jean Dux de Brabant de Loheureint....Donn es a Paris, en l'an 237 ceremony forged links between the French crown, the Holy Roman Empire, and Christian kingship.442 During the celebration surrounding her coronation, Marie, as princess of Brabant and queen of France, was able satisfy her own need for spectacle and entertainment and to bring about a convergence of ceremony and people to serve her husband's ends. Considered together with her coronation ceremony and the patronage of her natal family, Marie's commissions of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century take on an entirely new focus. The network of ancestral and familial themes in her artistic commissions complicate the vision of Marie as queen of the court offered in chapters three and four. These concerns coexist with the courtly ideologies in works associated with Marie, keeping the past alive in the present and the present legitimized by de nostre Seigneur Mille deux cens soixante et quatorze, La feste de la Nativit de Nostre-Dame," (Extrait des Recueils des Registres des Chartes du Roy, BNF, naf. 7364, fol. 461-461v). 442 Just two years before their marriage, in 1272-73, Philippe III had been aggressively encouraged by his uncle, Charles d'Anjou, to accept the rule of the Empire. Langlois, Le r gne, 64-65; and Lewis, Royal Succession, 125-26. According to contemporary reasoning, the king of France, as protector of the Holy Land, had every right to rule as Holy Roman Emperor. Lewis, Royal Succession, 125-26. Like his father before him, Philippe was attracted to the idea of the crusade. With his marriage to Marie in 1274, he secured the friendship of many northern princes. These alliances were potentially useful not only for a bid for the Empire, but also for the organization and support of a new crusade. In 1276, just a year after Marie's coronation, Philippe, accompanied by Jean de Brabant and many other German princes, made his way to Castile to defend the rights of inheritance of his sister, Blanche, and her two sons. Rather than viewing this campaign solely as motivated by legal and economic factors, Philippe chose to couch his expedition in terms of a crusade, similar to the one undertaken by Charlemagne five centuries earlier. To emphasize the historical and holy nature of this war, as well as his now strengthened connection to Charlemagne, Philippe began his journey from the abbey of Saint-Denis, where he obtained the oriflamme from the abbot, Mathieu de Vend me, caretaker of the holy relics of the king of France. Langlois, Le r gne, 82, 105-6. 238 commemoration of that past. They range in scale from the intimate but by no means private nature of a manuscript to more highly visible architectural monuments. Linked to the past either iconographically or thematically, all these contemporary commissions depict Marie's vision of herself in a larger Franco-Brabantine self-consciousness. The composition of genealogical histories was the most blatant form of propaganda and evidence of familial self-consciousness that Marie's father's family exercised. Marie also understood more subtle methods of influencing an audience. We have seen how, through ceremonial means, Marie was presented to the court and citizens of France, and to the nobility of more distant lands, as a descendant of Charlemagne. Similar interest in ancestral detail and legitimacy are present in the textual and pictorial programs of Arsenal 3142 and in other manuscripts belonging to Marie. Equally illuminating is the manner in which Marie emphasized her place in the esteemed and revered lineage of Brabant by renovating her family's necropolis in Louvain and locating herself in the center of its stained glass program. She also made clear her dynastic authority by donating funds to aid in the construction of a magnificent architectural reliquary for the Carolingian monastery in Nivelles that, until it was shattered by a bomb in 1940, housed the relics of Saint Gertrude, patron saint of the dukes of Brabant. Further commissions in the church of Saint-Nicaise in Reims and at the collegiate church next to her chateau in Mantes also spoke to the viewer of family and status. One can furnish these architectural commissions with the more intimate objects and activities of Marie's daily life, both secular and religious. Finally, to tie many of these objects and monuments together spatially as well as thematically, I will consider their placement 239 within the larger landscape of northern France, noting their topographical and historical significance to their audiences. Referential Fiction and History in the Program of Arsenal 3142 I have already discussed the contents of Arsenal 3142 in the context of Marie's new conceptions of court and queen. It serves us equally well as evidence of Marie's dynastic and familial concerns. To begin with, the inclusion of Adenet's entire corpus helps us to define her familial patronage, knowing as we do that all of the troubadour's poems were composed with the Brabantine, Flemish, or Brabantine-French court in mind as audience. As such it is hardly coincidental that all four of Adenet's poems are located in the distant, but pivotal, Roman, Merovingian, and Carolingian past and involve plots and characters that spoke directly to its royal and noble readers. As Marie's coronation ceremony and the Brabantine Genealogia illustrate, these periods of European history were ones that provided Marie's family with an illustrious means of presenting claims of pure and imperial blood. It is not surprising, then, that Adenet's poems, catering to the interests of his patrons, would not only be set in the era when his patrons' most celebrated ancestors ruled, but that the stories surrounding these historical figures would play upon activities familiar to the present day. This focus also holds true for many of the other texts in Arsenal 3142. The design of the manuscript thus creates a type of textual genealogy, where the romances and didactic and moral verse are organized to remind the reader of a more 240 traditional Latin or vernacular chronicle.443 The subjects of the various poems are also part of the thirteenth-century literary and historical tradition that spoke of the genealogical relationship of the current generation to the epic past. Rather than viewing herself merely as the patron and reader of this collection, Marie could see herself or her relatives embodied in the hero or heroine of the stories, collapsing the past into the present. At the same time, she was able to perceive a chronological progression that led generation by generation from these eras to her own. Cl omad s lived in the most ancient of times, a quasi-mystical early Christian period of Diocletian, but as an adventurer and knight his character was familiar to Marie. Berte aus grans pi s records the extraordinary bravery of the Hungarian princess, Berte, in the early years of her marriage to Pepin. Their son, Charlemagne, is the main character in Adenet's Enfances Ogier and Jean Bodel's Chanson des Saisnes, and Beuves de Commarchis is set in the Carolingian era of Guillaume d'Orange. Most of the other texts, while not necessarily genealogically relevant, evoke the ancient past of philosophers and church fathers, customized to speak to a thirteenth-century, chivalric audience.444 As deployed in Arsenal 3142, this literary dynasticism validated the nobility of Brabantine and French (as well as Artesian and Flemish) members of the audience. Its message could operate on 443 For a similar conception, see Donald Maddox, "Domesticating Diversity: Female Founders in Medieval Genealogical Literature and La Fille du Comte de Pontieu," The Court and Cultural Diversity, Evelyn Mullally and John Thompson, eds. (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1997), 97-107. 444 See above, Chapter Four. I do not pretend that this historical awareness is the only, or even the main theme in Arsenal 3142, but in combination with its function as a performative and courtly educational manual, the ancestral theme increases its usefulness for Marie as a political, didactic, and recreational tool. 241 both discursive and inclusive levels, simultaneously projecting anti- and pro-Capetian sentiment, and allowing Marie and her family to define themselves as the synthesis of the Carolingian, Brabantine, and French patrimony.445 Working in combination with the texts of Adenet and the other authors of 3142 are the illuminations. Sylvia Huot notes the awareness of and respect for the author contained in Arsenal 3142; every piece opens and sometimes closes with a portrait of the author as recitor or scribe.446 She reads this preoccupation as a sign of the involvement of Adenet himself in the design of the manuscript. If this is the case, he must, however, have known that this format would please his patron, Marie. Possibly, as the daughter and sister of poets, he knew she would implicitly understand and appreciate the acknowledgement of authorship in particular, authorship of verse in image and text. Thus, while this manuscript does not contain any of the work of Henri or Jean de Brabant, it compliments Marie as one who is privy to the process of and pride in the construction of poetry. Even in its authorial focus and exclusion of prose, this manuscript reminds Marie of her heritage. The opening folio of Arsenal 3142 confirms this attitude, centered as it is around the acts of creation and performance set in a Franco-Brabantine milieu. Already central 445 The discursive nature of chronicles commissioned by members of the Flemish and Picard aristocracy in the early thirteenth-century is the topic of much of Gabrielle Spiegel's book, Romancing the Past. See especially chap. 2. 446 Sylvia Huot, in From Song to Book: The Poetics of Writing in Old French Lyric and Lyrical Narrative Poetry (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1987), 40-45. See also my discussion in Chapter Four of this personalization as an indication of the atmosphere at the court of Marie de Brabant. 242 to my discussion of Marie's identity within her courtly setting, the opening miniature shows Marie in the company of her sister-in-law and friend, Blanche de France, her nephew, the future Jean II de Brabant, and Adenet le Roi, author and troubadour (figs. 1 and 32). The second portrait, of Robert d'Artois, Marie's cousin, occurs at the end of the gathering (fig. 33).447 Included in this burst of portraiture is the marriage of the parents of Cl omad s, Marcadigas and Ynabele, the latter wearing Blanche's arms of Castile and Leon (fig.34). In all likelihood Marie expected a reader to consider the three miniatures as framing the text and therefore dependent upon one another. One feature that unites these illuminations, as well as other miniatures in Arsenal 3142 and many nonmanuscript projects commissioned by Marie, is the union of heraldry and portraiture to signal genealogical networks and importance. Marie emphasizes both her natal and marital ties in the choice of figures for these portraits, making them clear through heraldic identification. Surrounded by a Capetian princess with links to the famed Castilian court, a Brabantine prince cadet, the troubadour who has written out the stories of their pasts, and followed at the end by her chivalric cousin, who is purposefully depicted wearing the arms of both France and Brabant, Marie has brought together contemporaries who represent the genealogical fusion achieved through her marriage to the king of France. In addition to the author portraits that mark off the divisions between entries, and the depictions of Marie, her relations, and Robert d'Artois that frame the story of Cl omad s, one image introduces each of the romans d'antiquit . Despite their rich 447 Robert's mother, Mahaut de Brabant, was the sister of Henri III and, therefore, Marie's aunt. 243 narrative content, only a single scene sums up each of these poems. In most cases the images are drawn from the opening lines of the text, rather than from a pivotal scene further into the manuscript that might better sum up the story. Each image, however, literally leads the viewer into the story while still remaining iconic rather than narrative in status. Prefaced by the portraits of Marie with her miniature court and Robert d'Artois that frame the story of Cl omad s, and surrounded by the many authorial portraits that initiate the texts throughout the manuscript, these narrative scenes, full of heraldic details, seep into the realm of portraiture themselves. Take for example the marriage scene that introduces the first of Adenet's poems (fig. 34). Judging by other illuminated romances of the time, more typical choices would have included a scene of Cl omad s riding his magical, flying horse off on a quest, or one of the many battles in which he engages. This interesting selection may be attributed in part to the recent composition and innovative storyline of Cl omad s. Yet, at its core, this is a romance, depending upon many of the preestablished tropes of courtly literature as seen, for example, in the Arthurian romances of Chr tien de Troyes. Manuscripts that include these earlier stories are filled with scenes of questing and battle, and are not illustrated by portraits of their authors and patrons. Yet, when one considers the specific audience for and ownership of this manuscript, this choice of miniatures, in combination with its neighboring textual and illumination programs, fits quite logically into the historical and familial focus of Marie's patronage. From its very beginning, Arsenal 3142 involves its reader in a dialogue between the past and the present, illuminating ties to previous generations, and alluding to how 244 historical heroes and events are manifested in the lives of contemporary patrons. In the prologue of Cl omad s , which in the case of Arsenal 3142 also opens the manuscript, Adenet does not name his patrons, but hints that their identities will be revealed at the end of the poem. This authorial device automatically joins together the prologue and epilogue across the seventy pages that fall between them, giving the people named and painted in these two sections a temporal and thematic unification that runs through the historical narrative of Cl omad s. In the program of Arsenal 3142, however, the anonymity in which Adenet clouds Marie and Blanche in his prologue, is undermined by the unmistakable identities of his female patrons in the opening miniature, further collapsing the divisions of the manuscript's physical layout. When one reaches this final section Adenet names himself and the two women who commissioned this story, while acknowledging the familial link between present and past benefactors. Marie, her father, cousins, brothers, and sister-in-law are described in moving detail. This epilogue could thus be read as a genealogical register of Marie's relatives, as much as a list of Adenet's patrons.448 Working in conjunction with the miniatures of Cl omad s, this prologue and epilogue honors the place from which Marie came as well as the court she has established in Paris. A comparison with the opening miniature of a fourteenth-century copy of Cl omad s (BNF, fr. 1456, fig. 22) reveals other levels on which we might read the Arsenal illumination and illustrates how effective it was for Marie's purposes. The later version adapts the first two narrative images of 3142 in a single, bi-partite scene. The 448 See above, 39-40, for the transcription of this text. 245 left-hand portion of the frame is filled by the marriage of king Marcadigas to Ynabelle. To the right is a nativity scene where Ynabele rests with her head at the left side of the bed, attended by a group of women. All traces of Blanche, Jean II, and Adenet have been erased. Rather than acting as a vision of genealogical, performative portraiture this second scene of fr. 1456 instead depicts the birth of Cl omad s. That the introductory scene of Arsenal 3142 was no longer relevant outside of its original context demonstrates what a personalized audience this manuscript addressed.449 The reinterpretation of the donor image into a scene of nativity in fr. 4156 raises an interesting question. Could there have been other ways to interpret the opening miniature of Arsenal 3142 than as a straightforward visualization of family, status, performance, and courtly lifestyle? Obviously so, according to a slightly later artist. Suddenly, the vision of Marie reclining on a bed reverberates with new significance. In her coronation ceremony Marie had vowed to be as fruitful as Old Testament queens and as pure and virtuous as the New Testament one for which she was named.450 Indeed, her role as intercessor for the French people was based on this typological relationship to the Virgin. And as the dynastic link between the houses of France and Brabant made clear in the heraldic portraits throughout Arsenal 3142 it was her capacity as mother that affirmed that status. Thus, the reference to the most important birth scene in Christianity inherent in this miniature promotes Marie's successful role in uniting the two families. In 449 There is, however, a contemporary manuscript, BNF, fr. 24404, that contains Cl omad s and Berte aus grans pies and which retains the original intent of the introductory scene of Arsenal 3142. See above, 183-84. 450 See, 235, above. 246 a more subtle manner than their heraldically-inscribed garments, the iconography behind this grouping of figures signals Marie's familial network and her simultaneous position as daughter, sister, mother, wife, and queen. There exist numerous other references in the program of Arsenal 3142 to Marie's life and status as Carolingian princess and French queen that manifest her concern with familial promotion. Even though Cl omad s took place in pre-Carolingian Europe, there are still dynastic references in this story's illumination program that one might interpret as Carolingian in tint. For instance we have already addressed the enigmatic presence of Marie's nephew in the opening miniature. Why, if this story is about the son of a queen, is not Louis d'Evreux or one of Blanche's sons shown? Jean was the son of Marie's brother and his wife, Marguerite de Flandres, daughter of Guy de Dampierre. Thus, Jean was not only the grandson of both of Adenet's most treasured patrons, he was also the embodiment of the two families most directly descended from Charlemagne, Brabant and Flanders. In their shared ancient and noble blood, Jean would have been encouraged by his family to use the Spanish prince as a model. Cl omad s' kingdom was the very area where Charlemagne would fight off the infidels that had invaded this previously Christian region, so the associations were certainly relevant.451 The inclusion of Adenet's romans d'antiquit in Arsenal 3142 allowed Marie to promote herself politically by making her dynastic history a vivid, vernacular reality. The next selection in Arsenal 3142 is Les Enfances Ogier, an epic recounting of the 451 Henry, Adenet, 5: 731, n. 98. It is also the same region that Philippe III conquered on his Castilian campaign in 1276. Significantly, Adenet, Marie, Blanche, Jean I de Brabant, and Guy de Dampierre all accompanied Philippe on this "crusade." 247 feudal relations between Charlemagne and his vassals and the crusade to free Rome from the infidels and restore the pope to power. The action is spread across all of Europe with a focus on Charlemagne's northern lands. The original text was ordered by Guy de Dampierre, researched by Adenet at the abbey of Saint-Denis, and dedicated to Marie de Brabant upon its completion sometime after her marriage in 1275.452 In the single miniature chosen to summarize the plot, the viewer beholds Charlemagne receiving Ogier, son of King Gaufroi of Denmark, as a hostage under the folds of an elaborately decorated tent. Ogier arrives as a sign of his father's submission to the rule of the emperor. In the image the young noble kneels behind his father, who pulls Ogier forward by his clasped hands. Charlemagne sits on his leonine throne, wearing his imperial crown and robes that communicate his dual German and French rule. It was in this text that Adenet invented the arms of Charlemagne.453 Thus, the inclusion of the inclusion of the Enfances Ogier in Arsenal 3142 helps to flesh out the historical setting for the 452 "K'au Roi Adam le plaist a commander/ Celui que il ne doit pas refuser/ Que ses commans ne face sanz veer/ C'est li cuens Guis de Flandres seur lamer," (28-31) "Ce livre veuill la royne envoiier/ Marie..." (8226-27). As with Cl omad s, where Marie commissioned the story and the envoy was dedicated to Robert d'Artois, we can read this joining of two relations as a significant statement of family and patronage. See above, 175, n. 41, for Adenet's description of his many visits to Saint-Denis. 453 Adenet describes Charlemagne's arms in great detail more than once. See for example 5004-44. The author's invention of this heraldry may have taken place as early as 1265 depending on the exact dating of Adenet's Enfances Ogier where he describes Charlemagne's heraldry on lines 4999 and 5023 as split with a black eagle on a gold ground and gold fleurs-de-lis on an azur ground. Ogier's coat of arms is a black lion on a gold ground, line 2535. A. comte de Marsy, characterizes Adenet's poems as "un glossaire h raldique." "Le langage h raldique au XIIIe si cle dans les po mes d'Adenet le Roi," M moires de la Soci t des antiquaires de France, 5e s r., 42 (1881), 169-212, esp. 184 and 191; Meredith Lillich, "Early Heraldry: How to Crack the Code," Gesta 30 (1991), 45. 248 dynastic claims made in the Genealogia where the dukes of Brabant and Lorraine are regarded as heirs to the kingdom of France, by hereditary right, as the eldest race of Charlemagne. Thus, in a far more conspicuous manner than the program of Cl omad s, the story and miniature of this historical epic together express Marie's interest in the power of her ancestor over lesser nobles and her inheritance of that authority as princess of Brabant and queen of France. For Adenet's poem Berte aus grans pies, third in the contents of Arsenal 3142, the story revolves around Pepin le Bref and his bride, Berte, the parents of Charlemagne. In the first few lines Adenet announces that he also conducted the research for this poem at the abbey of Saint-Denis.454 Claims to such a source not only legitimize Adenet and his poem, but also may illustrate his patron's desire for further links to this royal monument and its history. Thus the story focuses on the Merovingian and Carolingian past, produced from material contained in the library of the abbey founded by a Merovingian king, Dagobert. As I will elaborate in my discussion of the Nivelles ch sse of Ste. Gertrude, Brabantine connections to this pre-Carolingian era were strong and the inclusion of this work in Arsenal 3142 is part of a larger scheme of patronage. Part of the tale's appeal for Marie must also have been the narrative of this poem which, as we have seen above, focuses on Berte and in many ways paralleled her own life and provided yet 454 It is striking that Adenet used as his major resource the library of the monastery that had itself helped to promote (and in some cases create) the Capetians' illustrious lineage. In fact, the tomb program created in the 1260s at Saint-Denis to celebrate the Capetians own illustrious ancestry would have been on display for Adenet to view. Among the tombs were those of his main characters, Berte and Pepin, next to those of Clovis II and Pepin's father, Charles Martel. 249 another link between her present status and her Carolingian ancestry. Marie's arrival in Paris, status as second wife, marriage and coronation ceremonies, estrangement from Philippe, validation as faithful and clever wife, and producer of male and female children all strikingly resemble Berte's saga. Thus Adenet alludes to Marie de Brabant's recent past in the account of her ancestor's life, the very ancestor who gave birth to the Carolingian dynasty.455 Another example of how Marie promoted imperial, Brabantine past and French royalty occurs on folio 129v of the Arsenal manuscript, the opening of Jean Bodel's early thirteenth-century Chanson des Saisnes (or Song of the Saxons) (fig. 66). This roman d'antiquit is staged on the banks of the Rhine, just to the south of Cologne, where the emperor battles the pagan Saxon king, Guiteclin. In what at first seems a surprising choice considering Charlemagne's central role in the story, the illumination that heads this text instead records the coronation of Clovis le premier roi de France (21), showing 455 Contemporary use of this historical figure by the members of Marie's family was not restricted to Adenet's poem. There exist mural paintings of Berte, lying in bed with Pepin at the chateau de Cruet (fig. 65). They were painted in honor of the marriage of Marie de Brabant's niece and namesake, Marie, the daughter of duke Jean I, and Amedee de Savoie in 1298. Considering that it is the earliest extant wall painting cycle depicting this story, within the larger context of Brabantine propaganda one could conclude that this program was chosen as much for political reasons as for its courtly subject. That the remainder of the wall program addresses scenes from the life of Charlemagne, the implied product of this bedroom scene, only bolsters that hypothesis. That their style is similar to painting from the north of France or the Rhine-land further places the design in the realm of patronage of the house of Brabant. Peintures medievales de Cruet, Chantal Fernex de Mongex, Dominique Richard, eds. (Barberaz, Savoie, France: Agraf, 1990); L'art au temps des rois maudits, 373-73. It may also be significant that when Philippe IV rearranged the tombs at SaintDenis, he placed the tombs of his parents between the pair Berte and Pepin and that of Clovis II and Charles Martel, severing the genealogy of Charlemagne's ancestors. 250 the miraculous and divinely sanctioned ceremony rather than the earthly one officiated by Saint Remi.456 The king wears azur blue robes covered in gold fleurs-de-lis and grasps a scepter in his right hand, while angels fly down to place a crown on his head before a crowd of lay witnesses. The fleur-de-lis and scepter allude to his status as king of the Franks. According to Bodel's text, however, this angelic ceremony is a confirmation of the imperial legitimacy of Clovis and his descendants, Pepin and Charlemaine d'Ais que Diex parama tant.457 Bodel states that Clovis passed his divine rulership on to these two successors (18-19 and 26-27), so that on a certain level this image does depict the coronation of Charlemagne. This textual detail may explain why so many scholars have read this image as the coronation of Charlemagne; to the eyes of many of its viewers, it did depict the first Holy Roman Emperor, here shown wearing the robes of France.458 Charlemagne was seen as the model of ideal kingship, an ideal that the rulers of France 456 The text continues, "fist diex et son commant/ Coronner a ses angles dignement en chantant," lines 21-22. 457 "Charlemagne of Aix whom God loved above all others." (28). The choices made in deciding on this iconography are highlighted when compared to a contemporary coronation of Clovis in the Walter of Milemete Treatise (fig. 67). Here Saint-Remi, ecclesiastic, and lay officials jointly place the crown on the kings head. No angels appear to sanction the moment. Michael Michael, "The Iconography of Kingship in the Walter of Milemete Treatise," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institute 57 (1994), 35-47. 458 Lewis Royal Succession, 282, n. 161, describes the image in connection with the fleurs-de-lis covering Charlemagne's robes as proof of royal adoption of this symbol by the late thirteenth century. Art of the Courts, no. 7, also describes this as Charlemagne. A comparison of the scene in Arsenal 3142 to the coronation of Charlemagne in the Grandes Chroniques of Philippe III (Paris, Biblioth que Ste-Genevieve, ms. 782, fol. 121v) illustrates the powerful effect an alteration in iconography can create (fig. 68). For the monks of Saint-Denis "Charles" is anointed by Pope Leo; for the readers of Marie's history the emperor's right to the throne, as passed down from the first king of France, is relayed directly through God. 251 emulated, and that the northern aristocracy had traditionally used to criticize the French kings as not emulating well enough.459 This image denies that conflict, allowing this German history of Charlemagne to flow from an image of a French king.460 In the same way the text of the Chanson des Saisnes fuses together the first Christian king of France and the first Holy Roman Emperor, we can read the inclusion of this poem and illumination in Arsenal 3142 as an example of the dual promotion of Brabantine and French imperial claims. As Marie's coronation ceremony illustrated, her new status as queen brought these two dynastic traditions together. It is possible, however, to interpret this section of Arsenal 3142 in an entirely different light. Read together the text and image just as strongly imply that the descendants of Charlemagne are the true descendants of the first king of France and are therefore its rightful rulers. According to the Genealogia ducum brabantiae it was the house of Brabant that possessed the most direct link to Charlemagne and therefore were heredum Francie.461 Other manuscripts belonging to Marie seem to confirm this connection between Charlemagne and Marie's family. Among Marie's manuscripts whose authors called on Charlemagne as a role model, was her Kalendarium regine. Its author, Guillaume de Saint Cloud invited his benefactress to follow the example of other wise rulers such as Alexander and Charlemagne in learning and action. Not 459 Spiegel, Romancing the Past, 94. 460 In Marie's miscellany, fr. 24429, the scribe even goes as far as to call Pepin "empereres," (fol. 10v). 461 See above, 225, for the beginning of this discussion. 252 coincidentally when Guillaume addresses Marie again at the end of the text, the author describes the queen as dominine regine Marie... sororis ducis Braibantie (fol. 94r).462 Thus the equation of Marie with Charlemagne is achieved within the context of her Brabantine heritage, stressing in particular her relationship to her deceased brother who, through the text of the Genealogia, had proclaimed his family's status as descendants of the emperor. By studying Arsenal 3142's poetic and illumination program together, one sees how the designer constructed a genealogy that began in antiquity, proceeded to the Merovingian and Carolingian eras, and led to its contemporary conclusion located at the opening of the manuscript in the forms of Marie and her nephew, Jean II, future duke of Brabant. Mapping out a path from the classical past to the medieval present, this manuscript creates a narrative genealogy that places it squarely in the realm of the familial patronage of Marie. Daughter, Wife, Mother, Queen: Promotion and Continuity in Sculpture, Architecture, and Glass. We have already noted a sense of geographical and historical awareness in the writings of Adenet that are included in Arsenal 3142. Inspired by the poet's travels with the Brabantine, Flemish, and French courts, many of the towns and kingdoms would have evoked for Marie and her associates memories of and ties to those locales. The readers of her manuscript were able, aided by the images, to place themselves as participants in the 462 See above, 199-204, for a full discussion of the Kalendarium. 253 poetry and prose. Historically grounded to Marie's Brabantine, Merovingian, Carolingian, and Lotharingian past, many of the characters and morals were ones that seem to have been tailored for this specific audience. Just as important to understanding her identity is how Marie's interest in her ancestry fictional or not translated into her sculptural, architectural, and glass commissions. Images of Marie often play a central role in these monuments and serve as a link between the Merovingian, Carolingian, or Brabantine past and Marie's own position as queen in the late-thirteenth or early-fourteenth centuries. All this hereditary patronage can be categorized into two types of genealogies the sacred and the secular. The ch sse of Ste. Gertrude at Nivelles is a celebration of Marie's sacred lineage, while her commissions in Louvain, Reims, and Mantes, for the most part, promote Marie's secular heritage by displaying herself as of daughter, wife, mother, and widow in varying combinations. In addition, the sites that she chose to benefit were, as often as not, integral to how she chose to depict herself and her family. Furthermore, I maintain that even with their geographical spread, there exists a topographical logic that unifies Marie's commissions, creating, when considered together, the effect of a single, multivalent vision of late Capetian queenship. Sacred Dynasticism in the Ch sse of Ste. Gertrude at Nivelles The magnificent, architectural silver-gilt ch sse that held the relics of Saint Gertrude of Nivelles was most likely funded by Marie early in her marriage to Philip III (figs. 69 and 254 70).463 The size of the ch sse , 1.80 meters in length by .5 meters in width, and .8 meters in height, reminded one instantly of a large tomb, while the decorative scheme evoked, down to the tiniest detail, a miniature basilican church in the rayonnant style.464 The sixteen smaller niches ringing the lower portion of the shrine were filled with saints, and the larger end and transept "portals" were filled with figures of an enthroned Virgin and Child, Christ in Majesty, the Crucifixion, and Gertrude as abbess.465 Narrative reliefs of Gertrude's life covered the roof, in an unrealistic but pragmatic use of space, while tiny 463 See above, 17, for the bibliography of the chasse. Shattered by a bomb in 1940, many large fragments of the reliquary survive, as do photographic records and a life-size cast, which allow study of the object in detail. The original contract for the chasse dates to 1272, and while the dukes of Brabant, as protectors of the monastery, may well have had a hand in the commission, most scholars believe that royal finances were behind its construction. The original document no longer survives, but fortunately it was copied in the sixteenth century. Brussels, Archives g n rales du Royaume de Belgique, Cartulaire de Nivelles, fol. 493-94. 464 The format of the chasse is an updated and enlarged version of the Shrine of S. Elizabeth of Hungary, created at least twenty years before the Gertrude reliquary (fig. 71). The similarities between the reliquaries of these "German" princesses exist on formal as well as thematic planes. The styles are unique to their age, but the shape of the basilican shrine and the organization of the figural detail is closely related. The Art of the Gothic, 487, describes the Shrine of S. Elizabeth as modeled upon an earlier reliquary to the Virgin in Aachen. All in all it appears that the Brabantine artists were looking to German sources for their inspiration. The geographical, genealogical, and political ties to this region make this exchange, while not surprising, that much more significant. Stylistically, the Gertrude reliquary more closely resembles the architecture of the much smaller ch sse of Saint Romain from Rouen and the figural sculpture of the Saint-Sepulchre Reliquary given to the cathedral of Pamplona by Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne (figs. 72 and 73). Danielle Gaborit-Chopin, "La ch sse de Nivelles et les arts pr cieux," Un tr sor gothique: La ch sse de Nivelles (Paris: Editions de la R union des mus es nationaux, 1996), 250-59, here, 252-55. 465 The saints surrounding the portal of Saint Gertrude from left to right were Thomas, Bartholomew, Simon, Matthew, John, Agatha, Judas, and Catherine, while Paul, James the Major, John the Evangelist, the Virgin, Agnes, James the Minor, Andrew, and Peter flanked the crucifixion. 255 gargoyles, window tracery, and gables convinced the viewer of the structure's architectural precision. Bust portraits, cameos, enamels, and gems coated the remaining walls. One of the most elaborate reliquaries of the late thirteenth century, its execution seems to have taken twenty-five years, extending from the mid-1270s to 1298 when a document finally recorded the translation of Gertrude's bones.466 As one might imagine, this lengthy period of manufacture resulted in stylistic diversity, with the architectural elements dating to the 1270s and 1280s, the figural sculpture throughout the last third of the century, and the Parisian enamels to the last stage of work. Nevertheless, the ch sse holds together with a cohesiveness that speaks of an overarching design. The consistency may be due to a group of artists, Jacquemon d'Anchin, Colars de Douai, and Jacquemon de Nivelles all named in the contract possibly completing the project from start to end. Alternatively, because one of the initial artists came from a well-known family or group of metalworkers the Douais of Artois, named after the city from which they came subsequent generations may have been able to contribute new styles to the ch sse without upsetting the overall appearance. On the surface Marie's involvement in this benefaction can be explained by 466 The abbey was often in dire financial straights and funding may well have had to go to other projects from time to time. C. Donnay-Rocmans, "La ch sse de Sainte Gertrude Nivelles," Gazette des Beaux-Arts 58 (1961), 185-202, here 188. For the original record of translation, see J. Molanus, Natales sanctorum Belgii (Louvain: Apud Ioannem Masium, & Philippum Zangrium, 1595), 54. A testament to the importance of this object as an example of late medieval metalwork is the exhibition catalogue, Un tr sor gothique: La ch sse de Nivelles. This book and L'art au temps des rois maudits, esp. 188-91, illustrate how the chasse contains elements quoting or quoted by hundreds of contemporary objects, in metalwork, manuscript, and sculpture. 256 Gertrude's role as patron saint of the dukes of Brabant; the dukes, in turn, were the guardians of her monastery.467 Gertrude was the protectress of Jean's troops in their victory against the archbishop of Cologne at the battle of W rringen in 1288. The history of the monastery at Nivelles would continue to intertwine with that of the duchy of Brabant until the late Capetian era and beyond.468 The marriage of Marie to the powerful king of France was a prime opportunity to acknowledge one's family saint with a new, extraordinarily sumptuous home. That Marie would also benefit the local beguinage under the rule of the abbey of Nivelles with a hospital a decade after her marriage establishes her continued presence as patron in the town. But the genealogical connection between Marie and Gertrude is even more significant than that of patron saint. Gertrude and her mother, Itte, had founded a monastery in Nivelles on land given to them by Pepin the Elder, mayor of the palace of Austrasia and first duke of Brabant and Lorraine.469 Pepin was also father and husband to these two women. Five generations later Pepin and Itte's great-great-grandson, Charlemagne, was born to Pepin le Bref and Berte (aux grans pi s) and became heir to 467 Many documents attest to this role. See for example for the exchange between Henry III and the abbess of Nivelles. Albert Henry, L'oeuvre lyrique d'Henri III, duc de Brabant (Brugge: De Tempel, 1948), 107-9. 468 Christophe Butkens, Troph es tant sacr s que profanes du duch de Brabant, 2 vols. (La Haye: Chez Chr tien van Lom, 1724), 1: 363, notes that in February, 1310, Marie's nephew, Jean II following the wishes of his father, founded an altar or chapellenie in honor of the Trinity and Saint Gertrude, funded by an annual gift of 16 livres gros tournois. 469 At this time the church was also the official ducal chapel of Brabant and Louvain. Claudine Donnay-Rocmans, La coll giale Sainte-Gertrude de Nivelles, 2nd ed. (Nivelles, Office du Tourisme de la Ville de Nivelles, 1996), 52. 257 their domain.470 As one might expect, Gertrude played a central role in the Genealogia Ducum Brabantiae. This exalted ancestress of the dukes of Brabant and her family are recalled as pivotal members on more than one occasion throughout the ducal history. References to miracles and burials in the monastery at Nivelles are woven into the larger linear history of the dukes of Brabant. Both Charlemagne's wife, Himeltrude, and his granddaughter, Ermentrude, chose to be buried in their ancestress's monastery.471 At the end of this Carolingian rule of France, the daughter of Charles de Lorraine and heiress to his lands, Gerberga, was also interred in Nivelles, along with her husband Lambert. This duchess of Lorraine, also countess of Brussels and Louvain, by choosing to rest in this historically significant church, began a trend that would continue for the next six generations. Even today, walking through the abbey, a pilgrim is clearly and constantly 470 Genealogia ducum brabantiae heredum Franciae, 387-88, sums up the generations between Gertrude and Charlemagne in this manner, "Sanctus Arnulfus genuit Asigisum, qui duxit sanctam Beggam, filiam Pipini primi ducis Brabantie, qui erat etaim maior domus in regno et genuit ex sancta Yduberga sanctam Beggam et sanctam Gertrudem gloriosam virginem, que Culmen honoris erat tocius stirpus eiusdem. Iste sanctus Pipinus primus, Karlomanni filius primi, et sancta Yduberga, soror [sic - she was his wife] sua, ac sancta Gertrudis, ipsorum filia, monasterio Nivellensi quiescunt; quod monasterium ipsi in allodio suo, scilicet in Brabantia, in honorem Dei et sancti Petri apostoli devote fundaverunt. Per sanctam Beggam, ipsorum filiam, Ansigisus, maritus eius, factus est dux Brabantie post mortem Pipini primi, et genuit ex sancta Begga Pipinum secundum ducem Brabantie gloriosum et maiorum domus in regno. Pipinus secundus genuit Karolum Martel ducem Brabantie et maiorem domus in regno. Karolus Marteil genuit Pipinum Parvum ducem Brabantie, que tunc Austria vocabatur; qui etiam erat maior domus in regno iure hereditario. Iste Pipinus Parvus dux Brabantie apostolica auctoritate et Francorum electione a sancto Bonefatio Maguntie archiepiscopo...Rege Francorum Hildrico tonsorato et in monasterium truso, Pipinus ex duce Brabantie factus rex Francie, huius stirpis primus, genuit Karolum Magnum gloriosum cesarem, quem Leo papa consecravit et in imperatorem unxit die natalis Domini. Qui etiam erat dux Brabantie. Hanc terram ipse Karolus, scilicet patriam suam, precipue dilexit." 471 Donnay-Rocmans, La coll giale Sainte-Gertrude de Nivelles, 59. 258 reminded of its heritage as a Merovingian, Carolingian, and Brabantine foundation; the graves of Itte, Himeltrude, and Ermentrude, as well as numerous other Carolingians rest alongside the burial sites of the later dukes of Brabant and their families.472 Thus, although by the time Marie de Brabant was born, the dukes and duchesses had chosen to be buried in their home cities, rather than the Carolingian monastery, Ste.-Gertrude was still a genealogically potent locus. It was here, after Marie's ancestors were denied their right to the throne of France, that they had continued to identify themselves as Carolingian in descent, near in death to the family of saints at whose head sat Gertrude and her parents, Itte and Pepin. What better way to promote oneself as daughter of Brabant and queen of France than to order a lavish house for the saint who evoked this past? Geographically the abbey is located just to the south of Brussels, on the road to Paris and as such would act as a marker between the two domains that had once been united under the rule of Charlemagne and now announced Marie's simultaneous symbolic presence in both realms. The iconography of roof scenes on the ch sse from the life and miracles of Saint Gertrude, depiction of saints, use of imperial spolia, choice of architectural and sculptural forms, and inclusion of heraldic devices that acknowledge Marie's maternal, paternal, and marital relations embossed into the surface of the ch sse all pointed out the royal status of the abbey, the saint, and the patron. Gertrude's lineage and therefore that of her successors is made explicit in the first scene from her life which shows the young 472 Donnay-Rocmans, La coll giale Sainte-Gertrude de Nivelles, 59. See above, 73-74, for a list of Marie's ancestors buried at Nivelles. 259 Gertrude accompanied by her royal mother and father, Itte and Pepin (fig. 75).473 Her ordination as abbess by the bishop and Carolingian saint, Amand, illustrates her importance (fig. 76). Throughout she is shown as a royal abbess wearing jewels, and holding a book and crosier. In her large image in the transept portal, Gertrude stands in the company of the Virgin as Queen of Heaven and the royally-clad intellectual, Saint Catherine (figs. 77, 70, and 74, respectively).474 Scenes of Gertrude's life are not just about service, poverty, or sanctity, as was the case for the ch sse of Saint Elizabeth at Marburg. There are even references to courtoisie, such as when a knight expresses his love of Gertrude by toasting her with a goblet. It is only fitting, if Marie was promoting her family's past as part of the Carolingian dynasty, that she would choose a royal, courtly iconography in depicting her ancestor Gertrude. Details like these make the argument for Marie's involement in the design that much stronger.475 Embedded into the fabric of the ch sse are antique gems that physically legitimize the thirteenth-century "modern" reliquary and act as reminders of the ancient and 473 Ironically, one of the first acts that marked Gertrude for sainthood, was her refusal to marry Dagobert, the king of France. This scene is portrayed on the roof of the chasse to illustrate not just Gertrude's pious behavior, but also her haute lignage, passed on to Marie, that qualified her for royal betrothal. 474 Saint Catherine is famed for having argued the value of Christianity with Emperor Maximian. Her rhetorical skills and education were qualities to which Marie would have related. 475 Scholars have seen physical references to Charlemagne in the Christ in Majesty statue. Christina Ceulemans, Robert Didier, and Christiane Raynaud, "Iconographie de la ch sse de sainte Gertrude," Un tr sor gothique, 208. The male heads situated in the niches of the transept gables have been said to resemble both Charlemagne and Pepin. Robert Didier, "Les statuettes, la sculpture architecturale, les figures d'applique et les reliefs du toit," Un tr sor gothique, 154-75, 169-70. 260 imperial contents of the ch sse .476 These classical spolia were commonly incorporated into medieval reliquaries.477 Like the pre-gothic enamels also incorporated into the ch sse, these gems could have come from the previous container of Saint Gertrude's bones.478 As such they would have been viewed as relics themselves and increased the sanctity of her new house. Not all of the details of the ch sse were rooted in the past. Just as her parents had done before her in the church of the Dominicans of Louvain and as she would do in the Chapelle de Navarre in Mantes, Marie designed the ch sse to emulate and quote contemporary architecture and sculpture. References to the reliquary-like building in which Marie was officially crowned as queen of France, the Sainte-Chapelle, as well as numerous other rayonnant constructions fill the frame of the ch sse .479 The apostoles 476 The two gems above the head of the Virgin and Child (see fig. 70) depict Mars and Mercury. Jean-Charles Balty, "Gemmes antiques de la ch sse de sainte Gertrude," Un tr sor gothique, 113-16. Whether the two god's duties as conqueror and messenger were intentionally chosen, their proximity to the Christ child may be significant. 477 For non-architectural examples of spoliation, see W. Heckscher, "Relics of Pagan Antiquity in Mediaeval Settings," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 1 (1937-38), 204-20. Beat Brenk addresses the theme of spolia in the pre-gothique era in, "Spolia from Constantine to Charlemagne: Aesthetics versus Ideology," Studies in Art and Archeology in Honor of Ernst Kitzinger on his Seventy-fifth Birthday, special issue, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 41 (1987), 103-9. 478 See, for instance, the archivolts surrounding the Crucifixion, where Romanesque enamels are combined with gemstones (figs. 79-80). Hiltrud Westermann-Angerhausen theorizes on the design of the eleventh-century reliquary in "Remploi, citation, tradition: les maux pr gothiques et l'anc tre de la ch sse gothique," Un tr sor gothique, 117-32. 479 Peter Kurmann, "Cath drale miniature ou reliquaire monumentale? L'architecture de la ch sse de sainte Gertrude," Un tr sor gothique, 135-53. For instance, the diapering on the gables over each niche was the same as the pattern on the gables of Saint-Nicaise at Reims, a church which we will see below was an important site of Marie's patronage. 261 who rim the exterior of the ch sse have been compared stylistically to the apostles who circled the choir of Notre-Dame in Paris on its screen.480 Their debt to the statues who surround the relics of the Sainte-Chapelle is also apparent. The entire group of sculptures on the ch sse have even been compared to those on the south portal of the west fa ade at Mantes, constructed during Marie's patronage of the eastern end of that very church, described below.481 The dramatic poses and expressions on many of the faces, such as the pained, aged face of the Virgin at the Crucifixion, also stylistically place the sculpture in the modern realm (fig. 80).482 These details alert the viewer to the monumental importance of this reliquary cum cathedral, while underlining its connections to Paris and Marie's dower lands and the well-informed nature of its patrons and artists. In combining themes of the antique and the contemporary within the fabric of the ch sse , Marie could visualize the lineage between her living family and her holy Merovingian and Carolingian ancestors. Marie also may have used the ch sse as an opportunity to celebrate a lineage of female patrons, beginning with Gertrude and Itte and extending to the queen who had 480 Didier, "Les statuettes, la sculpture architecturale," Le tr sor gothique, 172-73. Didier, "Les statuettes, la sculpture architecturale," Le tr sor gothique, 173. 481 482 Two of the artists contracted for this project, Jacquemon d'Anchin and Colars de Douai, originally came from Artois. Danielle Gaborit-Chopin, "La ch sse de Nivelles et les arts pr cieux," 259. Creating a style that fused the worlds of Brabant and Artois and which has traditionally been seen as Parisian in spite of this knowledge again points to Marie's ability to import ideas and transform the aesthetics of the French capital. It may be that the "style" associated with late thirteenth-century Paris initially arrived from the north. 262 most recently benefited the monastery, Blanche of Castile. Pious mother of the saintly Louis IX, Blanche had founded the beguinage of Saint-Syr in Nivelles in 1241. It was to this beguinage, under the "rule and protection" of the abbess of Nivelles, that Marie added a hospital in 1282-1283, possibly in thanks for the role that its members had played in resolving the conflict with Pierre de la Broce.483 When, then, on the ch sse de Nivelles, we find the arms of Brabant, France, and Castile punched into its surface, they seem to acknowledge the support of both Blanche and Marie for the religious foundations of this town. In this way Marie gave herself and her illustrious predecessor credit for their roles as patron. As the current owner of this heraldry, and as patron of the ch sse, Marie was the latest embodiment of successful female beneficence in her family.484 By presenting the Merovingian saint with a sparkling, new, silver-gilt tomb, encrusted with ancient Roman gems and enamels, and punched with the arms of Marie's 483 The foundation document reads, "Quant l'h pital, il est certes commenc et ordonn suivant la disposition et avec les aum nes de la s r nisseme dame Marie, par la gr ce de Dieu pr sentement reine de France, la bien-aim e soeur de l'illustre prince Jean, par la m me gr ce duc de Brabant et de Lotharinigie, 21 fevrier 1284," and two later acts of 1292 and 1296 made by her brother and nephew, Jean I and Jean II, respectively affirms her role, "que notre ch re dame et soeur/tante, madame Marie, jadis reine de France, a fait et instaur ." (Brussels, Archives g n rales du Royaume de Belgique, Cartulaire de Nivelles, fols. 461-62, 457, and 469 respectively). Transcribed and translated in part by R. Hanon de Louvet, "L'origine nivelloise de l'institution b guinale: "La Royaut ," fondation b guinale d'une reine de France: Marie de Brabant et la l gende de la b guine de Nivelles," Annales de la soci t arch ologique de Nivelles 17 (1952), 5-77, esp. 4546, 48, 68-69, and 74-75. See above, 120-26, for the details of the scandal. 484 Another reliquary, owned by Marie, passed on to her granddaughter, Jeanne d'Evreux, and eventually ending up in the possession of Charles V, was also decorated with her arms as queen of France, "Item, ung reliquaire en fa on de lozange, aux armes de France et Breban et a des reliques dedens, environn de menues perles; pesant quatre estellins d'or ." Jules Labarte, Inventaire du mobilier de Charles V, roy de France, (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1879), 273. 263 old and new families, the new queen forged an unforgettable visual link that reiterated her blood ties to this holy Brabantine princess. Because of its status as a burial site of Merovingian, Carolingian, and Brabantine ancestors, Nivelles was a place sacrosanct to the memory of the house of Brabant. At the same time it was perceived by the larger Christian population as a particularly sacred site for pilgrimage. The designers of the ch sse kept these roles of the church and the saint in mind when they dedicated a good portion of the narrative scenes on the rooftop to the miracles Gertrude performed for pilgrims (fig. 81). This detail, along with the raised, arcaded aedicule on which the ch sse sat above the burial crypt in the eastern end of the church and the wagon on which the shrine was and its replacement is placed for its annual grande procession de sainte Gertrude make clear the intent of this commission to promote pilgrimage to this site (fig. 82).485 Elevated and encased in her silver tomb, Gertrude was nevertheless made accessible through the physical devices of visitation and procession. By attracting local pilgrims as well as ones from further afield through these devices, the abbey and queen increased their audience. The abbey of Ste.-Gertrude was in financial need at this time and certainly desired the increase in pilgrimage that the ch sse would provide. Marie found herself in a position to aid this religious institution by funding this commission. Marie was thus able to aid in her family's salvation while promoting its reputation and 485 Saint Gertrude's shrine base is also treated in Robert Didier and Christina Ceulemans, "Les procession et le char de la ch sse de sainte Gertrude," Un tr sor gothique, 104-6; Anneke B. Mulder-Bakker, "Gefascineerd door heiligen: heiligenlevens en heiligenverering in de Nederlanden in de dertiende eeuw," Gouden Legenden: heiligenlevens en heiligenverering in de Nederlanden, Anneke B. Mulder-Bakker and Marijke Carasso-Kok, eds. (Hilversum: Verloren, 1997), 1-26. 264 that of the monastery in Nivelles. The queen could, through her patronage of Gertrude and pilgrimage, now act as intercessor for pilgrims from across Europe. Through the location of the ch sse , as well as its iconography and style, Marie could emphasize her and the monastery's ties to both Brabant and France. As we shall see, this combination of piety and propaganda was one that she successfully united in many of her commissions located across Brabant and northern France. Filial Piety as a Means of Self-representation As another sign of her continued presence in Brabant, Marie, probably in cooperation with her brother Jean, completely overhauled her parents' necropolis in the convent of the Dominicans in Louvain.486 As the Genealogia records, Marie was born in Louvain, so this choice is doubly significant as her place of birth and her parents' place of burial. To complement the elaborate, gilded blue stone gisants of Henri and Aleyde and an existing genealogical window cycle, Marie had new glass added into the windows of the ducal chapel (fig. 83 and 84).487 The triple lancet that Marie commissioned is 486 The most thorough treatment of this destroyed chapel is in Pierre Fran ois Xavier de Ram, Recherches sur les s pultures des ducs de Brabant Louvain (Brussels: M. Hayez, 1845). De Ram includes drawings he discovered in a manuscript. See above, beginning 69, for her mother's patronage of this church and chapel. 487 Another group of windows was already in place when Marie made her addition. For a record of these, see Les M moriaux d'Antoine de Succa, 2 vols., Micheline ComblenSonkes and Christiane Van den Bergen-Pantens, eds. (Bruxelles: Biblioth que Royale Albert Ier, 1977), 1: 206-8 and fol. 68. From what we can tell, they were a series of genealogical portraits that spread out from the ducal chapel and into the choir. Succa's images may only record part of the original program, for as the following list will show, it is an incomplete family tree. Included are both of Marie's brothers who remained in Brabant, Jean and Godefroi of Brabant (d. 1302), as well as Jean's first wife, Marguerite 265 divided into horizontal registers, the topmost portion of which is a decorative, floral pattern very similar to that found in the chapels of Marie's friend and cousin, Marguerite de Bourgogne.488 The second level contains a scene of Christ's crucifixion framed in an architectural trilobe. At Christ's feet in the center window are the Virgin and Saint John. To their left and right in the two outside lancets, are images of Saint Denis and Saint Nicholas. The artist who has recorded the window either switched the saints or their labels for the martyr holding his head is labeled as Nicholas and the holy bishop of Myrna is named Denis. Directly below these two saints are Marie's mother and father accompanied by the inscriptions: "LA DUCESSE ALIS NEE BORGONE" and "LI DUX de France. Also recorded are Godefroi II, duc de Basse-Lotharingie and comte de Brabant (1095-1142), his wife Lutgarde (d. aft. 1162), Marguerite de Limbourg (d. 1172), wife of Godefroi III, comte de Brabant (d. 1190), all of whom (including Godefroi III who is not shown) are buried in the church of Saint-Pierre in Louvain. Also pictured are Marguerite, comtesse de Flandre (d. 1280), and the half brother of Henri III, Heinrich von Hessen (1244-1308). Other than the close blood relation of many of these figures, the program that ties most of these members together is their burial in Louvain. In fact, many portraits may be missing from the record and some identifications, such as that of Marguerite de Flandre, may be erroneous. The inclusion of Marguerite de France as the wife of Jean I, rather than his second wife Marguerite de Flandre narrows the date of this installation to before 1273, the year of Jean's second marriage. One of the possible errors in Succa's identification of the figures may have been a confusion over these two Marguerites de Flandre. If that is the case, and Jean is shown with both his wives, then the date of the glass could be contemporary with Marie's commission. Jean I and Marguerite de Flandre also commissioned glass for their foundation of the church of the Recollects in Brussels. According to a sixteenth-century account, their donor window was located in the apsidal chapel behind the main altar. Wauters, Jean I, 409. 488 Lillich hypothesizes a connection between their commissions. Meredith Lillich, The Queen of Sicily and Gothic Stained Glass in Mussy and Tonnerre (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1998), 109. Marie was a testamentary executor for Marguerite and Marie's seal can still be seen today attached to the foundation document of Marguerite's hospital at Tonnerre. 266 HENRIS DE BRABANT." They kneel, facing inward and look up to the central scene above their heads. On their level, in the center below Christ, is an image of a kneeling, crowned woman whose name identifies her as, "DAME MARIA ROYN DE FRANCE," their daughter, the queen of France. Marie turns slightly toward her mother, facing outward. The description of this glass by Antoine de Succa who does not record the religious scene above states that Marie wears a gold crown and white headdress, a green mantle lined in white, a tan dress, and blue shoes. Succa describes Henri as having brown hair, sitting on a green cushion, covered with a red coat, also lined in white, and a yellow tunic. Marie's mother is clothed in a green outer garment and purple dress. The lowest level is filled with three shields that appear to overlap fields filled with heraldry, all framed by more arms that extend around each entire lancet. Marie's, the most straightforward, displays a shield covered by fleurs-de-lis, on a ground of Brabantine lions, both of which are framed by long lines of fleurs-de-lis. Her father's arms include a base of fleur-de-lis, with a shield showing the lion of Brabant. The large frame alternates fleur-de-lis, with lions and imperial eagles, the last referring to the mother of Henri III, Marie von Hohenstaufen (1201-1235). Aleyde sits above a field of towers upon which rests a large lion, framed instead by a combination of fleurs-de-lis, lions, towers, and the diagonally-striped shield of Burgundy. The towers must refer to Aleyde's father, who, in addition to being duke of Burgundy, was also titular king of Thessalonica. Together these details create a glass program that identifies its participants to great genealogical effect. The choice of saints can be explained by the central figure of Marie. Both saints 267 decapitated miracle worker and ecclesiastical provider of presents and dowries are popular throughout the north of Europe, but they hold additional significance in this setting.489 The Merovingian abbey of Saint-Denis was the location of the French royal necropolis, closely linked with royal burial and royal history, while it was to Nicholas that the chapel of the castle in Louvain, where Marie was raised, was dedicated.490 What better combination to celebrate Marie's status as living Brabantine princess and French queen in glass that rose up above the tomb of her parents? Marie's dominant placement as intercessor at the feet of Christ, flanked by her parents and accompanied by the guardians of the French royal family and of the ducal castle of Louvain spoke a clear message to any visitors to the church of the Dominicans. One notes the same combination of heraldry as we saw on the ch sse de Nivelles, again evoking the noble lineage of Marie's parents, and therefore her own. This window also contains the additional heraldry of the empire, yet another pointed reference to the ancient blood that Marie and her Brabantine family possessed as the imperial descendants of Charlemagne.491 489 For instance the Livre d'images de Madame Marie, made in Hainaut between 1285 and 1290, contains both these saints (as well as Gertrude). L'art au temps des rois maudits, 295-96; Alison Stones, Le livre d'images de Madame Marie: Reproduction int grale du manuscrit Nouvelles acquisitions fran aises 16251 de la Biblioth que nationale de France (Paris: Les dtions du Cerf; Biblioth que nationale de France, 1997), 87, 92, and 103-4. 490 J. Cuvelier, La formation de la ville de Louvain des origines la fin de XIVe si cle (Brussels: Palais des Academies, 1935), 161. 491 Meredith Lillich dates this window to before 1276 when Marie's son, Louis, was born. That Marie chooses to portray herself as a daughter for neither does she include her husband in the program makes the lack of children seem less important. Nevertheless, 268 By endowing the funerary chapel of her parents, Marie shows her concern for the salvation of her parents' souls, while at the same time permanently glazing herself into a central position in their family tree.492 Already filled with the genealogical tomb of Henri and Aleyde described in chapter two, the addition of this program, accompanied by the glazed lineage extending out of the chapel and into the choir, would have provided the necropolis with an overwhelming message of familial solidarity and legitimacy.493 an early date that would act as a type of announcement and affirmation does make sense. Meredith Parsons Lillich, "Heraldry and Patronage in the Lost Windows of Saint-Nicaise de Reims," L'art et les revolutions 8, 27e congr s international d'histoire de l'art, 1989 (Strasbourg: Soci t alsacienne pour le d velopement de l'histoire de l'art, 1992), 71-102, here 82. 492 Anne Morganstern, Gothic Tombs of Kinship in France, the Low Countries, and England (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000), 3-6, talks about the funerary monument's importance in relation to their three-dimensional promotion of prayer on behalf of the deceased. 493 A later addition confirms the effectiveness of this program. On the wall that separated the chapel from the choir, above the inscriptions naming Henri and Aleyde, was painted a scene which, from its style dates to the late fourteenth or early fifteenth centuries (fig. 85). See above, 77, for the inscription. Aligned with the heads of the founders and their inscriptions, it depicts the duke and duchess on their knees offering replicas of their foundations to the Virgin and Child enthroned. Each kneels on fabric woven with their coats of arms, Brabant on the left and Burgundy on the right. Henri is encouraged from behind by an unidentified saint, and Saint Dominique himself acts as intercessory between the duke and the Virgin by accepting the model of the church in Louvain. Aleyde is likewise accompanied by two saints. Behind her stands Adela de, former German empress, and her patron saint, while in front Peter of Verona, martyr of the Dominicans, intercedes on her behalf. De Ram, Recherches sur les s pultures des ducs de Brabant Louvain, 23, identifies these saints. The fields behind Henri and Aleyde are also filled with their arms, and two angels sound trumpets from which hang heraldic standards. Overhead, two more angels set a crown lightly down on the head of the Virgin who grasps a scepter with her right hand, balanced by the child filling the left of her lap. Some similarities between this wall painting and the glass program erected by Marie are striking. The patron saint of the church, "Sancta Marie" as the inscription reads, has been portrayed with the accoutrements of an earthly queen. She is in the midst of a coronation, enthroned and heralded by musicians, with her royal scepter and heir 269 Continuing the Transformation: Secular and Sacred Queenship in Reims and Mantes As the examples just presented illustrate, all in all, a good portion of the patronage of Marie de Brabant that survives concerns promotion of family. Through the creation of a corpus of images and texts that directly or indirectly highlight her esteemed Brabantine lineage, Marie also forged a place for herself in French royal history. The opening folio of Arsenal 3142 presented, in a thirteenth-century interpretation, the heirs of the historical epics and romances that filled its pages. As I shall show, the glass programs in Reims and Mantes solidified her program of familial self-promotion in a far more public realm. In Nivelles, we have seen how Marie's stunning deluxe reliquary for the bones of her paternal patron-saint, spread the word up and down the pilgrimage route of her family's already in hand. Through the surrounding heraldry that lines the backdrop, the altar cloths? of Aleyde and Henri, and the base of her throne Maria represents the meeting of these two family lines. This combination of Aleyde, Henri, saints, heraldry, and queen Marie is also present in the glass program. A viewer may well have drawn a connection between the two facing images. Such a reference would not have been the first typological link forged between the queen of France and her heavenly counterpart. The line drawn across time and space in the chapel celebrates the duke and duchess not just for the production of this church, but also for the birth of their daughter, portrayed in glass and referred to in paint, who became queen of France. Who was the patron of this mural? As much as I would like it to be Marie, if the style of the painting is to be trusted, she was long buried in her own tomb. I do, however, think that the commissions of Marie and her mother created a setting that promoted additional patronage. There are numerous possible patrons who lived and ruled during this period, one of whom is Jeanne (1322-1406) the daughter of Jean III. She and her husband Wenceslas of Bohemia came to rule the duchy without much debate, but it hardly hurts to acknowledge one's ancestors. Just as viable a patron for the painting could have been the members of the monastery itself. In promoting their founders, they promoted the solid relationship that existed between themselves and the princely family of Brabant. A third candidate, Philippe le Bon (ruled 1419-1467) whose heritage also included both Burgundy and Brabant, donated funds to the Dominicans for the renovation of his ancestor's chapel in 1435. Succa, 1: 205. 270 generosity and noble, holy blood, while the glass program in her parents' necropolis made a vivid statement about her family's illustrious past and present, confirmed by her status as queen of France. At the same time, all these monuments and objects function perfectly in recreational, didactic or religious spheres, easily slipping into place with her commissions with less overtly genealogical themes. Still whether they speak of her rich Merovingian and Carolingian blood, or just of her present abilities as an educated royal woman and patron, all the objects we can link to her beneficence were intended to trigger a viewer or participant's respect for her, her family, and her office. Natalie Kampen defines how depictions of Imperial roman women located in the public sphere were attempts to bring the security associated with family and the domestic (what she calls "private") to the fore.494 Monuments such as the Ara Pacis or the column base of Antoninus Pius and Faustina, where women and men and sometimes children are shown together, were constructed to convince viewers of the security of the royal line and the continued, future peace of the empire. Often erected at times when the actual line was least secure, these public edifices were employed as propagandistic tools by both emperor and empress alike. On a certain level, the same can be said of Marie's commissions that include images of herself joined by her children, husband, or even parents. By displaying herself in the company of others, especially as queen and mother of the king's children, Marie 494 Natalie Boymen Kampen, "Between Public and Private: Women as Historical Subjects in Roman Art," Women's History and Ancient History, Sarah Pomeroy, ed. (Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 218-48. 271 was promoting herself, her ancestors, and her royal progeny. The private, maternal roles of royal women were as political as their public ones; they served the kingdom as conduits of noble blood or producers and educators of heirs as much as they did as intercessors for the French people or as participants in coronations or foundation ceremonies.495 Especially by accentuating her Brabantine (and therefore Merovingian and Carolingian) roots through her choice of site and visual detail, Marie emphasized the bon sang that she had brought to the royal line and her status as crucial link to the revered imperial past.496 The family-oriented programs in all three chapels Louvain, Reims, and Mantes allow her to blend her domestic role as daughter, wife, and mother together with her political capacity as princess, queen, and generator of heirs. Even knowing that in all likelihood her son, Louis, would not attain the throne, Marie chose a public forum to politicize her many achievements as queen; through her purity and fecundity the continuity of her line was secure as was the prosperity of the realm. Furthermore, while her motivations may ultimately have been political, Marie utilized a vocabulary that presented her within the domain of personal piety, so that the entire architectural, painted, 495 For English examples of the synthesis of domestic and ceremonial roles, see John Parsons, "Ritual and Symbol in the English Medieval Queenship to 1500," Women and Sovereignty. Louise Olga Fradenburg, ed. (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1992), 60-77; Parsons, "The Intercessionary Patronage of Queen Margaret and Isabella of France," Thirteenth Century England, Michael Prestwich, R. H. Britnell, and Robin Frame, eds. (London: The Boydell Press, 1995), 145-56; Parsons, "The Pregnant Queen as Counsellor and the Medieval Construction of Motherhood," Medieval Mothering, John Carmi Parsons and Bonnie Wheeler, eds. (New York and London: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1996), 39-61. 496 Andre Poulet, "Capetian Women and the Regency: The Genesis of a Vocation," Medieval Queenship, 93-116, deals extensively with the idea of bon sang. 272 sculptural, and religious program within these churches signaled the divine approval of her dynastic patronage. A Family of Chapels at St.-Nicaise in Reims Just a few years after the installation of the program at Louvain, Marie commissioned the glass for another chapel, also unfortunately destroyed, in the church of Saint-Nicaise in Reims.497 The windows were installed in the Saint Nicholas chapel, located in the westernmost radiating chapel on the south side of the choir (fig. 86).498 Here, like in Louvain, Marie had a series of portraits installed, this time showing herself, her children, and her husband. The queen held the image of the window she was offering, while kneeling before Saint Nicaise in the lower portion of the window.499 Alongside her were her son and two daughters, Louis, Marguerite, and Blanche. All wore the divided coat of arms of Brabant and France. Above their heads, framed by the trefoil, was an image of "PHILLIPUS REX" mounted on a horse and quite possibly resembling his equestrian seal, a portraiture device utilized for Marie's father in 497 The most recent work on this glass is by Lillich, "Heraldry and Patronage in the Lost Windows of Saint-Nicaise de Reims." The original description of these windows comes from Dom Guillaume Marlot, Histoire de la ville, cit et universit de Reims, 4 vols. (Reims: L. Jacquet, 1846), 3: 335-43. For Saint-Nicaise see the many references in Robert Branner, St. Louis and the Court Style in Gothic Architecture (London: A. Zwemmer, 1965); Roland Sanfa on, L'architecture flamboyante en France (Quebec: Presses de l'Universit Laval, 1971). 498 The relics of Saint Nicholas were some of the most precious the abbey of SaintNicaise possessed. Marlot Histoire de la ville, cit et universit de Reims, 3: 335. 499 Marlot, Histoire de la ville, cit et universit de Reims, 3: 335. 273 manuscripts containing his songs, and for the Philippe IV in the adjacent chapel of Saint Andr where he was shown enthroned in a manner identical to his royal seal (fig. 87).500 Lions and fleurs-de-lis also covered the king's garments and filled the band that encased the entire composition. While Marlot describes only Philippe III as being designated by an inscription, knowing that all of the participants in the Louvain program were identified by title and coat of arms, it seems likely that all the members of Marie's nuclear family were also named with words as well as heraldry. As Lillich points out, this "extravagant" combination made the windows "luxuriant with heraldry and inscriptions," a new approach to stained glass portraiture, when formerly one's coat of arms was seen as adequate labeling.501 In his account Marlot summarizes the future of Marie's children Louis's acquisition of the county of Evreux and the marriages of Marguerite and Blanche details whose inclusion imply a date later in Marie's life for this program.502 When describing their arms, however, Marlot specifies only Brabantine and French heraldry, and not that which would identify them in adulthood.503 The implication is, then, that this 500 See above, 190-91, for Henri's portrait. Marlot, Histoire de la ville, cit et universit de Reims, 3: 336, describes Philippe IV as "assis en un thr ne, comme il paro t dans le grand scel de France." 501 Lillich, "Heraldry and Patronage," 81-82. 502 Marlot, 3: 336, also includes this information for the children of Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne and Philippe IV in the Saint Andr chapel discussed below. 503 A portrait of Louis, wearing and framed by the arms of Evreux, and also labeled with the inscription, "DO' LUDO' COMES EBR'[OCENSIS]" sits below an image of the Virgin to whom the church is dedicated in the radiating chapel south of the axial chapel in the cathedral of Evreux (figs. 88 and 89). Dating to the first decade of the 274 commission dates to Marie's time as queen, or at the latest, a few years into her widowhood, when Louis was still lacking an inheritance and the marriage contracts for Marguerite and Blanche had not yet been finalized.504 Striking in its inclusion of her children, as well as in the combination of heraldry and inscription labels, this window is both iconographically unique for this date and effective in announcing her fecundity as queen of France. According to Marlot, Marie's was the oldest of the installations at Saint-Nicaise, but similar family group commissions by Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne, Philippe le Bel, Gaucher de Ch tillon, and Jeanne de Coucy, the countess of Bar, soon followed.505 The last four patrons all held lands in the county of Champagne, which explains their involvement in decorating what at the time was a recently updated rayonnant church. But thirteenth century, the rest of this chapel's glass program includes another portrait of Louis, presenting a window, as well as one of his wife, Marguerite d'Artois who kneels on the other side of the Virgin, all encompassed by a frame filled with the heraldry of Evreux. Evreux cath drale Notre-Dame: Les verri res, Itin raires du Patrimoine 44 (Paris: Inventaire g n ral S.P.A.D.E.M., 1993), i, 1, 12; Georges Bonnenfant, NotreDame d'Evreux (Paris: H. Laurens, 1939), 43-44, pl. 16; Marcel Boudot, "Les verri res de la cath drale d'Evreux: Cinq si cles d'histoire," Nouvelles de l'Eure 27 (1966), 28-29. Marie's daughters', Marguerite and Blanche, also utilized heraldry to great effect in their commissions at York and K nigsfelden, respectively. Meredith Parsons Lillich, "European Stained Glass around 1300: The Introduction of Silver Stain," Europ ische Kunst um 1300 6, Akten des XXV. Internationalen Kongresses f r Kunstgeschichte, Gerhard Schmidt and Elizabeth Liskar, eds. (Wien, K ln and Graz: Hermann B hlaus Nachf., 1986), 45-60, here nn. 10 and 12 for bibliography. 504 See above, beginning 134, for these events. 505 Marlot, Histoire de la ville, cit et universit de Reims, 3: 335-37; Lillich, "Heraldry and Patronage," 84-88. It is not coincidence that Marie, Jeanne, Philippe, and Gaucher are all shown in the performative portrait frontispiece of Girart d'Amiens, Meliacin (fr. 1633), fig. 24. See above, beginning 149, for discussion of this manuscript. 275 what of Marie's decision to benefit this exact location? The dukes of Brabant had long had ties with Reims; it was part of the lands Charles of Lorraine viewed as having been usurped by Hugh Capet.506 And it was to Marie as intercessor that the city turned in 1280 to help its citizens settle an urban debate. She managed to persuade the townspeople of Reims to allow the abbey of Saint-Nicaise to expand its walls, and Marlot interprets her involvement as a sign that she was "grandement affectionn e envers Saint Nicaise."507 Thus, she was called on as queen of France whose role as intercessor was wellestablished, but also as an individual who had a special interest in the city and especially in the abbey of Saint-Nicaise.508 One of the factors that may have attracted Marie to Saint-Nicaise was its reputation as an ancient foundation with a thoroughly contemporary look; this was a Merovingian church that had only in the last few decades been given a new fa ade and chapels (fig. 90). By becoming part of this recent rebuilding through her donation and glass program, Marie pointedly mixed history and modernity in her commission. Her ties to the city as a member of the family of Brabant stretched back into the Carolingian era 506 Marlot, Histoire de la ville, cit et universit de Reims, 3: 61. 507 Marlot, Histoire de la ville, cit et universit de Reims, 3: 335-36, 359-60, 833-34; and Pierre Varin, Archives administratives et l gislatives de la ville de Reims: collection de pi ces in dites pouvant servir l'histoire des institutions dans l'int rieur de la cit , 5 vols. (Paris, Imprimerie de Crapelet 1839), 3: 806-7, 977-78, 987-88, 1109-10. 508 The dukes of Brabant had helped to establish a sister institution of Saint-Nicaise at Bierbeek, just outside of Louvain. Marie's father and mother had both confirmed the Bierbeek abbey's rights during their rules. O. de Gourjault and Alphonse Wauters, "Chartes in dites extraites du Cartulaire de Saint-Nicaise de Reims," Acad mie royale des sciences, des lettres et des beaux-arts de Belgique, Commission royale d'histoire, Comptes rendus, 4 ser., 9 (1882), 168-69, 206-10. 276 but her choice of architecture was contemporary. Branner identifies this building as one of the most sublime and innovative in French Gothic architecture.509 It is certainly significant that Marie is identified as the first patron to commission a glass program for these chapels; it seems that once again Marie had set the stage for her contemporaries, this time in the realm of glass design. As we shall see, within the next decade and a half, she would initiate a similar campaign one that overhauled a portion of the west fa ade and the entire eastern end of the church of Notre-Dame in Mantes. Located in a region linked to Brabant, it was essential for Marie to acknowledge her Brabantine heritage in the Saint-Nicaise program. She chose to glaze her nuclear family into a chapel dedicated to Saint Nicholas, whom we know from her commission in Louvain had been revered by her ancestors. By placing the image of herself, her husband, and her children dressed in the arms of France and Brabant in close proximity to one of the more holy relics possessed by the monks of Saint-Nicaise, she ensured, through her family's beneficence, the monks' and the saint's guardianship. Her choice of saint and chapel illustrates just one motivation behind this commission. The larger church and monastery were also significant. Past Brabantine associations with SaintNicaise in Reims, her own intercession on behalf of the monks, and the fusion of antiquity and modernity in the spirit of the saintly bishops Nicaise and Nicholas, along with the form of the chapel's latest architectural refinements all create a dialogue between ancient history and the immediate present. 509 Le si cle de Saint Louis (Paris: Librarie Hachette, 1970), 31. 277 For Women on Earth, and God in Heaven: Sculpture, Glass, and Architecture in Mantes Just as with the program of Arsenal 3142, Saint-Nicaise at Reims communicated its message as effectively during Marie's marriage and time as queen as it did during her widowhood. Designed to publicize her importance as queen of France and mother of her and the king's children, it is also part of a larger discussion of her Carolingian ancestry. If the construction of the Reims program continued to bolster her power during the reign of Philippe IV, as did the contents of Arsenal 3142 or the ch sse of Ste. Gertrude at Nivelles, we may judge Philippe and Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne's responsive patronage in the same church as a sign of their respect for or competition with Marie and of their pride in their own powerful lineage. The window design in Reims can be seen as part of a more comprehensive genealogical cycle that includes the ch sse of Ste. Gertrude at Nivelles, and the chapel in Louvain and, as we shall now see, Mantes. By presenting herself at St.-Nicaise, surrounded by her husband and children rather than her parents, Marie addressed the other faces of her personality wife and mother, consort and producer of heirs rather than just that of successfully married daughter. At the same time, her heraldry expressed filial piety for both lines of her family and neatly tied these commissions into a single package. In her patronage of architecture Marie was also able to meld together tradition and modernity. Her choice of chapels at Reims and Mantes illustrates the change during the course of the thirteenth-century toward the incorporation of a humanly meaningful 278 space within the confines of the larger church or cathedral.510 The windows' location in the enclosure of a chapel allowed for public viewing and the message of Marie's continued intercession. At the same time the chapels maintained their status as a sacred private space, where the queen was shown as elevated and in communication with the heavens. In Mantes we will see that this complex conversation that simultaneously allowed for an intimate type of worship and a public proclamation of dynastic authority continue in a setting defined primarily during Marie's years as widow. The process of silver stain, with its distinctive yellow tints that would transform the technique of stained glass, made its first appearance in all France in the windows of the Chapelle de Navarre, located off the south choir of the church of Notre-Dame in Mantes (figs. 94, 97, 99-103).511 Erected under the direction of Marie de Brabant, sometime after 1300 in conjunction with a renovation of the south portal on the west fa ade (fig. 95), this chapel was the beginning of a project that would include stained glass, sculpture, and liturgy, as well as architecture. Part of Marie's dower lands, the towns of Mantes and Meulan where Marie would die in 1321 were two of her favored homes away from Paris.512 In Mantes, the royal ch teau, to which Marie and Philippe III 510 "[T]he grandiose began to give way to the personal," to use Branner's words. Saint Louis and the Court Style, 54; Davis, "Splendor and Peril." 511 The introduction of this new process is the subject of Lillich's, "European Stained Glass around 1300." The chapel acquired its present name once Mantes became the domain of the kingdom of Navarre through her grandson, Philippe's marriage to its heir, Jeanne de Navarre. The present-day glass program dates to the later fourteenth century, and replaced, for the most part, Marie's installation. 512 See above, 143, for a discussion of Marie's dower lands. 279 had made a series of renovations, sat not a hundred feet from the south side of the choir (fig. 96). Access to the church from the ch teau was provided by a small door directly to the west of the chapel (fig. 97). This proximity of sacred to secular explains in part why Marie chose this location for the most elaborate chapel in the church's ambulatory.513 Royal heraldry in the former glass of the chapel suggests that the commission was made in part to celebrate the marriage of Marie's eldest daughter, Marguerite de France, to king Edward I of England, the result of a peace treaty cemented through the diplomatic efforts of Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne, Blanche d'Artois, and Marie.514 Thus in a single site Marie not only refers to her success as a mother and diplomat in the tradition of her father, but also as a queen of royal blood linked to both the French and English thrones.515 The architecture sends a similar signal; Michael Davis includes this structure in his group of buildings possessing a royal aesthetic constructed during the reign of 513 One assumes that Marie was given a choice in the location of this chapel since she and Jeanne de Navarre would oversee the rebuilding of the entire eastern end of the chuch in the subsequent decades. See Vale's section on the court chapel which functioned "not only as private places of devotion, but as integral parts of the complex of spaces into which their guests and visitors might be introduced." The Princely Court, 220-41, here 229. One can not help but wonder whether the south-facing, sunnier side of the church was preferred for the illumination of the glass program. This is the side where the Saint Nicholas chapel was located in Saint-Nicaise and where her son and daughter-in-law installed their windows in Evreux cathedral. 514 See Lillich, "Stained Glass," for records of the glass fragments and above, beginning 130, for the marriage negotiations. Similar heraldry remains in a window commissioned by Marie's daughter, Marguerite, in York Minster (fig. 98). 515 See above, 132, for her correspondance with Edward I before and after her daughter's marriage. 280 Philippe IV.516 From the exterior, elaborate gables, pinnacles, and tracery announce the importance of this edifice that projects so dominantly to the south of the church (fig. 9192). Once inside, this sensation of magnificent elegance is reiterated by the thick piers that dissolve into series of fine colonnettes and the combination of pierced and blind tracery that shape and pattern the walls. The elaborate heraldic stained glass program rising up overhead would have only strengthened this effect. Together the architecture of the chapel and the stained glass technique and program once again illustrate Marie's ability to adopt innovative forms and ideas as well as introduce them to her peers.517 The Chapelle de Navarre was, however, not the only addition that was made to the church at Mantes. As early as 1286, a chaplaincy allowed the chapter to begin the process of punching through the ambulatory walls, so as to encase the eastern end with a crescent of radiating chapels (fig. 104). The axial chapel, dedicated to Notre-Dame, the church's patron, received attention first (fig. 105).518 In the next two decades work on the two chapels flanking this first one was begun and by 1320 Jeanne de Navarre had founded the Chapelle de Saint-Eutrope, the westernmost northern chapel in the 516 Using the profiles of the pier bases as a stylistic measure, Davis establishes a common type between the designs of the early-fourteenth-century chapels at Saint-Denis and the church of Notre-Dame in Paris, as well as at Mantes, suggesting that these churches may have shared designers or builders. "Splendour and Peril," fig. 4. 517 Along with the new sections of Saint-Nicaise at Reims, Branner views the Chapelle de Navarre as the apex of late Capetian architecture. Le si cle de Saint Louis, 31. Mahaut d'Artois included silver stain in her renovations to the h tel d'Artois in Paris less than a decade after the construction of the Chapelle de Navarre. Lillich, "European Stained Glass," 52; Richard, La petite-ni ce, 303-5. 518 My chronology for the chapel construction is based upon Jean Bony, "La coll giale de Mantes," Congr s archaeologique de France 104 (1946), 163-220, here 211. 281 ambulatory.519 Its parallel chapel on the southern side was erected at the same time. During this period, Marie dedicated three chapels, one to Saint Paul and the others to Saint Louis and Saint Blaise these may have been in the Chapelle de Navarre and other nearby chapels. She also funded a mass for the souls of Philippe III, Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne, and her daughter-in-law, Marguerite d'Artois.520 Thus, while the 519 La chronique de Mantes, A. Durand and E. Grave, eds. (Mantes: Imprimerie du Petit Mantais, 1883), 207. 520 Summaries of the documents pertaining to these foundations are found in Les registres du Tr sor des Chartes, vol. 1, R gne de Philippe le Bel. Inventaire Analytique. Robert Fawtier, J. Glenisson, and J. Guerout, eds. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1958). The original permissions and ratifications are recorded in: ANF, JJ 45, fol. 86, no. 131; ANF, JJ 46, fol. 44V, no. 47; and ANF, JJ 49, fol. 11, no. 19. None of them mention the mass for Marguerite d'Artois, but consultation of a copy of the original document shows that in addition to "nostri Philippi Dei gratia francorum regis clareque memorie illustrissime Domine domine [sic] Johanne ipsius soris nostre etiam parentum fratrum nostorum ludovici carissimi filii nostri et omnium aliorum liberorum et amicorum nostrum i pia speciali affectione," were included in her beneificence. ANF, K. 191, no. 216. A confirmation of the chapel dedicated to St. Blaise date to the reign of Philippe V. ANF, K. 191, no. 219. By the time this last document was composed, the soul of Marie's son, Louis d'Evreux, was added to the list of prayers. Contemporary with the building on the eastern end of Mantes was the reworking of the south portal of the west fa ade whose sculpture has been compared to the figures on the ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles. See above, 262. Created to give publicity to the burghers of Mantes, the architectural design and sculptural style tie it in with the rest of the Mantes construction as well as other royal building projects and speak of a cooperation between townspeople and queen. Crowned by an enormous gabled and tracery overlay, its extensive sculptural program, including portraits of its lay patrons, appears to have utilized artists associated with other royally-funded sites. This royal architectural vocabulary is an idea put forth by Davis, "Splendor and Peril." From the exterior of Notre-Dame de Mantes, the prickling of gables and belt of balustrade brings unity to a series of additions that may have taken place over the entire course of Marie's thirty-six years of widowhood. These devices also bring this program into the larger realm of royal patronage. So too does the use of a creamy, fine limestone called "pierre de Vernon" that came from the royal quarry for much of this architectural and sculptural work, including that of the south portal of the west fa ade. Dorothy Gillerman, Enguerran de Marigny and the Church of Notre-Dame at Ecouis: Art and Patronage in 282 architecture of Mantes was firmly grounded in the contemporary late Capetian world, the wording of many of Marie's foundation documents make clear her interest in preserving the memory and her concern for the souls of her ancestors and living family. In addition to the architectural form, the sculptural program of the Chapelle de Navarre also helps to identify Marie as a family-conscious and well-connected member of the court. Four statues of women remain two queens and, judging by their attributes, two female saints attached to the walls of the Chapelle de Navarre, not their original location (figs. 106 and 107). Visual analysis, comparison with contemporary structures, and later descriptions can help to hypothesize about their initial arrangement and meaning. The two statues of queens, identified by their crowns, present models of chapels. They were certainly part of a larger program that also included the two nonroyal women who hold the fragments of a palm frond and book. Post-medieval descriptions of the chapel record that these women may originally have balanced on or were attached to the front of a balustrade that separated the ambulatory from the Chapelle de Navarre, and that they were accompanied by two other statues.521 The two other statues were most likely kings, possibly the husbands of the female donors. If, as the sources state, these statues were arranged across the front of a screen divided by doorways that allowed entry into the interior of the chapel, then, they, in some form or the Reign of Philip the Fair (University Park, PA.: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994), 65. 521 La chronique de Mantes, 258, describes a "balustrade en pierre, semblable celle qui est dans la grande galerie," into which "une porte s'ouvrait dans chacque arceau et donnait entr e," and where "six statuettes d'environ 90 centim tres de hauteur, ornaient le devant de cette balustrade." 283 another, flanked these openings. The pose and gaze of the two queens is the opposite of the saints which places them, assuming they were facing inward, on the right side of the doors, or, if facing outward, on the left. The arrangement of the "kings" then poses a problem of symmetry, unless there also existed male saints, unaccounted for in the record, to balance the female ones. Just as possible, however, is the placement of the saints in some central location, with queen and king each flanking separate doorways.522 Part of the answer to the question of program may lie in the identity of the female donor statues. They could represent Marie and her daughter Marguerite or Marie and her cousin Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne to whom she had dedicated a mass at Mantes. Another possibility exists in the orphaned figure of her granddaughter-in-law, Jeanne de Navarre. Jeanne and her fianc , Marie's grandson, Philippe d'Evreux, were often at her chateau in Mantes, and Marie seems to have had a hand in raising the couple, especially after the death of Philippe's father, Louis d'Evreux, in 1319.523 Fran oise Baron, in her catalogue entry on the donor statues for L'art au temps des rois maudits defines the identity and date of the statues around the coronation of Jeanne de Navarre as queen of Navarre in 1328. This would certainly have been a important date for Jeanne, but equally seminal was that of 1318, when the contract for her future rule of Navarre and 522 This latter scenario is the case for the exterior wall of the College de Navarre in Paris displaying images of Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne and Philippe IV on its fa ade (figs. 108-10). Closest in date and intention to this donor program at Mantes, here the couple flanked the doorway, facing outward, accompanied above the portal by the family saint, Louis. Gillerman, Enguerran de Marigny and the Church of Notre-Dame at Ecouis, 139-43. 523 La chronique de Mantes, 206, even goes as far as to state that Jeanne de Navarre was "elev e au ch teau de Mantes." 284 Champagne was settled, and in which Marie played a part. This year also marks the sixyear old Jeanne's move to Mantes and betrothal to Marie de Brabant's grandson, Philippe.524 Philippe and Jeanne de Navarre would inherit Marie's lands and Jeanne generously collaborated with Marie in chapel construction at Mantes. What better way to promote the rights of her grandchildren to the kingdom of Navarre then by including them in the program at Mantes using the iconography of established rulers and patrons? As her heirs Marie may well have seen Philippe and Jeanne as an appropriate accompaniment to herself and Philippe III at the entrance to this chapel. Whatever the arrangement and identification of these statues, they make a powerful statement as to the role that a lineage of women played in the patronage of the church at Mantes. These donor statues, combined with the glass program of the Chapelle de Navarre, allowed Marie to reiterate her role as patron of this chapel. At the same time they also displayed Marie as pious and benificent queen of France, accompanied by her husband, Philippe III, and the next generation of royal female patrons.525 524 For the claims and contracts of 1316 and 1318 and of Jeanne de Navarre's guardianship by Marie, see Andrew Lewis, Royal Succession, 150-54 and 190. 525 There has been some debate on the dating of the chapel and its decoration. L. Bresson, "La chapelle royale de Navarre de la coll giale Notre-Dame de Mantes: R cherches pour une nouvelle datation," Annales historiques du mantois 28 (1979), 24-45, dates the Chapelle de Navarre to 1532, although nearly all others date it closer to 1300. For example see, Bony, "La coll giale," 211-12, and Davis, "Splendor and Peril," 53. The range of dates for the donor statues extends from 1300 to 1330. Especially considering the shared and inherited nature of this space at Mantes, it would be surprising if additions were not made after the death of Marie de Brabant. If, however, new layers of symbolism were commissioned by Jeanne de Navarre, Jeanne d'Evreux, Philippe d'Evreux (these women's husband and brother, respectively), or even the subsequent generation of siblings, Blanche and Charles de Navarre, there is no reason to think that in 285 In addition to these statues we know Marie was also responsible for enlivening the interior of Notre-Dame de Mantes with sculptural objects used in the liturgy. She donated an alabaster Virgin and Child, which sat on the main altar, as well as a full set of vestments for mass, including two copes, a chasuble, and two tunics ornately decorated with metal clasps and gold embroidery.526 She also continued to show her beneficence to the community by establishing a deanship for the collegiate church.527 In order to modernize the administration of Mantes, Marie erected a Chambre des Comptes just off the northwest corner of Notre-Dame.528 Through these projects Marie made herself part of the secular world of Mantes, while her patronage of Notre-Dame de Mantes invigorated the religious life of the town. By personalizing and defining the religious space of a larger, more public edifice, Marie provided herself with a psychologically intimate format while still embedding herself into local memory. Depending on the location and popularity of a site, a patron could memorialize herself to a more extended audience than a local church might allow. Certainly the sites of Reims and Nivelles were well-visited by a wide audience, while Louvain and Mantes may have catered to a slightly more local clientele. At the same the 1320s their interests and overall ideology would, especially in the case of the first two women, have been that different from those of their recently deceased guardian. 526 Marcel Lachiver, Histoire de Mantes et du Mantois travers chroniques et m moires des origines 1792 (Meulan: author, 1971), 73, cites Chr tian Guy, M moires historiques pour savoir aux antiquit s de la ville de Mantes (1730; Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 4031), who in turn had access to the original documents. 527 La Chronique de Mantes, 191-92. Lachiver, Histoire de Mantes, 83, 127, n. 21. 286 528 time as Marie made herself more visible to worshippers (whether local or not), through the added architectural structure, the colorfully visible glass in its windows, and the sculpture and ceremony that decorated and activated the chapel, she also set herself apart as deserving of this discrete and secluded location. If we can detect a change in Marie's patronage after the death of Philippe III, it could be qualified as a shift from promotion of self as daughter and queen, to promotion of self as mother and queen. In any case of self-visualization, the best way to define oneself, as daughter, wife, or mother, is through one's relationship to the relevant branch of the family. Chronologically the two Maries can not be separated; she would continue to identify herself with her natal family while she began to showcase herself as mother of royal children. While she certainly saw these roles as distinct, they were layered one on top of another and therefore were inseparably linked. Each of Marie's commissions in Nivelles, Louvain, Reims, Mantes, was meant to speak of Marie as widowed queen, creator of culture, and fruitful mother. Through her children she possessed an heir to French lands in Louis and powerful marital political tools in Marguerite and Blanche. These themes surfaced in both Reims and Mantes. In the case of her patronage in Mantes, the construction would have a lasting impact on her descendants, the queens and kings of Navarre and the countesses and counts of Evreux. Although genealogy may have been paramount in Marie's definition of herself, the articulation of her patronage through material and style was just as important a factor. With the benefit of hindsight we know that Marie's self-promotion was not successful in the way she probably hoped. In 1308 her son, Louis, was considered as a 287 candidate for emperor on account of his lineage and wealth of alliances throughout the German states.529 This must have been a heady moment, but in the end he was not elected. Nevertheless this son and his wife had provided an heir for whom Marie was able to negotiate a marriage to the future queen of Navarre. In the coming generations Marie's family gave produced two more queens, Jeanne d'Evreux and Blanche de Navarre, both of whom survived and ruled well in the Valois era, and a great grandson, Charles (le Mauvais) who made his own bid for the crown of France. Her daughters were both married into royal families, and even if that was expected for the female children of a king of France, these illustrious matches can been seen as a triumph. Her genealogical campaign also succeeded on several other levels. For one, Philip IV was provoked to reevaluate his lineage and rewrite the history of his ancestors. In 1306 the king of France persuaded the monastery of Saint-Denis to rearrange the tombs of his ancestors, which filled the church's crossing (figs. 61-62).530 In so doing, Philippe transformed the carefully conceived program established during the reign of his revered grandfather, Louis IX, four decades earlier.531 Replacing the previous, clearly 529 Jean Favier, Philippe le Bel, rev. ed. (Paris: Librarie Arth me Fayard, 1998), 48-49. 530 Elizabeth Brown comments on the unusual nature of this request in "The Prince is Father," 312. It is through the description of the monk who continued the chronicle of Guillaume de Nangis that we know it was by Philippe's initiative that this shift took place. Elizabeth Brown, "Philippe le Bel and the Remains of St. Louis," Gazette des Beaux Arts 95 (1980), 175-82, here 177; Brown, "The Prince is Father," 312; Lewis, Royal Succession, 142. 531 Georgia Summers Wright, "A Royal Tomb Program in the Reign of St. Louis," Art Bulletin 56 (1971), 224-43, argues that it was the monks at Saint-Denis, not Louis IX, who were responsible for the tomb cycle of 1263-1264; Gabrielle M. Spiegel, The Chronicle Tradition of Saint-Denis: A Survey (Brookline, MA and Leiden: Classical 288 demarcated arrangement of Carolingians and Capetians across the nave from each other was one where the two branches of the royal family were now dizzyingly mingled. The revised design forced the viewer to realize that the Carolingian and Capetian dynasties could not be understood as separate entities, but must instead be viewed as one royal house. What could have been Philippe's motivation for such a disruptive, and potentially disrespectful, enterprise? The answer is, on one level, a very simple one. Philip IV was altering history. The new tomb configuration was one piece of a larger plan to ensure that, under no circumstances, could his legitimacy as king of France be called into question.532 Folia Editions, 1978), 113-15; Lewis, Royal Succession in Capetian France, 147 and 150-51; Elizabeth Brown, "La g n alogie cap tienne," 203-4, 208-11 and 214; Hedeman, The Royal Image, 35-36. 532 This tomb rearrangement is one, albeit extremely essential, block in a complex genealogical structure that Philippe IV built around himself during his reign as king. The ideology that ties his projects together is the rejection of the theme of reditus and his promotion, instead, of a direct bloodline that runs between Charlemagne and the fourteenth-century Capetians. Lewis, Royal Succession in Capetian France, 133-49; Brown, "La g n alogie cap tienne," 205. The previous arrangement of tombs at Saint-Denis, all of which were sculpted especially for the new program in 1264, separated the Carolingians from the early Capetians in parallel east-west lines in the crossing. Under Philippe IV, however, the Carolingians Carloman and Ermentrude, were moved to what had been the Capetian side of the crossing (figs. 61-62). At the same time, Berte and Pepin, the parents of Charlemagne, were shifted to the east to accommodate the insertion of Philippe's parents, Philippe III and Isabelle d'Aragon, into the Carolingian line. Lewis, Royal Succession in Capetian France, 142-43; Brown, "The Prince is Father," 312. This move severed the father-son relationship that had been visible between Charles Martel and Pepin who had previously lain foot to head. The new location of Philippe III and Isabelle d'Aragon, next to the tomb of Louix IX, may suggest that Philippe IV wished to display that the Capetians in particular the most recent Capetians his parents were not of a different stirps from the ancient Carolingians. They existed together here on the south side of the crossing, further linked to the past by the three preceding generations of kings who stretched across the center, bridging the two houses into a single long, uninterrupted 289 For, indeed, it had been called into question. As revealed by this chapter's title, my true interest lies not so much in Philip as protagonist, but in his step-mother, Marie, as antagonist. So, really, Philip IV's genealogical maneuvering ends this section as a response, the result of a campaign of self-promotion by Marie de Brabant, in cooperation with her father's family. In effect, Marie had fulfilled her dynastic destiny by wedding the Carolingian to the French line. Pride in her natal, Brabantine lineage conditioned much of her patronage, but as she visualized herself within its frame, it was also always as queen of France. Much of Marie's patronage can therefore be seen as a site for the negotiation of diverse interests, one that defines her role in the unification of and intersection between her two allegiances. Often, when she displayed the nobility of her parental lineage, the dialogue she used to invest it with additional legitimacy was one bolstered by her royal status. Thus, finally, we must consider Marie as having met her goal on a more physical plane; through her patronage she left for the future a vivid and conscious record of her desires and interests as Carolingian princess and queen of France. lineage. Other members of the thirteenth-century Capetian family were also grouped in the center. Jean Tristan de Nevers and Marguerite, duchess of Brabant, had been moved to lay at the feet of their father, Louis IX, in early 1285 by Philippe III. Philippe IV was later buried on the Carolingian side, between his parents and Louis IX, encouraging visitors to the monastery to think of Philippe IV as the most recent member of the Carolingian line. This message would have been reinforced as the visitor read the revised guide to the abbey by Guillaume de Nangis that equally rejected the notion of reditus. See Brown, "Philippe le Bel and the Remains of St. Louis," 177; Brown, "La g n alogie cap tienne," 205; Brown, "The Prince is Father of the King," 321-26; Lewis, Royal Succession, 142-43; Alain Erlande-Brandenburg, Le roi est mort: Etude sur les fun railles, les s pultures et les tombeaux des rois de France jusqu' la fin du XIIIe si cle (Geneva: Droz, 1975), 81-83; Spiegel, The Chronicle Tradition of Saint-Denis, 103-4. 290 Topographic Patronage and the Genealogy of Location Innovation, in combination with historical, ancestral, and familial awareness tie Marie's commissions together. Another unifying device among Marie's patrimonial patronage is its spatial continuity. My initial, hypothetical description of Marie's journey to Paris from Brabant in Chapter Three suggested that her procession probably originated in Louvain or Brussels, from which she traveled south to Nivelles, Mons, and Cambrai, across Picardy to Saint-Quentin and Noyon, down to Saint-Denis, and into Paris via Montmartre.533 Cheered by crowds from town to town, her procession may well have inspired Adenet's description of Berte's two entries into Paris, which he describes as following similar routes. Many of these towns figure in the patronage of Marie, or that of her family. The others, such as Reims and Mantes which required travel farther east toward Germany and west up the Seine toward England were also integral to her familial self-perception and would have mapped out different journeys within her life. Near the conclusion of Les Enfances Ogier, Charlemagne and his entourage of noble knights proceed to Aix (Aachen) from Paris. They spend the first night in SaintDenis and arrive in Senlis two days later. Their route continues to Cambrai, which almost certainly took them through Noyon and Saint-Quentin.534 After a brief stay in this 533 534 See above, 110. "...Vers son pa s est chascuns revertis/ Charles remest puis grant piece a Paris...D'aler vers Ais li est lors talents pris;/ Ainsi le fist, n'en fu lons termes quis./ Le premier jour ala a Saint Denis,/ Et deus journees fist de la a Senlis; N'aloit le jour que cinc liues ou sis,/ Ainsi ala jusques en Cambresis./ Mains par la terre fu de cuer esjois/ De sa venue et li s et esbaudis;/ Droit a Cambrai sejouna quinze dis," (lines 7814-815 and 7835-843). He continues "En ce pa s rois Charles sejourna/ Tant com lui plot; apr s s'en desserva./ Le droit chemin d'envers Ais s'arrouta,/ Hainau, Brabant et Habaing [Hesbaye] traversa,/ L'aigue de Meuse au pont a Tre passa,/ Dusques a Ais li roi ne s'arresta;/ Tous li pa s 291 town they take the "droit chemin," the straight path, to Aachen, a route that runs across Hainaut and Brabant. They cross the Meuse at Tre (Maestricht) and finally arrive at the imperial palace. To end up crossing the Meuse at Maestricht, after traveling through Hainaut and Brabant, the road between Cambrai and Aachen, although not described by Adenet, would have taken the travelers north to Nivelles in whose recently rebuilt abbey church his first wife Himeltrude and his ancestors, the founders of the abbey, Saint Gertrude and Saint Itte and Pepin the German, were buried and to Moorsel, just to the east of Brussels, to honor the bones of another favored ancestor, Saint Gudule.535 From there the band would have ridden east, through Louvain, finally to end in Maestricht and Cologne. The sources that I combined here to trace Charlemagne's route between Paris and Cologne, Adenet's Enfances Ogier and the Genealogia Ducum Brabantiae, were both contemporary with Marie's patronage and help us to define one possible route that travelers coming from the north would have taken to Paris. That Marie is recorded as having founded hospitals at Noyon and Nivelles is especially significant for the promotion of pilgrimage and the protection of travelers. Located at strategic distances from one another along the road from Paris to Brabant, Marie memorialized herself in the minds of merchants and pilgrims for whom her foundations provided shelter and access to prayer. Marie was not alone in this type of beneficence; Marguerite de Bourgogne, Marie's cousin and widow of Charles d'Anjou, grant joie demena,/ De sa venue chascuns Dieu grac a" (7958-965). 535 Thirteenth-century, Brabantine perceptions of Charlemagne's patronage are recorded in the Genealogia Ducum Brabantiae. For the passages concerning Saint Gertrude, Saint Gudule, and Charlemagne, see above. 292 Mahaut d'Artois, and Mahaut's daughter, Jeanne de Bourgogne, all founded hospitals on major routes.536 The record of one of Mahaut's foundations is especially interesting in this discussion of topography. In her testament, while discussing funding for a crusade to the Holy Land, the countess designated a sum of money for the erection of a hospital, "sur la route d'Artois."537 It seems that these women were entirely cognizant of the function roads and the buildings or objects situated along them possessed and that they consciously manipulated these conduits to increase the efficacy of their patronage. Such commissions lead me to conclude that these royal female patrons could manipulate their physical and psychological surroundings in a way that royal male patrons could not. The utilization of these non-French spaces was something unique to Marie as a female patron. Her ties to both her motherland of Brabant and her adoptive land of France allowed her to enjoy the benefits of a multi-national space that was denied to the king of France. In my conclusion, I will address Marie's burial choices. In many ways her two final resting places at the churches of the Cordeliers and the Jacobins situated at the portals of Paris that led to Saint-Germain-de-Pr s and Mantes and the main southern road out of town completed this topographical program that this queen had begun in life (fig. 536 Marie was intimately familiar with Marguerite's hospital in Tonnerre; her seal is to this day still affixed to the bottom of the foundation document. Jeanne de Bourgogne's H pital-Saint-Jacques-aux-P lerins, founded specifically for pilgrims traveling to Santiago de Compostella, is part of my forthcoming essay on this queen. 537 J. P. Redoutey, "Les trois testaments de Mahaut d'Artois," M moires de la Soci t pour l'histoire du droit et des institutions des anciens Pays-Bas bourguignons, comtois et romans," 39 (1982), 161-78, here 167. 293 111). With her divided body situated along the southern confines of the city that she had helped to transform, surrounded by many of those who had helped her, Marie could eternally look north across Paris to the lands of Charlemagne and Brabant. 294 Chapter Six: Conclusion On January 12, 1322, Marie de Brabant's sixty-year old bones were laid to rest in the Franciscan church of the Cordeliers (figs. 112-14).538 Here, she was surrounded by the bodies of some of her closest friends and relatives.539 In a continuation of the ceremony, a few blocks to the east, her heart was buried with that of her husband in the church of the Jacobins, home to the Dominicans of Paris.540 While she had maintained 538 Marie's epitaph read " Cy gist Madame Marie Royne de France, femme du roy Philippes, fils de Saint Louis, fille du duc de Brabant, Laquelle trespassa l'an mil CCC XX et I, le XIIe jour de janvier." Emile Rauni , Epitaphier du vieux Paris: Recueil g n ral des inscriptions fun raires des glises, couvents, coll ges, hospices, cimeti res et charniers, depuis le Moyen Age jusqu' la fin du XVIIIe si cle, 11 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1899), 3: 308; Aubin Louis Millin, Antiquit s nationales ou recueil de monumens, 5 vols. (Paris: M. Drouhin, 1790-1799), 4: 79. 539 Laure Beaumont-Maillet, Le grand couvent des Cordeliers de Paris: Etude historique et arch ologique du XIIIe si cle nos jours (Paris: Honor Champion, 1975). 540 While neither of Marie's tombs have survived, the contemporary gisants of her son and daughter-in-law, Louis d'Evreux (d. 1319) and Marguerite d'Artois (d. 1311), as well as those of Blanche de France (d. 1321), and Cl mence d'Hongroie (d. 1328) all have and, with the help of a Gaigni res drawing of the burial niche of Blanche de France, we can make some hypotheses concerning the state of Marie's own memorial sculpture at the Cordeliers (figs. 116-20). These tombs today are arranged in the western side of the north transept at Saint-Denis (fig. 115). I will discuss their original locations below. The image that records Blanche's tomb shows the view standing in the choir of the Cordeliers looking to the south, with the ambulatory in the background. It rests between a pier and a column, to which are attached a statue of saint Louis and a relief of the ascension of her soul to heaven above the inscription recording her death. The latter is installed above her head, so that she, in effect, looks up at her father who stands above her feet. The impressive or at least successful arrangement of Blanche's tomb at the Cordeliers is implied by a commission of Mahaut d'Artois in 1326. The countess requested that an iron trellis, identical to the one separating Blanche from the ambulatory of the church, be crafted for the tomb of her son, Robert d'Artois (d. 1317), who also lay in the choir of the Cordeliers and whose gisant also still survives (fig. 121). L'enfant oubli : Le gisant de Jean de Bourgogne et le m c nat de Mahaut d'Artois en Franche-Comt au XIVe si cle, 295 close ties to her motherland of Brabant her whole life, she chose burial in the city that she had made her home for the last forty-seven years. She had outlived nearly all her relatives, leaving behind her two grandchildren, Philippe and Jeanne, the first of whom would become king of Navarre, in addition to his titles as count of Champagne and Evreux, and the second of whom would follow in Marie's footsteps as queen of France. Memory and Salvation Marie's choice of burial in the Cordeliers, rather than in the royal necropolis of Saint-Denis to the north of Paris, may in part have been one of necessity. Her husband's body lay next to that of his first wife, Isabelle d'Aragon, mother to Philippe IV and grandmother to the three kings who followed (fig. 61-62). Third in this row of late Capetian tombs was that of Philippe IV, deceased in 1314. In essence, there was no room for Marie in this tightly-knit genealogical tomb program. So, as had been the case from the start with her extraordinary coronation ceremony in the Sainte-Chapelle, Marie chose a less traditional, but no less important, site for her burial. For in having her body entombed in the Cordeliers, Marie joined herself to a growing female lineage that Fran oise Baron, ed. (Besan on: Le Mus e, 1997), 62; Richard, La petite-ni ce, 280-304. Indicative of Marie and her northern relative's love of heraldry, we see the gisant en armure first introduced in Paris in the gisants of her son, Louis d'Evreux, and Mahaut's son, Robert d'Artois. L'art au temps des rois maudits, 99. While Marie certainly was not shown grasping a shield in her hand, heraldry may well have been painted on and/or engraved into the tomb base. The female figures of Marguerite, Blanche, and Cl mence all exhibit a consistent gesture of hands pressed together in prayer that contrasts with the gisant of the first wife of Philippe III, Isabelle d'Aragon (d. 1271), or of Marie's granddaughter-in-law, Jeanne de Navarre (d. 1349) (figs. 122-23). It is likely that Marie's gisant was similar in style and pose to that of her compatriot, Blanche de France, with the addition of a crown like that of Cl mence on the head of the effigy. 296 included, most significantly, her cousins and companions, Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne (d. 1305) and Blanche de France. Thus, rather than seeing her burial as simply exclusionary it became part of a separate, innovative, reginal burial tradition.541 All three women had been great patrons of the Cordeliers in life, and in death the monks reciprocated by caring for their bodies. Because of their status while living, the royal figures who chose burial in the Franciscan church were given prize placement, ringing the altar in a perfect example of "burial ad sanctos."542 In addition to Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne, Blanche de France, and Marie, another queen, Jeanne de Bourgogne (d. 1330), wife of Philippe V and daughter of Mahaut d'Artois, would be buried in the choir of the Cordeliers, accompanied by the heart of her husband.543 Just the year before, her mother's heart had been interred in the tomb of Jeanne's brother, Robert d'Artois, who 541 The most important predecessor to take a similar path was Blanche de Castille, who was interred at the Cistercian abbey of Maubuisson, which she had founded. For other examples of the liberating qualities inherent in royal female burial, see John Carmi Parsons, "`Never was a body buried in England with such solemnity and honor': The Burials and Posthumous Commemorations of English Queens to 1500," Queens and Queenship in Medieval Europe, Anne Duggan, ed. (London: Boydell and Brewer, 1997), 317-37, and Kathleen Nolan, "The Queen's Body and Institutional Memory: The Tomb of Adelaide of Maurienne," Memory and the Medieval Tomb, Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo and Carol Stamatis Pendergast, eds. (Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 2000), 249-67, who explains, "Thus it was the tomb of a queen, whose burial tradition was more individualized, in a sense more personal than that of a king, with his dynastic obligations, that produced the first full surviving effigy of a contemporary ruler in France," 255. Remember, too, that the members of Marie's family from Brabant had chosen discrete burial locations related to their patronage. See above, Chapter Two. 542 For the concept of "burial ad sanctos" in early Christianity, see Peter Brown, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1981). 543 Beaumont-Maillet, Le grand couvent des Cordeliers, 276-77. 297 had died tragically in 1317 and whose monument in the Cordeliers was in part modeled on that of Blanche de France.544 Many decades later, after a long history of benefactions to the monastery, Marie's granddaughter, queen Jeanne d'Evreux had her heart placed next to her predecessors in the eastern end of the church.545 This church, then, became to a certain extent a royal female necropolis, separate from its counterpart, St.-Denis, to the north. Burial at the Jacobins came to hold similar significance. The interment of Marie's heart in the Dominican chuch of the Jacobins represented not just a reunification with her deceased husband, but also an expression of spiritual allegiance with her homeland Brabant. Her parents' foundation of and burial at the monastery of the Dominicans in Louvain and her mother's heart tomb at the Dominican monastery of Auderghem, whose erection Aleyde had funded, acted as models for Marie's own funerary decisions.546 544 His gisant survives, and like that of Blanche de France, resided in the Mus e des monuments fran ais for a short time after the Revolution, before being moved to SaintDenis (fig. 121). Beaumont-Maillet, Le grand couvent des Cordeliers, 277-79. L'enfant oubli , 62-63; L'art au temps des rois maudits, 98-101. 545 Her monument included three paintings by Jean de Saint-Omer and sculptures by Jean de Li ge. Jeanne's body was interred at Saint-Denis and her entrails at Maubuisson. In both sites her body parts were accompanied by those of her husband, Charles IV. Jeanne d'Evreux, after Louis IX and Blanche of Castille, contributed the most to the architectural expansion of the Cordeliers, helping to build an infirmary that separated the contagious from the recovering, a chapel for each, and a refectory. Beaumont-Maillet, Le grand couvent des Cordeliers, 40, 277, 325, 339-40. 546 See above, Chapter Two. Marie's burial also spoke of her influence on her children, all of whom were buried in mendicant churches. Marie's daughter, Blanche de France, funded the building of the Franciscan church (Minoritenkirche) in Vienna and was buried there. Marguerite, meanwhile, had been an avid supporter of the Franciscans in London. See below, for the burial of Marie's son, Louis d'Evreux. Marie's brother, Jean I, and his second wife, Marguerite de Flandres, began the rebuilding of the church of the Recollets 298 Just as important as these connections to Brabant was the Jacobins' growing popularity as an ancillary burial site for the French royal family. The heart of Charles d'Anjou (d. 1285), king of Naples, brother of Louis IX, and husband of Marie's cousin, Marguerite de Bourgogne, was buried in the Chapelle de la Vierge. It was according to the orders of his niece, Cl mence d'Hongroie, that it was moved from Naples in 1326.547 Two sons of Louis IX, Pierre d'Alencon (d. 1283) and Robert de Clermont (d. 1318) had their heart and body buried here, respectively, and Marie's step-son, Charles de Valois (d. 1325) was later placed next to the body of his second wife, Catherine de Cortenay (d. 1308).548 Of great significance to Marie were the burials of her son and daughter-in-law, Louis d'Evreux and Marguerite d'Artois, who were laid here in the decade preceding the in Brussels, and it was within this Franciscan setting that they chose to be buried. Wauters, Le duc Jean I et le Brabant sous le r gne de ce prince (1267-1294) (Brussels: Librairie Polytechnique de Decq, 1862), 409 and n. 2. In addition, many of the burials in the church of the Jacobins of Paris were of beguines, the female monastic movement most closely associated with the Dominicans and who anachronistically revered as their "foundress," saint Begghe, sister of saint Gertrude, for whom Marie had funded a silver reliquary. The beguines' first foundation in 1224 was located in Nivelles as granted by the duke and the abbess, so association with the beguines, their "foundress," and her family were all of importance to Marie. Millin, Antiquit s nationales, 4: 17-19. According to the author of the Genealogia ducum brabantiae, a key player in the carriage of blood from the Merovingians to their Carolingian successors was Gertrude's sister, Begga, "ducissa Lotharingie et Brabantie secunda." She marries Blitildis's great-grandson, Ansegise/Ansigisus, who, after the death of Pepin the Elder, becomes the de facto duke of Brabant. They produce Pepin the Younger, "tercium ducem Brabantie glorioisum," and mayor of the palace. Through this marriage the histories of Merovingian France and Brabant were joined. Quite naturally, the Grandes chroniques and the Chronicle of the Kings of France (BNF, lat. 13836) originally intended for Philip IV omit Begga from their history, choosing instead to focus on Blitildis's Merovingian blood. 547 Millin, Antiquit s nationales, 4: 59-61. Ibid., 4: 72. 299 548 queen's own death. The hearts of Philippe d'Evreux (d. 1343), Louis and Marguerite's son, and his wife Jeanne de Navarre (d. 1349), daughter of Louis X, would be placed in the choir directly next to the hearts of their grandmother, Marie de Brabant, and greatfather, Philippe III, by the couple's daughter, queen Blanche de Navarre (d. 1398).549 Also buried in the choir were the parents of Marguerite d'Artois, Philippe d'Artois (d. 1298) and Blanche de Bretange (d. 1322), as well as the dowager queen Cl mence d'Hongroie.550 The decision by Marie to have her body divided between these two sites may be explained, not just by her love of the mendicants, but also by the location and function of the monasteries. As with the h tels of Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne and Marie, the monastery of the Cordeliers was placed on lands owned by the Merovingian abbey of Saint-Germain-des-Pr s. Thus these sites were all within blocks of one another. Daily contact with the Franciscan abbey and its friars may have created a bond that biased these women toward burial in this spectacular church. Also, these queens' long association with the Cordeliers in many ways presages the later foundations of the Colleges de Navarre and Bourgogne. For the Franciscans' and Dominicans' decision to place their houses on the edge of the university district had been motivated by the desire to act as 549 Ibid., 4: 78-80. Millin describes Marie and Philippe's as the "first" tomb in the choir, next to the lectern, and Philippe and Jeanne's as the "second." 550 Ibid., 4: 82. The inscription on Cl mence's tomb read: "Cy-gist, de bonne memoire, madame CL MENCE DE HONGROIE, jadis royne de France et de Navarre, fame du roy Loys, fils du roy Philippe-le-Bel, et fust fille de haut prince, le roi de Hongroie; laquelle trespassa au Temple de Paris XIII jour en octobre, l'an grace de M CCC XXVIII. Priez dieu pour l'ame." Millin describes Cl mence's tomb as resembling the one for Marguerite d'Artois. 300 schools where their monks could come from all across Europe for theological training.551 Thus patronage of the mendicants did not just aid in spiritual devotion, but also promoted the intellectual realm. After their burials in the Cordeliers, Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne and Jeanne de Bourgogne would, through testamentary bequest, take this support to another level entirely by designing and funding colleges dedicated to educating young, poor students from their respective domains.552 Finally, by dividing her body between the walls of the Cordeliers and the Jacobins, Marie associated herself with the original thirteenth-century patronage of these orders by Blanche de Castille and Louis IX.553 Like her predecessors, Marie had used architectural commissions outside of Paris to make herself visible in the lands she ruled, while at the same time keeping herself present in Paris though her many other donations to St.-Catherine-du-Val-des-Ecoliers, the Chartreux, the Fr res de Ste.-Croix, the Mathurins, and the Cordeliers, as well as to the Ste.-Chapelle, St.-Denis, and St.-Germain-de-l'Auxerrois, both during her life and in 551 Beaumont-Maillet, Le grand couvent des Cordeliers, 12-19 and 20-37. 552 Interestingly, the site on which the College de Navarre was later placed, had been the original location offered to the Cordeliers by Louis IX. He changed his mind, however, deciding that this location in the heart of the university area (just to the north of the abbey of Sainte-Genevi ve) was too distracting, and that the quiet atmosphere by the Porte Saint-Germain would be more conducive to contemplative study. Beaumont-Maillet, Le grand couvent des Cordeliers, 12-13. 553 In addition to donating land and funding their buildings, Louis and Blanche had supported the mendicants' incorporation into the University of Paris. See BeaumontMaillet, Le grand couvent des Cordeliers, 17, 38-39, 290 for Blanche, while Louis IX's support is a constant theme throughout the book. 301 testamentary bequests.554 The first extant records we have of these gifts date to 1298, but they may well have begun years before. Payments range in amount from 6 to 18 livres every four months, except for the Cordeliers who received anywhere from 75 to 168 livres.555 Marie was not alone in her grants to these foundations; her friend and cousin Blanche de France gave larger donations to the identical religious institutions, and we have records of similar, exceedingly generous, monetary donations made in the testamentary bequests of Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne.556 In these benefices royal women emulated the social policies of Blanche de Castille and Louis IX as a way to make their own works more valid. Marie was not alone in continuing this kind of patronage, and it is especially visible in the donations to 554 In 1315 Marie de Brabant made a donation "au chapitre Saint-Germain l'Auxerrois d'une rente sur la boite aux poissons des Halles." ANF, S73, no. 4. A chantrerie at the Sainte-Chapelle was established by Marie in 1320 during the reign of Philippe V and confirmed by Charles IV in the month of her death, January 1322. ANF, JJ 61, no. 434, fol. 187-188v. In 1338 a royal confirmation was made concerning donations to Saint-Denis made by her testamentary executors, Philippe d'Evreux and monks from Saint-Denis and the Cordeliers on Marie's behalf. ANF, JJ68, no. 37. 555 Jules Viard, Les journaux du tr sor de Philippe IV le Bel (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1940), no. 413, 450, 2411. 556 Regular payments continue to be made after their deaths during the reigns of Charles IV and Philippe VI up until the reign of Charles V's father, Charles VI. Comptes du tr sor (1296, 1316, 1384, 1477), no. 1071, 1072, 1363. Also see above, 130-31. For Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne see, for example: "Compte du tr sor SaintJean 1316 Expensa ad turonenses. Turonenses ad hereditatem: Scolares instituti Parisius per Reginam Johannam de Campania pro medietate Sancti Johannis: 1000l." And "Arreragia turonensium ad hereditatem: Scolares Regine Johanne de Campania, super medietatem Nativitatis Domini cccxv de 1000l. Non computatem per Thesarum: 855 l. In pluribus partibus a prima die Aprilis usque ad ultimam diem Junii." Comptes du tr sor (1296, 1316, 1384, 1477), no. 980, 994. 302 institutions that Blanche de France also benefited. For instance Blanche de Castille gave 300 livres to St.-Catherine-du-Val-des-Ecoliers,557 one of the foundations that Marie and Blanche de France would later support, while it was Louis' post-crusade support that made the Augustinian Fr res de Ste.-Croix, the Mathurins, and the Carthusians so successful.558 The same could be said of all Marie and Blanche's religious patronage. Even their choice of burial sites at the Cordeliers and Jacobins may have been motivated as much by the authority of these monasteries' founders Blanche de Castille and Louis as by these women's love of the Franciscan and Dominican mendicant orders. A sculpture of Blanche de France in prayer before Louis that was originally installed in the doorway leading to the sacristy of the Cordeliers built to mimic the form of the SainteChapelle speaks of his continued presence in these institutions (fig. 124).559 Likewise, Marie's choice of chaplaincies at Mantes, where she honored Louis as saint so quickly after his canonization, was a way to make her chapel that much more spiritually legitimate. Similarly, their choice of burial at sites other than Saint-Denis has roots in earlier royal practices, and yet the scale on which late Capetian women collaborated speaks of a new sense of unity among these women. By separating themselves from the official site of royal male burial these queens could highlight their own heritage and progeny, while 557 Branner, Saint Louis and the Court Style, 32, n. 4. 558 Lester K. Little, "Saint Louis' Involvement with the Friars," Church History 33 (1964), 1-24. 559 L'art au temps des rois maudits, 100-1. 303 achieving a quality of burial ad sanctos that would not have been possible at Saint-Denis. At the Cordeliers Marie lay next to the women who had been some of her closest colleagues, a trend that would continue as other royal women buried themselves there after her. Simultaneous with this grouping, a lineage of the counts of Evreux was created at the Jacobins as a subset of a larger Capetian assemblage. By memorializing themselves in a different manner from their husbands, women like Marie created another version of history than that told by the tombs at Saint-Denis, one that highlighted a self that existed before and after their marriages, as well as during. Not subversive so much as supportive, these reginal lineages crossed geographical boundaries, uniting these women's natal and marital selves, and leaving for the future a more expansive and inclusionary record than existed for their husbands. The Next Generation: Collecting Queenship In 1371 Marie's granddaughter and the last of the Capetian queens, Jeanne d'Evreux, died.560 She left a majority of her possessions to her daughter, the duchess of Orl ans. She also bequeathed a Beau Livre to her niece Jeanne de Navarre, daughter of Philippe d'Evreux and Jeanne de Navarre, a "well-illuminated" Hours of the Virgin to her goddaughter, and most generously, to Charles V, king of France, a knife that hung at Saint Louis' side while on Crusade, and a Book of Hours now agreed to be the small 560 See above, 16-17, for bibliography on Jeanne. 304 manuscript at the Cloisters known as the Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux.561 Charles was an even more avid collector than his great-aunt and his book inventories reveal that he was able to acquire many more of Jeanne's belongings than she had bequeathed to him directly.562 Among other objects, he obtained a prize possession of Saint Louis, his Psalter, a Breviary of Jeanne d'Evreux, a missal that had originally belonged to Marie de Brabant, Jeanne's grandmother, an Enfances Ogier composed by Adenet le Roi, purchased by Jeanne from the collection of Cl mence d'Hongroie, and a copy of a didactic manuscript called the Miroir aux Dames originally written for queen Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne. Thus Charles V managed to collect the manuscripts of at least four previous queens of France and the sainted ancestor after whom Charles modeled himself, Louis IX. All were Capetian, and as only the third Valois king, Charles wanted to create as many legitimate, physical links to his indirect ancestry as he could. I maintain that in these collecting patterns Charles V was echoing his female predecessors. Without Marie and Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne's activities as patrons or Cl mence d'Hongroie and Jeanne d'Evreux's abilities as collectors, Charles' job would have been much more difficult. As her ex cution testamentaire makes clear, Jeanne d'Evreux herself had gathered, through inheritance, gift-giving, commission, and 561 Joan A. Holladay "The Education of Jeanne d'Evreux: Personal Piety and Dynastic Salvation in her Book of Hours at the Cloisters," Art History 17/4 (December 1994), 585610 as well as her forthcoming article on queens' books in the Journal of Medieval History (2005). 562 L opold Delisle, Recherches sur la librairie de Charles V, 2 vols. (Paris: H. Champion, 1907); Inventaire de la biblioth que du roi Charles VI fait au Louvre en 1423 par ordre du r gent duc de Bedford (Paris: Soci t des bibliophiles, 1867). 305 collection, records of and links to her past and present as visualized through her possessions.563 She had lived for sixty-four years, during which she was patron to a vast number of artists, supported numerous religious houses, and managed to amass an enviable collection of objects and books. As the collector and caretaker of these precious objects, Jeanne linked herself to the Late Capetian queens who had raised her, and preserved their memory and that of the court they had created. One telling example of Jeanne's approach to collecting came in 1328 upon the dispersal of the library of the recently-deceased Cl mence d'Hongroie. Jeanne d'Evreux purchased nearly one-third of Cl mence's impressive library, concentrating on acquiring her secular books. Her purchases included a roman on the Conquest of Sicily, a book of songs, and copies of Les Enfances Ogier by Adenet le Roi the one later owned by Charles V, the De Regimine Principum by Gilles de Rome, La Sainte Abbaye, and the Calendrier de la Reine by Guillaume de Saint-Cloud. Versions of the last four of these manuscripts had most likely been in Marie de Brabant's library and the composition of their texts can be linked directly or indirectly to her patronage. Whether the connection back to Jeanne's grandmother was intentional or not, the impact that Marie's taste in reading material had on her successors is undeniable. Both Cl mence and Jeanne were consumers of secular literature that had been popularized by Marie, continuing a trend that took them further and further from the religious patronage of the queens who had directly preceded Marie, Blanche de Castille and Marguerite de Provence. Jeanne also modeled herself after her female predecessors in her promotion of 563 A copy of this document is preserved in BNF, fr. 7855. 306 learning and manipulation of genealogy; Marie and Blanche had supported the intellectual realm through their support of the Cordeliers, both Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne and Jeanne de Bourgogne, had founded colleges in Paris, and all three queens had commissioned didactic manuscripts.564 Marie and all her contemporaries had visually stressed their lineage and familial relations to further their political goals. Commissions of heraldic and inscribed glass programs, topographically and functionally conscious architecture, genealogically motivated sculpture, along with manuscripts propounding political messages in both text and image were all undertaken by Marie and subsequently became the norm for the patronage of royal women by the time Jeanne d'Evreux was crowned queen. Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne participated in the glass additions made to St.-Nicaise, displaying herself as queen of France as well as countess of Champagne and queen of Navarre in two separate window programs.565 Through campaigns such as her rebuilding of the cathedral of Meaux, she promoted her own rule separate from that of France by benefiting sites in her natal lands.566 Mahaut d'Artois and 564 Marie de Brabant also funded a deanship at the collegiate church in Mantes in the tradition of scholarship that was soon to take form in the College de Navarre. For the College de Navarre, see Nathali Gorochov, Le coll ge de Navarre: De sa fondation, 1305, au d but du XVe si cle, 1418: Histoire de l'institution, de sa vie intellectuelle et de son recrutement (Paris: H. Champion, 1997); Dorothy Gillerman, Enguerran de Marigny and the Church of Notre-Dame at Ecouis: Art and Patronage in the Reign of Philip the Fair (University Park, PA.: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994), 65-67, 13942. 565 See above, 276. 566 Peter Kurmann, La cath drale Saint-Etienne de Meaux: Etude architecturale (Paris: Arts et M tiers graphiques, 1971), esp. 16, 25, 89-91. On p. 97 Kurmann notes that the south transept portal of the cathedral at Meaux whose rebuilding was funded by Jeanne 307 Jeanne de Bourgogne, as rulers of both counties, spent vast sums improving the lands they inherited, while uniting their female line through the extraordinary portrait showing Mahaut, Jeanne, and the queen's daughters together on the portal of the H pital-St.Jacques-aux-P l rins.567 As we have seen, one of the most popular forms of familial devotion by the beginning of the fourteenth century was directed towards their saintly ancestor Louis IX, and Blanche de France's association with a painted program depicting his life in the convent of the Cordeli res at Lourcines, as well as the pair of sculptures in the Franciscan church where she was buried represents that widespread focus. Charles V was hoping to advertise similar connections to his lineage and did so partly by mimicking his Late Capetian female predecessors' habits of patronage. Not only did he commission, purchase, and receive hundreds of new manuscripts and objects, he actively sought out works owned by his ancestors, as just seen, generating a bond between his reign and previous ones. Art historians to date have concentrated on the patronage of Louis IX and Charles V, the men at either end of the period that interests me. I have shown here how one of the last queens of the Capetian dynasty, Marie de Brabant, manipulated artistic patronage to create an image of herself and her life in the context of the royal court. To a certain extent this is a study of one woman's personal taste, but, by analyzing the broader de Navarre et Champagne closely resembles the south portal on the west fa ade at Mantes. 567 Fran oise Baron "Le d cor sculpt et peint de l'H pital Saint-Jacques-aux-P lerins," Bulletin monumental 133/1 (1975), 29-72. 308 implications of her commissions, similarities and shifts emerge that indicate a transformation in the focus of Parisian court culture. We can detect a change in emphasis from religious to secular themes in artistic commissions and also note that the royal women of Late Capetian France developed new methods, and, possibly, new motivations, for enlarging their collections. This interest in innovative subject matter and techniques stands in stark contrast with the years preceding 1274 and, as I have argued, it is the arrival of Marie de Brabant, the new queen of Philippe III, that precipitates the change in mood. Philippe came to the throne in 1270 when his father, Louis IX, died on Crusade. Contemporary historians recorded Louis as having led an exceedingly pious and devout life and his Capetian relatives were pleased to see him canonized in 1297, providing them with an official and only recently deceased family saint. Although Louis invested enormous sums of money in patronage and charitable deeds, his subject matter and his motives were primarily religious as embodied, for example, in his Arsenal Bible or the Ste.-Chapelle. We know of some commissions by his mother, Blanche de Castille, and his wife, Marguerite de Provence, but again these were almost exclusively religious.568 That so many of Marie de Brabant's commissions survive either through records or the objects themselves testifies to the contrast in patronage between her and her mother-in-law, Marguerite de Provence. We find the source for this difference in Marie's youth. She was raised in a court setting renowned for its patronage of literature and love 568 Kathleen Schowalter's forthcoming dissertation will shed more light on the complexities of this topic. "Capetian Women and their Books: Art, Ideology, Dynastic Continuity in Medieval France," (PhD diss., Johns Hopkins, in progress). 309 of celebration. Her father, Henri III, duke of Brabant, lent support to many a troubadour and poet. One of his favorites, Adenet le Roi, was later to compose for queen Marie the story of Cl omad s and possibly help design a manuscript containing all four of his historical romances along with a number of other moral and didactic texts. In the image in the Arsenal manuscript, Marie is clearly the dominant character, a mentor and a figure worthy of emulation even in the company of Blanche de France who herself had just come back to Paris from the highly sophisticated court of Alphonso X. Their cooperation in this commission and performance perfectly expresses the rich nature of the Parisian court, which under Marie's impact, had opened itself to numerous influences all simultaeously at play. Comparison of the frontispiece of this manuscript, Arsenal 3142, with two other later dedicatory images one from Thomas le Meysier's Breviculum (Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, ms. St. Peter, perg. 92), commissioned by Jeanne de Bourgogne around the year of Marie's death, and the other from the early fifteenthcentury compilation (London, British Library, ms. Harley 4431, fol. 3), written by Christine de Pizan for Charles V's daughter-in-law, Isabeau de Bavi re (1371-1435) illustrates Marie's effect on the patronage of royal women in the following centuries (figs. 125-26). Filled with heraldry that covers clothing and walls, the images show Jeanne and Isabeau as owners of the knowledge contained in the texts presented to them. Both manuscripts display their patrons in the company of the recognizable authors of the erudite books who also participated in the process of composition. In the case of Isabeau, she is also in her own bedchamber, but in both scenes the queen is accompanied by female members of her court whose presence expresses political power as well as similar 310 interests in literature. Inventories show that both of the queens also had access to manuscripts containing works by Adenet, illustrating how, while royal women had extended their access to new texts, they still found the secular works composed during the reign of Marie to be essential components of their libraries.569 These later queens adhered to the secular pattern that Marie had brought and established, rather than reverting to the dominantly pious atmosphere present at the court of her predecessors, Blanche de Castille and Marguerite de Provence. It is difficult, when attempting to summarize the life and patronage of Marie de Brabant, not to describe it using the terminology of the courtly romance. The scattered accounts relating to her biography and personality could comprise a list of criteria for the plot of late medieval poetry and prose. A life of kingdoms and courts, tournaments and festivities, luxurious surroundings and musical games, political intrigue and the triumph of familial self-interest above all else these qualities truly did make up a portion of her existence. Whether this version was one created consciously or unconsciously by her medieval contemporaries, or by historians of more modern periods, it does reflect one valid interpretation of her life and identity. As part of my discussion of how female patronage provides the tools for broadening our understanding of the larger societal structure on which these royal women left their imprint, the model of the romance offers a valuable perspective. 569 Jeanne's mother Mahaut owned a copy of Les Enfances Ogier that Jeanne could certainly have read and we have documentation of Isabeau checking out the same text possibly the same one that had belonged to Cl mence d'Hongroie, Jeanne d'Evreux, and Charles V from the royal library. See above, 184 and 186. 311 Marie's reactions to her surroundings literary, musical, ceremonial, visual tell us as much about her as they do about the larger world in which she existed. From her youth in Brabant, to her life in Paris and Mantes, her joint burial in the conventes of the Cordeliers and the Jacobins, and the path which her belongings, ideas, and habits took after death, we can chart Marie's vision of her role in society. That this perception of self was simultaneously clear and complex was by no means unique to Marie and so should come as no surprise to those familiar with biography. The level at which self-conscious construction was available to women such as Marie may, however, be news to many. Whether requesting a large-scale monument, a historically-relevant musical composition, or a detailed mathmatical treatise, Marie was both pleasing and promoting herself, as an individual and as a member of her families of Brabant and France. Through this intricate pattern of patronage she altered the face of Parisian court culture into the visage it would display for the remainder of the medieval period. 312 Illustrations Figure 1. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 1, detail: Marie and members of her court performing the poems of Adenet le Roi. 313 Figure 2. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 71: acrostic revealing the names of Marie and Blanche de France. 314 Figure 3. Paris, Biblioth que Nationale de France (hereafter BNF), fr. 844, Chansonnier de roi, fol. 6: portrait of Henri III on horseback opening his poems. 315 Figure 4. Seal of Henri III de Brabant (1231-1261). 316 Figure 5. Seal of B atrix de Brabant (1225-1288). 317 Figure 6. Douai, Biblioth que municipale, ms. 711, Bestiaire, fols. 31v-32. 318 Figure 7. Brussels, Biblioth que Royale Albert 1er, ms. 10607, Psalter of Guy de Dampierre, fol. 43: mermaid grotesque. 319 Figure 8. Mons, Biblioth que de l'Universit , ms. 331, Le Conte del Graal by Chr tien de Troyes with continuations, fol. 267: Perceval and Blancheflor. 320 Figure 9. Seal of Aleyde de Brabant (d. 1273). 321 Figure 10. Seal of Marguerite de Provence (d.1295). 322 Figure 11. Seal of Jean I de Brabant (1252-1294). 323 Figure 12. Seal of Jean II de Brabant (c. 1275-1312). 324 Figure 13. Seal of Jeanne de Flandres (1188-1244), top. 325 Figure 14. Louvain, monastery of the Dominicans, aerial view. 326 Figure 15. Louvain, church of Notre-Dame at the Dominicans, exterior from southeast. 327 Figure 16. Louvain, church of Notre-Dame at the Dominicans, exterior from northeast. 328 Figure 17. Paris, Ste.-Chapelle, exterior from south. 329 Figure 18. Cologne, Minoritenkirche, exterior from east. 330 Figure 19. Louvain, church of Notre-Dame at the Dominicans, plan. 331 Figure 20. Nivelles, (from top to bottom), churches of St.-Paul, Notre-Dame, and St.Pierre (Ste.-Gertrude, after the 11th century). 332 Fig. 21. Tomb of Henri III and Aleyde, Louvain, church of the Dominicans. 333 Figure 22. Paris, BNF, fr. 1456, Miscellany of works of Adenet le Roi, fol. 1: Marriage and nativity, frontispiece of Cl omad s. 334 Figure 23. New York, J. Pierpont Morgan Library, ms. 240, Toledo Bible moralis e, fol. 8: Blanche of Castille and Louis IX commissioning the manuscript. 335 Figure 24. Paris, BNF, fr. 1633, M liacin by Girart d'Amiens, fol. 1: courtly gathering. 336 Figure 25. El Escorial, ms. T. I. 6, Book of Games, fol. 1: Alfonso X of Castile dictating the text. 337 Figure 26. El Escorial, ms. T. I. 6, Book of Games, fol. 37: playing chess. 338 Figure 27. Paris, Ste.-Chapelle, upper chapel, interior. 339 Figure 28. Casket enameled with the arms of France and England, probably belonging to Marguerite de France or Isabelle de France, London, British Museum. 340 Figure 29. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art. The Cloisters, ms. 54.1.2, The Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux, fol. 102v: opening folio of the Hours of Saint Louis with Jeanne d'Evreux before an image of St. Louis. 341 Figure 30. Paris, BNF, lat. 8504, Kalila et Dimna, fol. 1v: portrait of Philip IV and his family.. 342 Figure 31. Paris, BNF, fr. 1633, M liacin by Girart d'Amiens, fol. 3: banquet scene. 343 Figure 32. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 1: full folio Mariue de Brabant and members of her court and the author Adenet in the initial. 344 Figure 33. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 72: Adenet and Robert d'Artois. 345 Figure 34. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 1v: marriage of Ynabele and Mardigas. 346 Figure 35. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 120v: opening folio of Berte aus grans pi s with Pepin defeating the lion. 347 Figure 36. Paris, BNF, fr. 12467, Miscellany of the works of Adenet le Roi, fol. 78v: opening folio of Berte aus grans pi s with Pepin defeating the lion. 348 Figure 37. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 256: opening folio of Marie de France's Fables with a portrait of the author writing. 349 Figure 38. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 273: closing folio of Marie de France's Fables with a portrait of the author reading. 350 Figure 39. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 73: opening folio of Les Enfances Ogier with Ogier presented to Charlemagne. 351 Figure 40. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 179: opening folio of Beuvon de Commarchis with knighting of the sons of Beuves, Gerart and Guielin. 352 Figure 41. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 155v: Aristotle. 353 Figure 42. Paris, BNF, fr. 1447, Berte aus grans pi s, fol. 21: Pepin defeating the lion. 354 Figure 43. Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, ms. W. 760, Beaupr Antiphonary, fol. 3: donor portrait and scenes of Christ's ascension. 355 Figure 44. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 73: Ogier presented to Charlemagne. 356 Figure 45. Paris, BNF, fr. 1471, Miscellany of the works of Adenet le Roi, fol. 1: Ogier presented to Charlemagne. 357 Figure 46. Montpellier, Biblioth que de la Facult de M decine, ms. H. 196, Montpellier Codex, fol. 88: Trinity. 358 Figure 47. Montpellier, Biblioth que de la Facult de M decine, ms. H. 196, Montpellier Codex, fol. 63v: Lovers. 359 Figure 48. Paris, BNF, fr. 24429, Miscellany, fol. 1: life of Christ. 360 Figure 49. Paris, BNF, fr. 24429, Miscellany, fol. 25: Evaus and Nero. 361 Figure 50. Paris, BNF, fr. 24429, Miscellany, fol. 45v: queen distributing alms. 362 Figure 51. Paris, BNF, fr. 24429, Miscellany, fol. 49: queen kneeling before God. 363 Figure 52. Paris, BNF, fr. 24429, Miscellany, fol. 58v: queen reading with confessor. 364 Figure 53. Paris, BNF, fr. 24429, Miscellany, fol. 60v: queen reading before Virgin and Child. 365 Figure 54. Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, 10.144, Gilles de Rome, De Regimine principum: king and queen advise their children and a tutor. 366 Figure 55. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 311: "The Three Living and the Three Dead." 367 Figure 56. New York, J. Pierpont Morgan Library, ms. 1042, Breviary of the Ste.Chapelle, fol. 8: Marie kneeling before the Virgin and Child in the Beatus vir initial. 368 Figure 57. New York, J. Pierpont Morgan Library, ms. 1042, Breviary of the Ste.Chapelle, fol. 47: David ascending. 369 Figure 58. Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek, Solger ms. 4.4, Nuremberg Hours, fol. 179v: owner portrait ascending steps to heaven. 370 Figure 59. New York, J. Pierpont Morgan Library, ms. 1042, Breviary of the Ste.Chapelle, fol. 92v: Trinity. 371 Figure 60. Paris, BNF, lat. 12834, Martyrology of St.-Germain-des-Pr s, fol. 49: May calendar page. 372 Figure 61. Abbey of St.-Denis, plan of royal tombs, 1263-1264. 373 Figure 62. Abbey of St.-Denis, plan of royal tombs, 1306. 374 Figure 63. Medal depicting Marie's coronation. 375 Figure 64. Crown of Jeanne d'Evreux. 376 Figure 65. Berte aus grans pi s cycle, from Mus e du Ch teau de Cruet. 377 Figure 66. Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal, ms. 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, fol. 129v: coronation of Clovis. 378 Figure 67. Oxford, Christ Church Library, ms. E. 11, Treatise of Walter of Milemete: coronation of Clovis. 379 Figure 68. Paris, Biblioth que Ste-Genevieve, ms. 782, Grandes Chroniques of Philippe III, fol. 121v: coronation of Charlemagne. 380 Figure 69. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles: full view. 381 Figure 70. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles: Virgin and Child. 382 Figure 71. Shrine of St. Elizabeth of Hungary, Marburg, St. Elizabeth's. 383 Figure 72. Ch sse of St. Romain, Rouen, Cathedral Treasury. 384 Figure 73. Saint-Sepulchre Reliquary, Pamplona, Cathedral Treasury. 385 Figure 74. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles: St. Gertrude and saints. 386 Figure 75. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles, roof: Pepin, Itte, and Gertrude. 387 Figure 76. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles, roof: Gertrude and St. Amand. 388 Figure 77. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles: Gertrude. 389 Figure 78. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles: crucifixion. 390 Figure 79. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles: crucifixion archivolt. 391 Figure 80. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles: Virgin at Calvary. 392 Figure 81. Ch sse of St. Gertrude at Nivelles, roof: pilgrims at the shrine of Gertrude.. 393 Figure 82. Grande procession de sainte Gertrude. 394 Figure 83. Louvain, church of Notre-Dame at the Dominican monastery, burial chapel of Henri de Brabant and Aleyde de Bourgogne: window. 395 Figure 84. Louvain, church of Notre-Dame at the Dominican monastery, burial chapel of Henri de Brabant and Aleyde de Bourgogne: window (detail). 396 Figure 85. Louvain, church of Notre-Dame at the Dominican monastery, burial chapel of Henri de Brabant and Aleyde de Bourgogne: wall painting. 397 Figure 86. Reims, church of St.-Nicaise, plan. 398 Figure 87. Seal of Philippe IV (1268-1314). 399 Figure 88. Evreux cathedral: window of Louis d'Evreux from bay 12 (see following figure). 400 Figure 89. Evreux cathedral, plan. 401 Figure 90. Reims, church of St.-Nicaise, west fa ade. 402 Figure 91. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, plan. 403 Figure 92. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, aerial view. 404 Figure 93. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, east end. 405 Figure 94. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, exterior view from east. 406 Figure 95. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, west fa ade, south portal. 407 Figure 96. Mantes, plan of church square. 408 Figure 97. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, exterior view from west. 409 Figure 98. York, Minster, window displaying royal woman wearing heraldry of England and France. 410 Figure 99. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, exterior view from south. 411 Figure 100. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, interior view from across ambulatory. 412 Figure 101. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, interior view from south aisle. 413 Figure 102. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, interior view. 414 Figure 103. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, interior west window. 415 Figure 104. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, east end, exterior. 416 Figure 105. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, chapel of Notre-Dame. 417 Figure 106. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, statues of royal donors. 418 Figure 107. Mantes, church of Notre-Dame, Chapelle de Navarre, statues of saints. 419 Figure 108. Paris, Portal of College de Navarre flanked by statues of Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne and Philippe IV. 420 Figure 109. Roger de Gaigni res, drawing of Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne from College de Navarre, Paris. 421 Figure 110. Roger de Gaigni res, drawing of Philippe IV from College de Navarre, Paris. 422 Figure 111. Plan of late fourteenth-century Paris. 423 Figure 112. Paris, monastery of the Cordeliers, plan. 424 Figure 113. Paris, monastery of the Cordeliers, cloister and sacristry, plan. 425 Figure 114. Paris, monastery of the Cordeliers, church, plan. 426 Figure 115. St.-Denis, view of tombs from gallery of western side of north transept. 427 Figure 116. Tombs of Marguerite d'Artois and Louis d'Evreux, St.-Denis (originally at Jacobins). 428 Figure 117. Tombs of Marguerite d'Artois and Louis d'Evreux, St.-Denis (originally at Jacobins). 429 Figure 118. Tomb of Cl mence d'Hongroie, St.-Denis (originally at Jacobins). 430 Figure 119. Tomb of Blanche de France, St.-Denis (originally at Cordeliers). 431 Figure 120. Roger de Gaigni res, drawing of tomb "niche" of Blanche de France, choir of church, monastery of the Cordeliers, Paris. 432 Figure 121. Tomb of Robert d'Artois, St.-Denis (originally at Cordeliers). 433 Figure 122. Tomb of Isabelle d'Aragon, St.-Denis. 434 Figure 123. Tombs of Jeanne de Navarre and her brother, St.-Denis. 435 Figure 124. Relief of Blanche de France and Louis from the Cordeliers, Paris, Mus e Carnavalet. 436 Figure 125. Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, ms. St. Peter, perg. 92, Breviculum seu parvum Electorium by Thomas le My sier, fol. 12: author presenting his manuscript to Jeanne de Bourgogne accompanied by her mother, Mahaut, comtesse d'Artois. 437 Figure 126. London, British Library, ms. Harley 4431, Miscellany containing the writings of Christine de Pizan, fol. 3: Christine presenting her manuscript to Isabeau de Bavi re. 438 APPENDIX I Chronology important to Marie's patronage 1260- birth of Marie 1274- marriage to Philippe III, arrival at court of Jeanne de Navarre et Champagne 1275- coronation at the Ste.-Chapelle 1276- accusations of murdering Philippe's two sons followed by the birth of her son, Louis, and estrangement from Philippe. 1278- acquittal, death of Pierre de la Broce, Tournament de Hem, returm of Blanche de France from the court of Castile to Paris 1285- death of Philippe III 1299- marriage of daughter, Marguerite, to Edward I of England 1300- marriage of daughter, Blanche, to Rudolph of Austria and son, Louis d'Evreux, to Marguerite d'Artois 1320- death of Blanche de France 1321- death of Marie Texts Commissioned by Marie: Adenet le Roi, Cl omad s, c. 1285 Guillaume de Saint-Cloud, Kalendarium regine, 1296 Works Dedicated to Marie: Adenet le Roi, Les Enfances Ogier, c.1274-75 Other Manuscripts traditionally assumed to have been commissioned by Marie (by date): Paris, Biblioth que de l'Arsenal 3142, Miscellany of Marie de Brabant, c. 1285 Montpellier, Biblioth que de la Facult de M decine, ms. H. 196, Montpellier Codex, c. 1278-95 Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek, ms. Solger 4.4 , Nuremberg Hours, 1285-95 Additional manuscripts here assigned to Marie's agency (by date): Paris, BNF, fr. 12569, Old French crusade cycle, c. 1275 Paris, BNF, fr. 844, Chansonnier du Roi/de la Reine, c. 1275-85 Paris, BNF, fr. 1447, Old French romance miscellany, c. 1280 Paris, BNF, lat. 12834, Martyrology celebrating the holy days important to the abbey of Saint-Germain-des-Pr s, c. 1280 New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, ms. 1042, Breviary of the Sainte-Chapelle, 1285-97 Paris, BNF, fr. 24429, French and Latin miscellany of verse and poetry, 1296 London, British Library, Add. 28162 and 39843, Fr re Laurent, La Somme le roi, and La Sainte Abbaye, c. 1295-1300 Paris, Biblioth que Mazarine, ms. 870, La Somme le Roi and Le miroir de l' me, c. 12951300 Gradual with musical notation 439 Missal Livre d'oroisons et devocions Other Manuscripts owned by Marie Paris, Biblioth que Sainte-Genevi ve, ms. 782, Grandes chroniques de France, c. 1275 Breviary of Saint Louis - given to Marie as gift by Philippe III Lapidario (no longer preserved or identified) Illuminators Patronized: "Cholet Group" Fable Master/ Papeleu Master M liacin Master Master Honor Master of La Sainte Abbaye Works traditionally assumed to have been commissioned by Marie (by date): Window in St. Nicholas chapel at the church of St.-Nicaise at Reims, France, 1275-1290. Construction and glazing of Chapelle de Navarre at the church of Notre-Dame de Mantes, 1300-10 Statues installed in Chapelle de Navarre, church of Notre-Dame de Mantes, 1300-30 Additional works here assigned to Marie's agency (by date): Window in burial chapel at church of the Dominicans at Louvain, Brabant, c. 1274 Ch sse of Ste. Gertrude at Nivelles, Brabant, c.1275-98 Construction of additional chapels at the church of Notre-Dame de Mantes, 1285-1325 Foundation of Hospitals at Nivelles and Noyon, after 1278 Golden goblets (hanaps d'or) and lids covered in rare stones and decorated with the arms of France, Brabant, and Bourgogne (no longer preserved or identified) Silver enameled statue of the Virgin (une image de Notre-Dame en argent maill ) (no longer preserved or identified) Ivory statue of the Virgin on a silver base (une autre en ivoire sur une pied d'argent) (no longer preserved or identified) Two copper heads of St. Ursula and the Eleven Thousand Virgins bound with silver (deux chefs des Onze-mille vierges, en cuivre, avec garniture d'argent) (no longer preserved or identified) Golden salt cellar and lid decorated with three golden apples (une sali re d'or couvercle et trois pommes d'or) (no longer preserved or identified) Silver enameled figure [of the Virgin?] in a tabernacle (une ymage et un tabernacle d'argent tous esmailliez) (no longer preserved or identified) Alabaster statue of the Virgin and Child, church of Notre-Dame de Mantes (no longer preserved or identified) 440 Abbreviations ANF BNF MGH RHF Archives nationale de France Biblioth que nationale de France Monumenta Germaniae Historica Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France Bibliography Adn s, Andr . 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