of Journal Health Communication, 10:331346, 2005 Copyright # Taylor & Francis Inc. ISSN: 1081-0730 print/1087-0415 online DOI: 10.1080/10810730590950057
Messages from Teens on the Big Screen: Smoking, Drinking, and Drug Use in Teen-Centered Films
SUSANNAH R. STERN
University of San Diego, Department of Communication Studies, San Diego, CA
Smoking, drinking, and drug use endure as popular yet dangerous behaviors among American teenagers. Films have been cited as potential influences on teens attitudes toward and initiation of substance use. Social cognitive theory suggests that teen viewers may be especially likely to learn from teen models who they perceive as similar, desirable, and attractive. Yet, to date, no studies systematically have analyzed teen characters in films to assess the frequency, nature, and experienced consequences of substance use depictions. Assessments of content are necessary precursors to effects studies because they can identify patterns of representations that warrant further examination. Accordingly, a content analysis of top grossing films from 1999, 2000, and 2001 was conducted. Overall, two-fifths of teen characters drank alcohol, one-sixth smoked cigarettes, and one-seventh used illicit drugs (N 146). Almost no differences existed between substance users and nonusers with regard to physical attractiveness, socioeconomic status (SES), virtuosity, or gender. Drinkers and drug users were unlikely to suffer any consequenceslet alone negative consequencesin either the short or long term. Characters rarely were shown refusing offers to drink or do drugs, or regretting their substance usage. Girls were more likely than boys to be shown engaging in multiple substance use activities (e.g., smoking and drinking). Overall, recent teen-centered films may teach teen viewers that substance use is relatively common, mostly risk-free, and appropriate for anyone.
Several recent movies featuring teenagers have received critical acclaim for providing candid views of contemporary American adolescents. From the sexually curious high school seniors in American Pie (1999), to the addicted runaway in Traffic (2000), to the disillusioned young lovers in American Beauty (1999), representations of teens tasks and torments on the big screen supply viewers of all ages with information about modern adolescence. These messages may be especially salient for teenagers, given that they are dedicated movie viewers (Motion Picture Association of America, 2002) and that contemporary cinema comprises one of the few media outlets with substantial teen imagery (Children Now, 2002; Frerking, 2000; Friedman, 1995). Because movies, like other mass media, are commonly believed to both reflect and shape social attitudes and behaviors (Berger, 1996; Denizin, 1991; Shary, 2002; Steele, 2002), we should concern ourselves with the representation of teen characters in films, as they may play a role in defining or authenticating normative teen activities and roles for teen viewers.
Address correspondence to Susannah R. Stern, Department of Communication Studies, University of San Diego, 5998 Alcal Park, San Diego, CA 92110. E-mail: susannahstern@ a sandiego.edu
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Although films featuring teens offer many images of adolescence, one of the most meaningful to appraise is the depiction of teen substance use. Substance use among American youth continues to be a major public health concern, despite decades of initiatives aimed at educating young people about the risks involved with cigarettes, alcohol, and drugs. Concern is fueled in part by recent national studies documenting the persistent and, in some cases, rising popularity of smoking, drinking, and illicit drug use (Centers for Disease Control, 2002; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001; U.S. Department of Justice, 2003). Film imagery of teen substance use may play a role in actual substance usage and attitudes among teen viewers by shaping shared understandings of common or appropriate teen behaviors (Gunther, 1991; Henriksen & Flora, 1999; Milkie, 1999). Moreover, real teens may view teen characters in films as appealing models, consequently adapting similar behaviors and attitudes in their own lives (Bandura, 1986, 1989, 1994, 2001). Given these possibilities, this content analytic study was designed to systematically analyze the substance usage patterns of teen characters in recent films featuring teens. Although content analyses are unable to offer causal evidence, the content patterns they highlight are integral to the development of future media effects studies (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996).
Substance Use in the United States
Widespread concern about adolescent substance use stems partly from recent documentation that many teens view drinking and smoking (and, to a lesser extent, drug use) as acceptable youth behaviors (Bachman, Johnston, & OMalley, 2001). Moreover, despite their awareness of the risks involved, many young people regard substance use as cool and fashionable. A study by the Institute for Adolescent Risk Communication (2002), for instance, found that young people (ages 1422) are more likely to associate smoking cigarettes or pot and drinking alcohol with popular peers, rather than unpopular peers. A quarter of high school students believe that people who smoke pot are more interesting and more independent people (Bachman, Johnston, & OMalley, 2001). Such associations between substance use and being popular, autonomous or unique may help to explain the enduring appeal of substance use among American youth. Recent statistics reveal, for example, that smoking among high school girls has returned to 1988 levels, with thirty percent of high school senior girls identifying themselves as current smokers (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001). More generally, the most recent Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance study found that nearly 60% of high school students had tried smoking, and that a tenth had smoked cigarettes on more than 20 of the 30 days preceding the survey. Also in the month prior to questioning, about 40% of high school seniors reported drinking, and almost a sixth of students nationwide indicated that they had driven a car after drinking alcohol. Additionally, in 2003, nearly half of young people reported ever having used marijuana or hashish, just under one-tenth reported ever having used cocaine, and approximately 3% reported heroin use (Center for Disease Control, 2003). Although these substance usage figures are disheartening, statistics detailing the consequences of substance abuse (such as fatalities from automobile accidents, drug overdose, and chronic illnesses such as lung cancer) are even more distressing (e.g., see National Center on Addiction & Substance Use, 2003; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2000).
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Where do young people learn about substance use? How do they form attitudes about the effects and risks involved? A variety of social factors, ranging from families to peers to environmental aspects, have been identified as influential in adolescents decision-making about and attitudes toward substance use (see, for example, Arnett, 1992; Jessor, 1987). Additionally, the mass media have been recognized as significant sources of information about substance use that can influence young peoples beliefs and expectations (Arpan, Heald, SVisser, 2003; Bahk, 2001; Dalton et al., 2003; Distefan, Gilpin, Sargent, & Pierce, 1999; Gibson & Maurer, 2000; Sargent et al., 2001, 2002; Tickle, Sargent, Dalton, Beach, & Heatherton, 2001). Movies, in particular, have received attention because of their broad youth appeal.
Substance Use in Film
Attending the movies remains one of the most popular pastimes for American teenagers. Although 1217-year-olds compase only 11% of the U.S. population, they account for 19% of total movie theater admissions. Moreover, half of teenagers say they attend movies at theaters at least once a month, compared with only a quarter of adults (Motion Picture Association of America [MPAA], 2002). Teens watch films on video even more frequently, viewing one to three videos per week on average (Rideout, Foehr, Roberts, & Brodie, 1999; Roberts, Henriksens, Christenson, 1999). DVDs, the Internet, pay per view, movie networks, and television broadcasts further heighten teens access to movies, making it easier to view a film now than ever before in history. Given the extent to which movie viewing appears to be a major component of youth culture, it comes as little surprise that about two-thirds of young people (ages 917) say that it is important to see the latest movies (cited in Roberts et al., 1999). In light of the apparent popularity of film among youth audiences, a small number of scholars systematically have evaluated substance use imagery in movies to see what messages young people may encounter. Studies focusing exclusively on tobacco use have found that most films, both currently and historically, contain at least one instance of cigarette smoking (Dalton et al., 2002; Hazan, Lipton, & Glantz, 1994; Sargent et al., 2002; Stockwell & Glantz, 1997), with R-rated films most likely to include instances of smoking (Sargent et al., 2001, 2002). Those few studies addressing characters (rather than instances of tobacco use) concluded that smokers in films are typically male adults (Dalton et al., 2002; Sargent et al., 2002; Stockwell & Glantz, 1997), who are motivated to smoke when agitated, sad, happy, and relaxed (Dalton et al., 2002; Sargent et al., 2002). Characters shown smoking have been depicted as having higher SES (Hazan, Lipton, & Glantz, 1994) and increased romantic and sexual activity (McIntosh, Bazzini, Smith, & Wayne, 1998), although Dalton and colleagues (2002) did not find these associations. Consequences for tobacco use are shown infrequently, if at all (McIntosh et al., 1998; Roberts, Henriksen, & Christenson, 1999). In one of the only studies distinguishing between representations of youth and adults, Roberts, Henriksen, & Christenson (1999) looked at 200 of the most popular movie rentals from 1996 to 1997 to find that 17% of youth characters (18 and under) smoked, and that girls were slightly more likely to do so. Depictions of alcohol use in films have received less attention than tobacco representations, although studies analyzing drinking on television are more frequent
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(e.g., see Breed & DeFoe, 1981; Mathios, Avery, Bisogni, & Shanahan, 1998; Wallack, Grube, Madden, & Breed, 1990). In their analysis of films, Everett, Schnuth, & Tribble (1998) found four out of five films showed at least one major character drinking. Movie drinkers tended to be adult and to have a higher socioeconomic status, to be more attractive and romantic=sexual, and to be more aggressive than nondrinkers (Everett, Schnuth, & Tribble, 1998; McIntosh, Bazzini, Smith, & Mills, 1999). The negative consequences of alcohol consumption are not commonly shown, although one-tenth of the films Roberts, Henriksen, and Christenson (1999) analyzed contained an antialcohol message. These researchers also found that 22% of characters who appeared to be under the age of 18 drank, with 40% of them experiencing consequences as a result of their alcohol consumption. Portrayals of illicit drug use, although frequently commented on in the popular press (e.g., Chambers, Chang, & Davis, 1999; Johnson, 2001; Sharrett, 2001; Swanson, 2001), have received little systematic scrutiny from the social scientific community. In one of the only studies to attend to drug use, Roberts, Henriksen, and Christenson (1999) found that about one-fifth of the movies they analyzed portrayed illicit drug use, and only half of these portrayed any consequences. Eight percent of characters under the age of 18 in the Roberts and colleagues study were shown using illicit drugs. Thompson and Yokota (2001) found no illicit drug usage in their study of animated, G-rated films, although they noted that three films showed characters consuming a substance that transfigured them and two films showed characters injected with a drug. Taken collectively, the existing literature on portrayals of substance use suggests that smoking and drinking are prevalent and prominently depicted behaviors in Hollywood films. Illicit drug use appears to be less commonly portrayed, but further investigation is needed to learn more about the frequency and context of such depictions. Noticeably absent from this body of literature, however, is any type of focus on teen characters. The closest exception was the general attention paid by Roberts, Henriksen, and Christenson (1999) to all youth characters under the age of 18 in part of their larger study on substance use in films and music. Considering that most research on health-related imagery in films principally has been concerned with the effects on adolescents, it is surprising that so few studies have actually attended to the images of adolescents in films. Indeed, a substantial amount of evidence indicates that people learn best and most from those with whom they identify, and that perceived similarity can be a core component of identifying with others (e.g., Cantor, 1994; Dorr, 1981; Huesmann, Lagerspetz, & Eron, 1984; Paik & Comstock, 1994). Thus, we could expect that teen viewers beliefs and attitudes about substance use may be most impacted by images of similarly-aged (teen) characters in films. One framework for understanding this process of media effects is social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1986).
Social Cognitive Theory and Effects of Substance Use Imagery in the Media
Social cognitive theory proposes that people learn by observing others. Observation can take place directly in real life, but it also can occur vicariously, as through watching television or a movie. The media can thus impact viewers beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors by providing models from whom viewers can learn (Bandura, 1986, 1989, 1994, 2001). Viewers are most likely to pay attention to media models they see as similar to themselves (Bandura, 1994, 2001). Consequently, a media model
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who is the same age as a viewer is particularly likely to be influential (Harwood, 1997, 1999; Hicks, 1965; Hoffner & Cantor, 1991). Models who viewers consider to be attractive or desirable, such as those who are physically good-looking, financially well-off, or powerful, or all of these, are also more likely to be influential. By watching what happens when similar and attractive media models perform activities onscreen, viewers can develop expectations about the consequences that certain behaviors and attitudes will have for themselves. In other words, incentives and disincentives teach viewers about social norms and values by indicating what rewards (e.g., happiness, love, acceptance) and punishments (e.g., health problems, loss of control, social isolation) one can expect when one acts in accordance with media models (Bandura, 1994, 2001). Viewers need not actually engage in any action to acquire knowledge about normative values and rules of conduct (Bandura, 1994, 2001). For example, research has shown that young people have well-developed beliefs and expectations about alcohol use well before they ever experiment with it (Goldman, Brown, & Christiansen, 1987). With regard to learning about substance use from films, social cognitive theory would suggest that teen viewers are especially likely to learn from attractive teen characters who are rewarded or go unpunished for their substance use behaviors. The social information gleaned from teen film characters may impact teens decisions and behaviors when they find themselves in situations in which cigarettes, alcohol, or drugs are accessible. Moreover, teen characters in films can demonstrate attitudes and feelings about substance use that may teach teen viewers about what is normal and appropriate behavior among teens. Although social cognitive theory provides a compelling framework for understanding how substance use imagery in films can impact young people, most research investigating the effects of viewing such imagery has been correlational in nature. Several surveys, for example, have found significant relationships between viewing tobacco use in films and young peoples attitudes toward and impressions of smoking. Specifically, exposure to smoking in films has been positively associated with youths susceptibility or receptivity or both to smoking (Arpan et al., 2003; Sargent et al., 2002) and with smoking initiation (Dalton et al., 2003; Sargent et al., 2001, 2002). Surveys also have shown a positive relationship between adolescents favorite film stars and their own likelihood of smoking (Distefan et al., 1999; Sargent et al., 2001) and favorable attitudes toward smoking (Tickle et al., 2001). In one of the only studies aimed at testing social cognitive theory with regard to substance use imagery, Bahk (2001) found support for the theory of media effects in his examination of alcohol portrayals in films. The study demonstrated that the greater the role attractiveness and perceived realism of drinking characters in films, the more favorable were viewers attitudes toward drinking and the more disposed they were to drink alcohol. Also in line with social cognitive theory, Gibson and Maurer (2000) found that seeing a movie in which a heroic lead character smokes increased young peoples willingness to become friends with someone who smokes. Other studies also have found effects from viewing substance use imagery in the media, although social cognitive theory was not specifically tested. For example, Kotch, Coulter, and Lipsitz (1986) found that viewing depictions of negative consequences in programming decreased young peoples expectations that alcohol had good effects. Similarly, Rychatarik, Fairbank, Allen, Fox, and Drabman (1983) found that viewing drinking scenes in television programming increased the likelihood that youths would select an alcoholic beverage as more appropriate than water
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for serving to adults. With regard to tobacco imagery effects, Pechmann & Shihs (1999) experiment with ninth graders found that watching films with smoking scenes increased viewers intentions to smoke.
The Current Study
Altogether, the available research provides evidence that films can serve as important sources for observational learning and for conveying cultural values and norms with regard to substance use. Given the pervasive nature of film in the lives of teenagers and the serious health consequences associated with substance use, it is valuable for us to continue to monitor what messages young film viewers are receiving about substance use. Moreover, such inquiries serve to focus efforts aimed at analyzing media effects. This study investigated the portrayal of teen substance use in teencentered films. It is part of a larger program of research that aims to understand the sense teens make of mediated substance use messages and how they might be impacted by them. The described content analysis represents the initial phase of the project. The study extends previous research in three ways. First, the study focused explicitly on teen characters, with whom same-age teen viewers are most likely to identify and from whom teens are most likely to learn about appropriate substance use behaviors and attitudes. Second, the study focused on films in which teens are central to the plot of the film, thus concentrating on the most salient youth images in contemporary cinema. Finally, rather than describing the frequency of substance use acts or instances within films overall (e.g., see Hazan et al., 1994; Dalton et al., 2002; Sargent et al., 2001, 2002), the study analyzed teen characters behaviors and attributes. This focus was determined in accordance with social cognitive theory, which has specified these aspects of media content as being particularly likely to influence viewers beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors. The following research questions guided the analysis of teen-centered films: What percentage of teen characters engage in smoking, drinking, and drug use or some combination of these behaviors? Do teen characters who are shown smoking, drinking, and doing drugs differ from those who do not engage in these behaviors in terms of their gender, SES, physical attractiveness, and virtuosity? Are teen characters who engage in substance use more likely to appear in restricted (e.g., R-rated) films? What consequences, if any, appear to result from teen characters substance use behaviors? Finally, what percentages of teen characters are shown to regret their substance use or to refuse offers for substance use or both?
Method
Sample Selecting films for the study involved two stages. First, the 125 top grossing films (in terms of annual box office receipts) for each year from 1999, 2000, and 2001 were identified (Boxofficereports.com, 2002; EDI Nielsen, personal communication, August 15, 2002). Box office performance reflects a films popularity and is a strong indicator of a films subsequent distribution in nontheater venues, such as home rentals (Smith, 2003). Since the current project was concerned with mapping out content patterns because of their potential effects on viewers, it was important to select
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films that were most likely to have been viewed by the largest number of people. The years 19992001 were selected because films produced during these years reflect the most current imagery for which annual box office statistics were available, and no research systematically has evaluated substance use in films released during this time period. Next, from the list of 375 film titles from 1999, 2000, and 2001, films that featured at least one teenager (ages 1219) as a central character were isolated for inclusion in the sample. This sampling strategy was devised to assure that only those films in which teen characters were central, rather than merely incidental, to the film were included since these characters are more likely to serve as models for observational learning. Sharys (2002) filmography of youth films was consulted to identify teen-centered films. To corroborate the filmography, in-depth synopses of all films (online at http:==www.imdb.com, n.d.) were reviewed to assure that the final list of top-ranked, teen-centered films was as complete as possible. Films about college-age characters were not included unless they also featured precollege characters (Shary, 2002). Forty-three films fit all criteria and were included in the sample (see the Appendix). The films were fairly equally divided between those that were rated R (n 19) by the MPAA and those rated PG-13 (n 18). Five films were rated PG, and only one was rated G. The predominant genre in the sample was drama (n 20), followed by comedy (n 18). Three films were best described as thriller=horror films, one as action-adventure, and one did not fit within a single genre. The annual U.S. gross box office revenues for the films ranged from $157 million (Scary Movie 2, 2001) to $10.5 million (Drop Dead Gorgeous, 1999) (Boxofficereports.com, 2002). Reliabilities Three coders were trained extensively on films outside the actual sample. Scotts pi was used to assess intercoder reliability for nominal level variables (Potter & LevineDonnerstein, 1999). Ordinal=interval data was appraised with Rosenthals effective reliability (Rosenthal, 1987). Reliabilities based on a subset of the actual sample are individually reported alongside each variable definition to follow. Unit of Analysis and Coding Scheme Given the studys concern for teen viewers, in particular, and because social cognitive theory posits that audience members are more likely to identify with and attend to similar, distinctive characters (Bandura, 1986, 2001), the unit of analysis was the major teen character. Major teen characters included those between the ages of 1219, including middle school, high school, or both students, who were central to the films plot. Demographics and Attributes. Gender was coded as either male or female (Pi 1.0). To address attributes that may make a character more or less appealing as a model to viewers, the socioeconomic status, physical attractiveness, and virtue of each character were also coded. In terms of SES (Pi 1.0), characters who were visibly poor were coded as low and those who were perceptibly well-to-do were coded as high. All other characters were coded as moderate (Roberts, Henriksen, & Christianson, 1999). Virtue and physical attractiveness were assessed on a 5-point scale. Virtue referred to the characters overall moral goodness on
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a scale ranging from extremely good (5) to extremely evil (1) (McIntosh et al., 1999) (R .80). Examples of goodness included such acts as sacrificing oneself for another and examples of evilness included intentionally harming others. Physical attractiveness (R .82), ranging from very attractive (5) to not at all attractive (1), was evaluated based on the extent to which the character would be considered physically attractive by mainstream U.S. standards (Mastro & Greenberg, 2000). Substance Use. For all substance use behaviors including smoking (Pi .82), drinking alcohol (Pi .88), and doing drugs (Pi 1.0), the frequency of occurrence was recorded if an individual character was explicitly shown engaging in the behavior once or more than once. If the character was never shown engaging in the behavior, not at all was coded. Because social cognitive theory proposes that viewers are more likely to learn and imitate behaviors that are associated with positive or no outcomes, the short- and long-term consequences of drinking and alcohol also were recorded. To determine short-term consequences of drinking (Pi .77) and drug use (Pi 1.0), coders were directed to evaluate the ramifications of the most prominent drinking and drug use scene involving that character. Scene prominence was indicated by length, camera focus, and importance to plot line, and shortterm was defined as the 24-hour period following substance use. Long-term consequences of drinking (Pi .96) and drug use (Pi 1.0) were defined in the same way, except that the variable assessed consequences after the first 24-hour period following substance use. Both short- and long-term consequences were coded as either no apparent consequences (e.g., no evident consequences resulting from substance use), positive consequences (e.g., physical pleasure, getting the guy=girl, social acceptance), negative consequences (e.g., becoming ill, social dysfunction, addiction, being teased by peers, being arrested), and mixed consequences (both positive and negative consequences depicted). If the character was never shown engaging in the behavior at all, not applicable was coded. If characters were ever shown as out of control or acting differently than normal because of alcohol consumption, they were coded as being drunk (Pi 1.0). If characters acted in these ways because of drug usage, they were coded as being high (Pi .95). Coders also documented if a character was ever shown driving while drunk (Pi 1.0). Last, health messages related to substance use were assessed. Media models who refuse to engage in substance use can signal to audience members that declining substance use is a viable option. For both alcohol (Pi .82) and drugs (Pi .95), each character was appraised to determine if they were offered but offered refused, and accepted, or not offered each of these substances. Regret over drinking (Pi 1.0) and drug use (Pi 1.0) also was coded if characters exhibited remorse at any point about consuming alcohol or doing drugs.
Results
A total of 146 major teen characters were coded across the 43 films. Males (48.6%) and females (51.4%) were nearly equally represented. The majority of characters were of moderate SES (63.0%), followed by high SES (19.90%) and low SES (16.6%). Overall, the characters tended to be slightly more virtuous (M 3.25) than not and above average in terms of physical attractiveness (M 3.79).
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Just over one-sixth (17.1%, n 25) of the major teen characters in this study were shown smoking cigarettes. Almost half of characters shown smoking (48.0%, n 12) were shown smoking more than once. There were no significant differences between smokers and nonsmokers in terms of their gender, SES, virtuosity, and physical attractiveness. Smoking cigarettes was also not significantly related to the MPAA rating of the film in which characters were depicted.1
Drinking Alcohol Nearly 40% (n 56) of the major teen characters in the sample were shown drinking at least once, and 14.4% (n 21) of characters in the sample were shown drinking more than once. Of all characters shown drinking alcohol at least once, 55.4% (n 31) were depicted as drunk, and 8.9% (n 5) were shown driving while drunk. There were no significant differences between drinkers and nondrinkers in terms of their SES, virtuosity, and physical attractiveness. Drinking alcohol was significantly related to the MPAA rating of the film in which characters were depicted v2 (2, N 145) 10.415, p < .005. Nearly twothirds (60.7%, n 34) of characters who drank were shown in R-rated films, followed by 35.7% (n 20) in PG-13 films. Viewed in another way, half of all teen characters in the R-rated films (49.3%, n 34) and a third (35.5%, n 20) of all teen characters in the PG-13-rated films were shown drinking. Of those characters shown drinking, no short-term consequences at all were portrayed for 41.1% (n 23) of the characters. For 14.3% (n 8) of all drinking characters, only positive consequences were shown, and for 35.7% (n 20), only negative short-term consequences were depicted. Long-term consequences of drinking alcohol were less common, with no consequences at all appearing for 69.6% (n 39) of all drinking characters. For 25.0% (n 14) of characters who drank, there were negative long-term consequences associated with drinking, and for 5.4% (n 3) there were mixed consequences. There were no positive consequences depicted in the long term from drinking alcohol. Only six characters (10.7% of all those shown drinking) exhibited any regret about their alcohol consumption. Although 25 characters (17.1% of all characters) accepted alcohol when it was offered, only one character (.7%) refused. Most characters (82.2%, n 120) were never offered alcohol.
Drug Use Fully 15.1% (n 22) of the major teen characters in the sample were shown using drugs. Of these, 63.6% (n 14) were shown using drugs more than once, and 59.1% (n 13) were portrayed as high from drugs. Drug usage did not differ significantly with regard to variations in characters gender, SES, or physical attractiveness. Those characters who were shown using drugs, however tended to be less virtuous (M 2.77) than those who were not shown using drugs (M 3.34) F (1, 145) 10.558, p < .001.
1 Because only one film (The Princess Diaries, 2001) in the sample was rated G, it was excluded from all analyses contrasting MPAA film ratings with substance use behaviors.
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Characters shown using drugs were significantly more likely to appear in R-rated films v2 (2, N 145) 19.7, p < .001. Ninety-one percent (n 20) of the characters shown using drugs in this study were located in R-rated films, followed by 9.1% (n 2) appearing in PG-13 films. Considered in a different light, almost one-third (29.0%) of all teens in R-rated films were shown using drugs. Among drug users, 40.9% (n 9) experienced negative consequences in the short term as a result of their drug use. An even greater number (54.4%, n 12) of drug-users, however, experienced no consequences at all, and only one character experienced mixed short-term consequences. In the long term, consequences were even less likely to be depicted, with 59.1% (n 13) of characters experiencing no long-term ramifications from their drug use. Two characters (6.5%) experienced positive long-term outcomes and 4 characters (12.9%) experienced negative outcomes. No characters experienced mixed consequences in the long term. Only 2 characters (9.1% of drug users) were shown to regret their drug use, and 100% (n 18) of those who were offered drugs accepted them. Most characters (n 128, 87.7%) were not offered drugs. Combined Substance Use Only 4 characters in the entire sample were shown smoking, drinking, and using drugs in the film in which they were featured. Notably, all 4 of these characters were females. Of those characters who were shown using drugs, half were also shown smoking (n 11, 50.0%) and nearly half (n 10, 45.5%) also were shown drinking. Among characters who smoked in the sample, the majority also drank (n 16, 64.0%). Conspicuously, females were always more likely to engage in multiple substance use behaviors than were males. Specifically, females composed four-fifths (80.0%, n 8) of those who drank and used drugs, two-thirds (n 10, 62.5%) of those who smoked and drank, and slightly more than four-fifths (81.8%, n 9) of those who smoked and used drugs.
Discussion
The purpose of this study was to assess the frequency, nature, and experienced consequences of substance use among major teen characters in films that feature teens. The value of such an inquiry lies in its ability to document actual content patterns that can impact young viewers attitudes toward substance use and their perception of others substance use. As Steele (2002) concluded in her focus group research with adolescents, Teens look to movies. . . to understand reality, to understand the world they have inherited. Poised, if not pushed, to break out of the safety net of childhood, they embrace movies as stories about the way the world is (p. 249). The results of the current study indicate that the world portrayed in recent teen-centered movies is one in which substance use is relatively common and mostly risk-free. Two-fifths of teen characters in the films in the sample drank alcohol, one-sixth smoked cigarettes, and one-seventh used illicit drugs. Considering that two of these behaviors are illegal for teenagers and all can have serious health ramifications, the extent to which they are depicted may be viewed as problematic. Moreover, even though these portrayals do not appear to over-represent the extent of real world substance use by teens, each representation may very well add to the everyone-is-doingit mentality that can, in itself, lead to substance use initiation among teenagers. For
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instance, research has shown that teens overestimate the percentage of their peers who smoke (Gibbons, Helweg-Larsen, & Gerrard, 1995) and that perceived peer smoking is more predictive of smoking than actual peer smoking (Iannotti & Bush, 1992). Although documenting the number of teen substance users in films is essential for understanding what teen viewers may be learning about normative teen behaviors, it is also important to assess who is shown engaging in these behaviors since appealing media models are more likely to influence learning. Indeed, social cognitive theory would predict that viewers will attend most to characters who are physically attractive, heroic, and well-off. With the exception of drug users, who differed significantly from nonusers in terms of their virtuosity, the current study found almost no differences between characters who used substances and those who did not with regard to all character attributes assessed. Boys were not significantly more likely than girls to smoke, drink, or use drugs, nor were characters of higher SES, greater attractiveness, or greater goodness more likely to engage in these behaviors. These findings indicate a noticeable turn of events, at least as compared with prior studies documenting such associations (e.g., Everett, Schnuth, & Tribble, 1998; Hazan, Lipton, & Glantz, 1994; McIntosh, Bazzini, Smith, & Mills, 1999). In terms of social cognitive theory, the finding that substance-using characters were not significantly different than nonusers in terms of attractiveness, SES, and virtue may be welcome news. Indeed, it suggests that teen viewers may be no more likely to model substance users than nonusers. On the other hand, and as other media effects theories such as cultivation might propose, the absence of distinction between substance users in the films may actually help to construct substance use as a normative teen behavior, appropriate for anyone and everyone. Further research is necessary to explore this possibility and would usefully consider other ways that substance users may be stereotyped in films (e.g., the rebellious smoker, the delinquent drug addict) that may be appealing to observational learners. Although substance-using characters in this study did not differ substantially from nonusers, the absence of depicted consequences for those characters who were shown drinking or using drugs does not bode particularly well from a social cognitive perspective. Indeed, drinkers and drugusers in this study were unlikely to suffer any consequenceslet alone negative consequencesin either the short or long term, possibly increasing the chance that teen viewers would model these substance use behaviors in their own lives. Negative consequences, however, were not entirely absent. Negative short-term consequences were noticeable for one third of characters who drank and two-fifths of characters who used drugs, potentially impacting viewers observational learning. In the long term, negative consequences were substantially less visible, with only one-quarter of drinkers and one-tenth of drug users suffering negative consequences. The limited number of depictions of long-term negative consequences may be explained partly by the narrative structure of films, which often are unable to show long-term ramifications of any sort due to their limited time focus (e.g., the entire film Go (1999) captures less than a 24-hour period of time). Short-term consequences, however, are much more easily included, and need not compromise the integrity or even the humor of films. For example, Traffic (2000) was both critically acclaimed and a box office hit, despite its vivid depiction of the physical and relational destruction teenage drug use can inflict. And in Rushmore (1999), the films humor is only heightened by showing how drinking alcohol brings out the worst
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in the odd but endearing protagonist, Max Fisher. Even depictions of simple, yet documented short-term effects (e.g., bad breath, temporary impotence) can alert teen viewers to substance use effects without substantially impacting the story line of a film. Showing characters who openly regret their substance use is another way that films can demonstrate negative consequences, but the films in this study rarely depicted this action. Additionally, the films in this study provided almost no models of teen characters who declined an offer to drink or use drugs. A simple refusal can go a long way to suggest to teen viewers that an offer is not an obligation, but in this study, only one character in the entire sample refused an invitation to drink and not a single character refused an offer to use drugs. The study indicated that greater adherence to MPAA guidelines for restricting youth access to R-rated films could make a difference in decreasing teen viewers exposure to drug use in films. Drug use depictions in the films were almost exclusively relegated to R-rated films, which is unsurprising given that the MPAA itself specifies that movies containing drug imagery automatically warrant at least a PG-13 rating (MPAA, 2000). On the other hand, characters who smoked and, to a lesser extent, drank were not more likely to appear in R-rated films, suggesting that MPAA ratings may be relatively useless in warning parents about smoking or drinking messages in the films their teens view. One of the more notable findings of the study that deserves future consideration was the disproportional number of female characters shown engaging in multiple substance use behaviors compared with males. The recent rise in smoking behaviors and sustained drinking and drug use among teen girls in real life makes this type of inquiry pressing. Qualitative analyses of substance use messages in teen-centered films are also warranted, since they can enrich our understanding of the contextual factors that might help make media models more or less attractive to viewers. Audience studies are, perhaps, even more important in helping us to better understand the impact of viewing substance-use imagery in film. For example, McCool and colleagues (2003) conducted focus groups with 12- and 13-year-olds to learn about their responses to portrayals of smoking in films. McCool found that the adolescents perceived smoking as normal, prevalent, and realistically represented in films. Such impressions, McCool posited, might reinforce smoking behaviors. More analyses such as these can help us to learn more about how adolescents make sense of media messages about substance use and incorporate them into their own lives. Media effects studies are also necessary, since content analyses can only tell us what patterns exist rather than what their influence might be. Studies that provide evidence regarding the efficacy of social cognitive theory in explaining how young people can be impacted by portrayals of substance use would be particularly worthwhile. Overall, this study demonstrated that substance use is portrayed as a relatively common and carefree behavior among teen characters in teen-centered films. It is hoped that researchers will continue to monitor such portrayals in future research. Periodic assessments such as this are necessary because films provide models for behaviors and attitudes, as well as contribute to an overall environment in which substance use issues are pondered, discussed, and debated. These data are also useful as feedback to media critics, public health officials, and even the film industry so that they might endeavor to provide more responsible messages about smoking, drinking, and drug use to young people.
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References
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