8 Unit and 9 APUSH Notes Unit 8 Imperialism
China In 1895, Cuban citizens revolted against their Spanish occupiers because of widespread poverty and oppression and what they perceived as Spanish tyranny. Some of the poverty was due to high U.S. duties that were placed on Cuban sugar. In a reactionary move to the revolt, Spanish General "Butcher" Weyler herded thousands of Cuban civilians into "reconcentration" camps. These camps were filthy and many of the residents died of diseases that flourished in these overcrowded and unsanitary camps. The sentiment of the American people was strongly against Spanish barbarism and there was a call of support for the Cuban people. An important issue during McKinley's presidency was U.S. involvement in China. In a war that started in 1894 and ended in 1895, Japan defeated China, and for the next several years China was in disarray. In the aftermath of the war, Japan and major European powers moved in to take control of China's substantial resources. Many U.S. leaders feared that if America did not join in, we would miss out on a huge economic opportunity. McKinley's Secretary of State, John Hay, sent a note to the countries with an economic stake in China requesting an "Open-Door Policy" that respected Chinese rights and promoted fair competition among those interested in Chinese resources. Britain, Germany, France, and Japan agreed to the policy, assuming that all of the other key countries would commit. Russia declined to commit to the plan, which caused dissension among the other countries and made the "Open-Door Policy" weak and relatively ineffective. Still, the "Open Door" continued to be Newspaper tycoons William Randolph Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer played a major role in shaping the attitudes and opinions of Americans during this era. These two men owned many major newspapers across the country, and they were engaged in a fierce rivalry. In an attempt to outdo one another, they routinely created sensational headlines designed to "scoop" the competition. Unfortunately, these "yellow journalism" headlines were often enhanced or sometimes entirely made up in order to maximize their sensationalism. On February 9, 1898, Hearst greatly stoked the fire of anti-Spanish sentiment when he published a private letter written by Spanish diplomat Dupuy de Lome that was very critical of President McKinley. De Lome was forced to resign, but the public was angered and outraged by the sensational stories and began to call for armed intervention in Cuba. Spanish-American War The beginning of the twentieth century was a period of unprecedented American prosperity and power. The economic and social environment was perfect for the rise of the International Darwinism movement. Followers of this movement applied some of the fundamental views of Darwin's Origin of Species (1859) to international politics. They believed that the earth belonged to the strong, and with America quickly growing in strength, there was a strong surge of support for increased U.S. imperialism. The International Darwinism movement was enthusiastically promoted by Josiah Strong's book, Our Country: It's Possible Future and Its Present Crisis (1885). The book asserted that natural law dictates that strong countries will dominate weaker countries and that the Anglo-Saxon race is superior to other races. Inspired by Strong's book, many American imperialists began calling for the spread of American religion, culture, and values to what they considered "backwards" third-world countries. An important issue during McKinley's presidency was U.S. involvement in China. In a war that started in 1894 and ended in 1895, Japan defeated China, and for the next several years China was in disarray. In the aftermath of the war, Japan and major European powers moved in to take control of China's substantial resources. Many U.S. leaders feared that if America did not join in, we would miss out on a huge economic opportunity. McKinley's Secretary of State, John Hay, sent a note to the countries with an economic stake in China requesting an "Open-Door Policy" that respected Chinese rights and promoted fair competition among those interested in Chinese resources. Britain, Germany, France, and Japan agreed to the policy, assuming that all of the other key countries would commit. Russia declined to commit to the plan, which caused dissension among the other countries and made the "Open-Door Policy" weak and relatively ineffective. Still, the "Open Door" continued to be the primary approach that the U.S. took toward China. In 1895, Cuban citizens revolted against their Spanish occupiers because of widespread poverty and oppression and what they perceived as Spanish tyranny. Some of the poverty was due to high U.S. duties that were placed on Cuban sugar. In a reactionary move to the revolt, Spanish General "Butcher" Weyler herded thousands of Cuban civilians into "reconcentration" camps. These camps were filthy and many of the residents died of diseases that flourished in these overcrowded and unsanitary camps. The sentiment of the American people was strongly against Spanish barbarism and there was a call of support for the Cuban people. Newspaper tycoons William Randolph Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer played a major role in shaping the attitudes and opinions of Americans during this era. These two men owned many major newspapers across the country, and they were engaged in a fierce rivalry. In an attempt to outdo one another, they routinely created sensational headlines designed to "scoop" the competition. Unfortunately, these "yellow journalism" headlines were often enhanced or sometimes entirely made up in order to maximize their sensationalism. On February 9, 1898, Hearst greatly stoked the fire of anti-Spanish sentiment when he published a private letter written by Spanish diplomat Dupuy de Lome that was very critical of President McKinley. De Lome was forced to resign, but the public was angered and outraged by the sensational stories and began to call for armed intervention in Cuba.
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The State of Tennessee retained the services of Williams Jennings Bryan to prosecute Scopes. Bryan, a well-known Presbyterian fundamentalist and an accomplished speaker, had helped to popularize the fundamentalist movement. Bryan had begun to campaign against the teaching of evolution as early as 1921. Clarence Darrow, a trial lawyer from Chicago and self-described agnostic, volunteered to defend Scopes. Reporters from large cities camped in the small Tennessee town reporting on the trial's spectacle. Spectators drawn by curiosity and publicity seekers captivated by the media-hype also crowded the streets of Dayton. The trial itself did not disappoint the public in terms of drama. Darrow even insinuated that the magnitude of the trial went well beyond the legal issue when he argued, "Scopes isn't on trial, civilization is on trial ... no man's belief will be safe if they win." The judge presiding over the trial ruled that scientific testimony would not be allowed. Faced with this limitation, Darrow decided to try to attack the state's position, and he asked if Bryan would take the stand as an expert of the Bible. Bryan agreed and what followed was a bitter exchange between Darrow and Bryan that ended in a quick adjournment of the court when the two charged at one another, fists raised. Darrow's strategy was to point out Bryan's literal beliefs in the text of the Bible, including that a "great fish" swallowed Jonah, that Eve was created from one of Adam's ribs, and that Joshua had stopped the movement of the sun. Darrow's intention was to make Bryan appear irrational; a tactic that many reporters and spectators considered successful. Ultimately, the court ruled that the real issue was whether or not Scopes taught evolution in his classroom. According to the court, Scopes had purposely violated the law and was fined $100; though the state Supreme Court later overturned the fine on a technicality. Bryan died of a stroke five days after the trial ended, and his death was attributed to the stress of his testimony and the July courtroom heat. President McKinley ordered the battleship USS Maine stationed in Havana Harbor ostensibly to monitor the situation and keep the peace. Then, on February 15, 1898, the Maine suddenly exploded in the harbor killing all 260 officers and crewmembers aboard. Immediately, both Spanish and American officials began investigating the cause of the explosion. The Spanish investigation concluded that the explosion was the result of an internal malfunction, and they ruled it an accident. However, after a hurried investigation, the American investigators reported that a Spanish mine caused the explosion. Spain attempted to pacify the U.S. and avoid armed confrontation with an offer of arbitration. However, fueled by the ever-present "yellow press," the U.S. was enraged and ready to go to war, with the American public proclaiming, "Remember the Maine, to Hell with Spain." Years later in 1976, a thorough investigation was conducted and it showed that the Spanish theory was correct and the explosion was accidental. In America, the Spanish-American War prompted a fast growing anti-imperialist movement, with members such as prominent authors, philosophers, and academics, including Mark Twain, Jane Addams, and Andrew Carnegie. The Filipino people longed for freedom after years of Spanish rule. In the Downes v. Bidwell case of 1901, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that products imported from U.S. territories are subject to duties and the "Constitution does not follow the flag." These and other rulings were referred to as "insular cases" and denied residents of occupied territories the rights and protections afforded by the Constitution. These rulings set an important precedent, since previously acquired land had been eligible for these rights as well as future statehood. The U.S. did not grant the Philippines independence, but instead, annexed it. On February 4, 1899, a bloody three-year revolution began that left over 600,000 Filipinos dead and was responsible for more American casualties than the Spanish-American War. In the aftermath of World War II, the America granted the Philippines independence on July 4, 1946. The U.S. Navy easily destroyed the aging Spanish fleet in Manila. In the battle, over 400 Spanish sailors were killed or wounded, while the U.S. suffered no casualties. Having crushed the Spanish Navy, Dewey had no choice but to wait for ground support as his sailors were incapable of ground combat. Finally, soldiers arrived to lead the attack on the capital. The soldiers recruited rebel leader Emilio Aguinaldo, and on August 13, 1898, soldiers collaborating with Filipino rebels quickly captured Manila. The U.S. Navy had similar success in Cuba. They engaged the Spanish Navy and easily defeated it. The U.S. suffered only one casualty compared to over 500 Spanish casualties. Meanwhile, the U.S. Army, including Roosevelt's famed "Rough Riders", routed the Spanish but suffered significant fatalities. There were many other battles and skirmishes, but the U.S. Army's most significant enemy was their lack of logistical preparedness, not the Spanish. For example, they were wearing wool uniforms in the intense heat, and were very susceptible to tropical illnesses. In addition, the lack of medical knowledge concerning the causes and treatments of tropical diseases such as malaria cost many American lives. During the course of the war, 400 U.S. soldiers were killed by Spanish hostilities, while over 5,000 were killed by disease. Despite these American shortcomings, the Spanish military was greatly overmatched, and they surrendered on August 12, 1898. An important discovery that resulted from the Spanish-American War was America's need to connect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. During the war, ships in the Pacific had to travel around South America in order to join the fleet in Cuba. The U.S. now had to protect and supply its far ranging territories in Guam, Puerto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippines. The U.S. was also beginning to emerge as a world economic power and needed quicker shipping routes to meet its international business needs. Another significant reason for a quick route between the Atlantic and the Pacific was that the U.S. Navy was fast becoming an important, global military player. President Roosevelt began to swing his "big stick" in order to achieve his dream of building a canal in Central America. An important issue during McKinley's presidency was U.S. involvement in China. In a war that started in 1894 and ended in 1895, Japan defeated China, and for the next several years China was in disarray. In the aftermath of the war, Japan and major European powers moved in to take control of China's substantial resources. Many U.S. leaders feared that if America did not join in, we would miss out on a huge economic opportunity. McKinley's Secretary of State, John Hay, sent a note to the countries with an economic stake in China requesting an "Open-Door
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Policy" that respected Chinese rights and promoted fair competition among those interested in Chinese resources. Britain, Germany, France, and Japan agreed to the policy, assuming that all of the other key countries would commit. Russia declined to commit to the plan, which caused dissension among the other countries and made the "Open-Door Policy" weak and relatively ineffective. Still, the "Open Door" continued to be the primary approach that the U.S. took toward China. Panama Canal In addition to legal challenges, there were other significant obstacles to building a canal. Panama was eager to secure the canal project in the hope that it would revive their lagging economy. However, Panama was controlled by Colombia, and the Colombian Senate rejected a treaty that would have allowed the U.S. to lease a six-mile zone in Panama. The offer called for an initial payment of $10 million and an annual disbursement of $250,000, which the Colombians viewed as inadequate. Roosevelt was enraged by Colombia's refusal to cooperate and he was determined to secure the canal area one way or another. A Panamanian uprising against Colombian rule began on November 3, 1903. This coup was backed by Panamanians who sought the prosperity the canal offered as well as representatives of the company that hoped to sell the land to the U.S. for $40 million. The U.S. did not actively encourage this rebellion, although they viewed it as a fortunate development. On April 11, 1898, Congress declared war on Spain. They also ratified the Teller Amendment, which pledged to give Cubans their freedom after the Spanish were defeated. Many Europeans and Americans were skeptical of this anti-imperialistic pledge. Assistant Secretary of the Navy Theodore Roosevelt, acting in the absence of the Secretary, ordered Commodore George Dewey to attack the Spanish-controlled Philippines at Manila Harbor. The U.S. also annexed Hawaii to use as a naval base in the Pacific on July 7, 1898. Although American confidence was very high, on paper the Spanish possessed a superior army and a navy of equal status. However, their navy was run-down and far from its home base. Initially, proponents of the canal considered two sites: Nicaragua and Panama. However, experts quickly concluded that Panama would be a more advantageous and realistic site. Despite Roosevelt's intentions, there were still several legal challenges to overcome before he could build the canal. The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty of 1850 between the U.S and Britain asserted that the U.S. could not have sole control over an isthmian canal in the Americas. However, the British were engaged in the South African Boer War and were feeling increasingly threatened by their European neighbors, so they were willing to repeal the treaty. In 1901, the British and the Americans signed the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty that allowed the U.S. to build and fortify a canal. England had little to lose by signing the treaty, and in exchange hoped to secure the U.S. as an ally in a conflict with Germany that was beginning to look inevitable. Colombian soldiers were poised to crush the rebellion, but U.S. naval vessels would not allow them to cross the isthmus and engage the revolutionaries. Using questionable legal precedent, President Roosevelt quickly recognized Panama's independence three days later. This was a bitter victory for the U.S., as it secured the necessary land for the canal, but hurt foreign perception of America as well as American relations in Latin America. Latin Americans were already concerned about American control in Puerto Rico and Cuba, and now they began to fear their neighbor to the north. After years of dubious politics and relationships, construction began on the Panama Canal in 1904. Many obstacles were encountered, including landslides, pestilence, and labor problems. However, a team of engineers persisted, and finally in 1914 the Panama Canal was opened and heralded as the greatest technological achievement of its time. The total costs to complete the job were staggering. In addition to $400 million in financial costs, the loss of good will toward America was incalculable. The English author James Bryce referred to the project as "the greatest liberty Man has ever taken with Nature." Roosevelt Corollary Around the turn of the twentieth century, Latin American nations began defaulting on massive loans from European powers such as Germany and England. Many of these "Banana Republics," including Venezuela and the Dominican Republic, had borrowed heavily and had no way or intention of repaying their debts. This issue came to the forefront in 1903, when German warships sank two Venezuelan vessels and bombarded a Venezuelan town. Their intention was to intimidate Venezuela into paying its debts, but they inadvertently threatened Roosevelt and America's sense of security as well. Roosevelt was intent on keeping European nations out of the Americas. He feared that if he allowed Germany and England into the Hemisphere to collect debts, they might decide to set up permanent bases, which would have been a violation of the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Also, the U.S. did not want the European powers to "extort" Latin American countries, thereby bankrupting them. In order to prevent their presence, Roosevelt devised the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, which instituted a policy of "preventive intervention." In this clever maneuver, Roosevelt stated that the U.S. would now function as "the policeman of the Caribbean." Under this arrangement, the U.S. took over the management of tariff collections in 1905. This meant that whenever a Latin American nation was overdue on a debt to a European power, the U.S. would intervene. America would pay off the foreign debt, and then take responsibility for collection, thereby guaranteeing the European loan. The Europeans quickly agreed to this arrangement, as it ensured the prompt payment of the debt, but they were skeptical of America's motivation. Many people in America, Europe, and Latin America viewed this as yet another imperial move by the United States. Anti-imperialists believed that America was removing the traditional imperialists who were taking advantage of the Banana Republics, for no other reason than to take their place.
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The U.S. experienced a number of advantages by assuming control of these customshouses. Corruption and embezzlement were rampant in many of these Latin American countries. The U.S. ran the customshouses fairly and equitably and helped ensure that corruption was minimized. In the short run, several of these Latin American countries began managing their money more efficiently and achieving financial security for the first time. Countries such as the Dominican Republic and Venezuela were able to manage their resources more effectively and were beginning to emerge as viable trading partners. However, over time as the U.S. began to return control to local governments, many returned to their corrupt and inefficient ways, which ended this short era of relative prosperity. Despite the success of the Roosevelt Corollary, there were also several drawbacks. Essentially this was a perversion of the Monroe Doctrine, which was considered a sacred document in American politics. It also set another negative precedent for U.S. involvement in Latin America. This new policy was used for years as justification for military and political intervention throughout the region. For many decades, the U.S. performed military landings in Central America and stationed Marines in Nicaragua and other countries in semi-permanent bases. Also, Roosevelt's "cowboy diplomacy" strained relations not only with Latin American nations, but with the rest of the world as well. The Roosevelt Corollary helped give notice that the U.S. was emerging as a significant world power that could not be ignored. Dollar Diplomacy William Howard Taft was easily elected in 1908, because a majority of Americans believed that he would continue the popular Republican policies laid out by President Roosevelt. Taft was susceptible to outside pressure, and he often submitted to the desires of Congress and special interest groups. Roosevelt and many Americans were angry and dismayed when Taft began to stray from the Republican platform. However, one area in which Taft consistently pursued Roosevelt's aims was in expanding America's influence abroad. Taft used America's growing economic power as a diplomatic tool. He urged Wall Street investors to invest money in foreign markets in order to increase American influence abroad. Investors were especially encouraged to invest their money in foreign markets in which the U.S. had strategic interests, such as the Far East and the Panama Canal region. Many people were critical of Taft's plan and his critics denounced this strategy as "dollar diplomacy." In fact, the senate refused to sign several treaties, but the president encouraged private banks and Wall Street investors to act independently. One goal of dollar diplomacy was to preempt foreign powers from gaining or enlarging an investment foothold in key markets. Many European countries had been imperial powers for decades and held a significant advantage over the U.S. in several global markets. The administration believed that if American investors were firmly situated in these markets economic rivals such as Germany would be unable to continue their dominance. Taft believed that the increased investment would not only benefit the U.S. but its trade partners as well, creating better foreign relations. Taft also assumed that the expenditure of money in foreign markets would increase American influence abroad and would help further its foreign policies. Of course, the overriding belief was that foreign investments would enhance American businesses, which in turn would grow the economy and enrich the government. A primary focus of dollar diplomacy was the Manchurian region of China. Japan and Russia controlled a large portion of Manchurian resources including the railroads. Taft, like many people of the era, believed that whoever controlled the railroads also controlled the economy. He believed that without an interest in the Manchurian railroad system, the U.S. would be frozen out of the emerging Chinese markets and the United States' "open door" policy in China would be undermined. Taft personally sent a telegram to the Chinese Government on behalf of American investors interested in railroads in the Yangtze Valley. In 1909, Secretary of State Philander C. Knox offered the Japanese and Russians a deal. He proposed that American bankers and industrialists would purchase the Manchurian railroads from Japan and Russia and return them to Chinese control. Japan and Russia flatly refused the offer, which publicly embarrassed the Taft administration. Taft persevered in his efforts to gain influence in China, and in 1912 the U.S. and five other nations offered the new Chinese Republic a huge loan. In an extension of the Roosevelt Corollary, Taft encouraged investors to spend money in Latin American countries such as Honduras and Haiti. Adhering to the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, Taft would not allow foreign investors into Latin American markets, so America felt a responsibility to support these financially struggling republics. Many of these nations were constantly on the verge of financial collapse and required foreign investment to strengthen their shaky foundations. Political turmoil in this region later required U.S. troops to protect the substantial American investment. In 1912, a group of 2,500 marines landed in Nicaragua to suppress a rebellion, and they remained for 13 years due to continued instability. This was another action that increased distrust of America among many Latin American nations. Central America and the Caribbean A key element of this new imperialistic movement was the promotion of financial security for the U.S. and other countries in the western hemisphere. The U.S. stepped in and advised Caribbean countries on ways to more efficiently manage their economic affairs. However, many of these countries were rife with corruption and their resources were badly mismanaged, so the U.S. took a more active role to ensure that their revenues were properly handled. In many cases, the U.S. took control of a country's customshouses and made certain that revenues were appropriately controlled and distributed. In the short run, this strategy was successful. For example, U.S. control of the Dominican Republic's customshouses helped bring short-term financial security to the nation. However, when the U.S. returned control to the Dominicans, the mismanagement resumed and the Dominican Republic was no better off than before. Another unfortunate result of U.S. involvement was that feelings of resentment and distrust toward America continued to grow throughout Latin America.
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In 1912, within one week of taking office, Woodrow Wilson removed governmental support for American businesses operating in the Caribbean and China. Wilson was an intense critic of imperialism and his goal was to reverse Roosevelt's "big stick" policies and Taft's "dollar diplomacy." His vision for U.S. foreign policy was based on morality. He strongly believed that his immediate predecessors had pursued a policy that would breed dislike of the U.S. and often sacrifice goodwill for short-term gain. For this reason, Wilson's foreign policy has sometimes been called "missionary diplomacy" or "moral diplomacy." For the United States, another key area of concern in Central America was Nicaragua. Its close proximity to the Panama Canal made Nicaragua's stability crucial to American interests in the region. Nicaragua asked the U.S. for help, and in 1911 American bankers and investors reorganized the Nicaraguan financial structure and began to manage its customs service. They were successful in bringing some stability to the country, but in 1912 a violent political revolution began. This revolution greatly concerned the U.S., since an armed insurrection in the region threatened the security and the prosperity of the burgeoning Panama Canal. The U.S. responded by sending 2,500 troops to the nation. Although the troops were rarely involved in combat, they remained in Nicaragua for 13 years. Wilson's "moral diplomacy" achieved mixed results. One of his primary goals was to stabilize the Caribbean and Latin America during the onset of World War I, with a minimal amount of American involvement. Also, he wanted to completely reverse Roosevelt's "big stick" policies and remove all elements of Taft's "dollar diplomacy." However, Wilson faced a great deal of pressure from imperialists as well as American industrialists. Despite Wilson's intentions to limit U.S. involvement in the region, he sent troops to Nicaragua, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic, which ensured a U.S. military presence in the Caribbean and Central America for decades. Ironically, regardless of his sincere intentions to halt the spread of imperialism, Wilson intervened in Latin American affairs more than any other president. The Spanish-American War, the Panama Canal project, and the Roosevelt Corollary ensured extensive U.S. involvement in Latin America. Many Caribbean and Latin American countries seemed to be in a perpetual state of revolution and political upheaval. Due to its close geographic proximity, the U.S. felt compelled to get involved and exert influence in these conflicts. The significant financial investment that resulted from "dollar diplomacy" also required the U.S. to intervene repeatedly in order to protect its citizens and investments. Taft continued Roosevelt's imperialist policies and increased America's economic and political empire throughout the world. Disorder and rebellion in Cuba, Honduras, and the Dominican Republic were causes for alarm in the United States. Most Caribbean countries at the time were politically unstable and desperately impoverished. The U.S. adopted a policy of "non-colonial imperial expansion" in an attempt to bring stability and order to the region. Essentially, this unilateral policy enabled the U.S. to intervene in the region without actually taking control of any of these countries. The decision to intervene was at the discretion of President, although some countries requested U.S. assistance. People on both sides of the imperialism issue were critical of non-colonial imperial expansion. Imperialists believed that this policy was limiting and contrary to American interests. Anti-imperialists believed the strategy was too vague and would allow America to intervene in any situation it wanted. The Mexican Revolution After Wilson's policies were instated, American bankers withdrew their support for Taft's six-nation loan to China, which caused the loan to collapse. Wilson also immediately repealed the Panama Canal Tolls Act that exempted U.S. vessels from paying tolls at the Canal. The repeal of this act pleased England who was angry at paying tolls that U.S. ships were exempt from. Another of Wilson's anti-imperialist actions was the signing of the Jones Act of 1916. The Jones Act promised the Philippines independence as soon as they were able to demonstrate that they had a stable government. However, this act proved to be less than successful, as the Philippines were not granted independence until 30 years later on July 4, 1946. Haiti had been a key target of Taft's "dollar diplomacy." It was an exceptionally poor nation even by Caribbean standards and Taft tried to improve the Haitian economy through the influx of American investment. Wilson began withdrawing some of America's involvement and influence when he took office, although many Americans continued to live and own property in Haiti. In 1914 and 1915, the Haitian people were outraged by the oppressive nature of their President, so they rebelled, literally tearing him to pieces during a bloody revolution. In response, Wilson reluctantly sent troops to Haiti to protect American citizens and investments. He agreed to a treaty with Haiti in which the U.S. would help police the nation and supervise its finances. Due to continued Haitian instability, U.S. troops remained in Haiti for 19 years. Despite Wilson's intentions, the U.S. continued to exert influence throughout the Caribbean. The Latin American country most important to the well-being of the U.S. was its neighbor to the south, Mexico. Mexico is a nation rich in resources, but its ineffective and corrupt governments had exploited the Mexican people for years. A series of brutal dictators had controlled the country for decades, and many of them mismanaged Mexico's resources, making themselves rich while the majority of Mexicans were desperately poor. Tension had been high for years, and there had been several attempts at revolt, but the dictators were successful at suppressing any significant revolution. Despite his distrust of Carranza, President Wilson reluctantly recognized the legitimacy of Carranza's presidency. Meanwhile, Carranza's former general, Pancho Villa, had now emerged as his chief rival. Villa not only defied Carranza's rgime by leading an armed revolution, he directly challenged the extensive U.S. involvement in Mexico. In an effort to rebuild a relationship with Mexico, Wilson supported Carranza against Villa
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and sent arms to sustain Carranza's armies. Villa was angered by Wilson's actions, and retaliated by killing 18 Americans in Mexico and then embarked on a bold raid into Columbus, New Mexico killing 19 Americans. Americans were stunned and outraged by Pancho Villa's brash actions. President Wilson ordered General John J. Pershing to lead several thousand troops into Mexico to capture Villa. General Pershing's army moved quickly into Mexico and engaged Villa's supporters, who were known as Villistas. The disorganized Mexican rebels were no match for the better-trained and equipped U.S. forces, and Pershing won several convincing victories. However, he was unable to find Pancho Villa, which was the ultimate goal of the mission, and this failure did little to enhance the international reputation of the U.S. military. Finally, as it no longer seemed possible for the U.S. to remain out of WWI, Wilson recalled Pershing and his men in January 1917. Both Taft's "dollar diplomacy" and Wilson's "moral diplomacy" achieved mixed results. Taft's foreign spending and interventionism gained the U.S. short-term allies, but also created long-term animosity throughout Latin America. It strengthened the U.S. economy through increased American investment abroad and allowed America to gain a position in several emerging global markets. Upon taking office, Woodrow Wilson attempted to reverse most of Taft's foreign policy. Wilson's staunch anti-imperialism was a completely new approach for America. He withdrew government support of American investors in foreign markets and attempted to bring America back within its borders. However, his reluctance to intervene militarily in foreign affairs was often seen as hesitant and weak and caused many of his policies to be largely ineffective. Eventually, Wilson's approach to foreign policy proved too unrealistic for success in the Western Hemisphere, but the true test of his foreign policy would come on the other side of the Atlantic in World War I.
Unit 9 WWI
U.S. Neutrality Mexican leaders sold the country's resources to foreign investors, often at the expense of Mexican citizens. Americans owned 43 percent of the land in Mexico, while foreigners from other countries owned 25 percent. By 1913, American investment in Mexico was well over a billion dollars, including significant ownership in railroads, oil resources, and mines. Porfirio Diaz, the leader at that time, was particularly ruthless and oppressive. Eventually, the number of foreigners profiting from Mexican resources and Diaz's cruelty helped promote a strong surge of nationalism in Mexico. The first Mexican Revolution began in 1910. The people were led by the radical Francisco Madero. Madero and his followers staged a successful campaign, and in 1911 they gained control of Mexico and appointed Madero president. He was very popular and viewed as a president of the people, but in 1913 another revolutionary group assassinated Madero. The leader of the coup, General Victoriano Huerta,thenthen then assumed the presidency. As a result of the instability and revolution in Mexico, a huge influx of immigrants fled to the United States. Many Mexicans feared Huerta, and fled the country in order to escape his tyranny. The majority of these immigrants settled in the southwestern U.S., where they lived in segregated communities and were used as cheap labor for building railroads. All told, over one million Mexicans migrated to the United States in the early twentieth century. During this revolutionary era in Mexico, over 50,000 Americans owned property and lived in Mexico. They began to feel legitimately threatened by this newfound Mexican nationalism, and called for protection from the U.S. government. Other Americans not living in Mexico also asked for intervention, including "yellow journalist" William Randolph Hearst. Although Hearst may have truly desired aid for Americans living in Mexico, he was surely influenced by his ownership of a Mexican Ranch larger than the state of Rhode Island. Despite growing pressure, President Wilson was reluctant to intervene in Mexican politics. He had been working to reduce American involvement in Latin America, and was very hesitant to interfere and risk a direct conflict with Mexico. Although Wilson was unwilling to play an active role in Mexico, he by no means condoned the tyrannical Huerta regime. In fact, Wilson was one of the few foreign leaders who did not accept the legitimacy of Huerta's leadership and refused to recognize his government. As Huerta's violence towards his people continued to escalate, Wilson was forced to act more directly. He stated that he would "...teach the South American republics to elect good men," and in 1914 the U.S. began supplying weapons to Huerta's rivals. Venustiano Carranza and Francisco "Pancho" Villa, were the leaders of a rebel army created to unseat Huerta. In April 1914, a group of American sailors on shore leave was arrested in Tampico, Mexico. The U.S. was outraged, and the sailors were quickly released with the apologies of the Mexican government. However, Mexico was unwilling to provide the 21-gun salute demanded by the Americans. Seizing the opportunity to finally remove Huerta and end his tyranny, Wilson asked Congress for permission to use force against Mexico. In the mean time, while still awaiting Congressional approval, Wilson ordered the navy to seize the port of Vera Cruz. This action not only angered Huerta, it also upset the rebel leader Carranza, who viewed this act as exceeding the boundaries of the informal agreement between his group and the United States. As tensions continued to mount, war with Mexico seemed inevitable until Argentina, Brazil, and Chile intervened. The so-called "ABC Powers" interceded and attempted to reach an agreement between the United States and Mexico. These powerful South American nations helped the U.S.
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undermine Huerta, and in 1914, after intense internal and external pressure, President Huerta stepped down as ruler of Mexico. The open presidential seat was filled by Venustiano Carranza who still harbored resentment toward America because of the U.S. meddling at Vera Cruz. During the summer of 1914, the tensions in Europe that had been growing for many years culminated with the assassination of Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand by a Serbian terrorist organization. Following the assassination, the Austrian-Hungary government (backed by Germany) and Serbia (strongly backed by Russia) entered into what became an intricate chain of political confrontations. Within less than a month, two coalitions emerged--the Central Powers, which primarily consisted of Germany and Austria-Hungary, and the Allied Powers, which included France, Russia, and Great Britain. As posturing between the two coalitions persisted, Russia began to mobilize its forces to strike against Germany. Feeling threatened, Germany declared war on Russia on August 1, 1914. Only days later, in an attempt to neutralize any opposition from France, Germany moved its forces through Belgium to strike the French nation. As a result of the German invasion of Belgium, Great Britain quickly sided with France to prevent Germany from accessing the French coastline from Belgium. Although Wilson immediately protested this illegal act, he did not act against Great Britain. Instead, Wilson attempted to maintain a neutral position as Britain continued to throttle American trade with Germany. American ships traveling through the North Sea, which was the only route to access German ports, often found themselves illegally searched and seized, sometimes being held for months. Britain's tactics proved to be highly effective--trade between the United States and Germany dropped off dramatically between 1914 and 1916. However, Germany was not willing to concede control of the North Atlantic shipping lanes. In response to Britain's tactics, Germany established a submarine war zone around the British Isles, declaring that they would immediately sink all enemy merchant ships encountered in the area. Wilson responded by declaring that Germany would be held to "strict accountability" if they injured American ships or citizens.
Subs As war raged in Europe, President Woodrow Wilson argued that the United States should remain neutral in this conflict, urging Americans to be "impartial in thought as well as in action." Given the distance between the United States and Europe, Americans readily embraced Wilson's neutral stance. Although approximately one-third of American citizens had been born in Europe or were children of European immigrants, most were relieved to stay out of the conflict. While U.S. policy remained neutral, both the Central Powers and the Allied Powers used propaganda in an attempt to sway American public opinion. German propaganda focused on Russian autocracy and anti-Semitism, which seemed to appeal only to German and Irish-Americans. Britain enjoyed certain advantages in its appeal to Americans, such as a common language and a closely aligned culture. Despite attempts by both the Allied and Central Powers to persuade U.S. opinion, President Wilson and the American people remained firmly neutral. However, America's neutrality was soon tested on what the U.S. considered free international waters. Both the Allied and Central Powers hoped to gain advantage over the other by controlling America's trade relationships. Britain, who controlled the span of the North Atlantic Ocean, refused to allow American goods to be shipped to Germany and declared all cargo in neutral waters to be contraband. Britain then began seizing U.S. goods. In an attempt to contend with the British Navy, Germany began to produce a new weapon of war--the U-boat. U-boats, a common English abbreviation for the German word `Unterseeboot', were submarines. Unlike surface ships, U-boats, did not adhere to the traditional rules of engagement, which required raiders to stop a vessel, examine its cargo, and allow passengers to escape before sinking the ship. Instead, the strength of the submarine was its ability to strike without warning, while its major weakness was its inability when surfaced to defend itself. Germany began attacking British and American vessels in the waters of the North Atlantic. In March of 1915, Germany sunk the British steamer Falaba, killing one American. In May, two more lives were lost when Germany sunk the American tanker Gulfight. In all, during the first months of 1915, German U-boats destroyed more than 90 ships. Mobilizing the Nation for War In April of 1917, President Woodrow Wilson received a declaration of war from Congress. Even as America prepared for war, the country remained split over the prospects of sending American troops to fight the nations that comprised the Central Powers. In an attempt to unify the nation, the Wilson administration undertook a remarkable propaganda campaign to sway American opinion toward intervention in the European conflict. The centerpiece of this campaign was the Committee on Public Information, also known as the Creel Committee. Germany's aggression reached a turning point in May of 1915. Americans reacted in disbelief when a German U-boat attacked the Lusitania, a British passenger liner that was traveling from New York to Liverpool, England. Nearly 1,200 persons were killed, including 128 Americans. Germany defended the sinking of the Lusitania by correctly asserting that the ship was transporting a large supply of small-arms ammunition.
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This fact did little to convince Americans that Germany was justified. While many openly called for war, President Woodrow Wilson remained cautious against any action that would bring America into the battle. Instead, President Wilson began to make a series of diplomatic moves to persuade Germany to shift its tactics. Wilson issued a note, grudgingly signed by Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan, demanding that the Germans abandon unrestricted submarine warfare. Germany responded with an explanation of their military situation but not an apology for their warfare tactics, nor any indication that they were willing to change their strategy. About one month later, Wilson issued a second, more strongly worded note. This time, Bryan, rather than signing a letter that could provoke a war with Germany, resigned from his position. In reaction to the storm of criticism and anger concerning the sinking of the Lusitania, the German government secretly ordered its military to avoid sinking defenseless passenger ships. However, in August of 1915, Germany sunk the Arabic, another British liner, killing two Americans. With Allied pressure mounting, the German government finally agreed publicly to not sink unarmed ships without warning. Headed by George Creel, a well-known progressive journalist, the committee's purpose was to sell the American public on the war, to communicate the aims and goals of the Allied Powers, and to demoralize the Central Powers in the eyes of Americans. The committee mobilized about 75,000 individuals, known as "four-minute men," to deliver pro-American addresses in public places. The committee also created and distributed millions of copies of pamphlets, posters, and leaflets exhorting the dangers of the Central Powers. Germany's pledge proved to be temporary. Seven months after the sinking of the Arabic, a German U-boat sunk the Sussex, a French steamer. In response, Wilson issued the Sussex Ultimatum, a decree that said the U.S. would break diplomatic relations with Germany if German U-boats continued to sink unarmed vessels. Again, Germany signaled that they would not sink passenger vessels without warning. However, Germany's latest reassurance came with one major stipulation: the United States would have to persuade the Allies to stop blockading commodities to Germany. Wilson accepted Germany's pledge, but he did not accept the decree concerning the Allies. On January 31, 1917, in an effort to end the military stalemate in Europe, Germany declared that it would wage unrestricted warfare against all shipping vessels, neutral or belligerent, in the war zone. Although Wilson broke diplomatic relations with Germany, he refused to ask Congress for a declaration of war, arguing that Germany had still not committed any "actual overt acts" that warranted a military response. During this time of conservation, Congress also restricted the use of food materials for manufacturing alcoholic beverages. The exercise of selfdenial that emerged among citizens in reaction to the war accelerated the prohibition movement, which was already sweeping across the country. As Americans struggled with conservation on the home front, the government struggled with how to provide the necessary food and munitions to troops. Although Wilson was a powerful and inspiring war leader, he found himself unable to build the necessary cooperation between military and civilian agencies. As a result of disorganized and often conflicting information about the amounts of food, munitions, and money required to wage the war, the American government found itself unable to provide troops and the other Allied Powers with much-needed supplies. Seeking to rally Americans to the war effort in 1917, President Woodrow Wilson promised a "war to end all wars," and pledged to "make the world safe for democracy." Making the world safe for democracy seemed a noble and just pursuit to Americans who watched as Europeans and Russians struggled with increasingly limited freedoms and leaders who acted out of vengeance, creating economic turmoil. President Wilson believed that the United States should serve as a moral compass to the rest of the world. He differentiated the United States' goals in the war from the goals of the other warring powers. To Wilson, the United States had not entered the war with the hope of gaining wealth or territory; instead, Americans entered the war to shape a new international climate and to ensure the well being and continued growth of democracy. Wilson's campaign succeeded with the American public. On the home front, Americans responded to Wilson's idealistic aims and rallied behind him and the war effort. During the summer and fall of 1917, large numbers of U.S. troops arrived in Europe to support the Allied Powers. About two million Americans served overseas and about 75 percent of those saw combat action during the next 18 months. America's troops arrived as the peril in Europe increased. Russia, reeling from a revolution, established a separate peace with Germany in 1918 and pulled out of the war. With Russia no longer a threat to the Central Powers, Germany began moving troops to the war's western front for a major offensive move into Allied territory. Fresh American troops arrived in France just in time to be catapulted against the German advance and hold off the German armies. Wilson placed the task of organizing this crucial information into the hands of the War Industries Board, headed by stock speculator Bernard Baruch. The board was charged with effectively allocating scarce resources, standardizing the production of war goods, fixing prices, and coordinating American and Allied purchasing. To minimize potential labor disputes that would hinder production, and therefore the country's war efforts, Wilson formed the National War Labor Board. The board, chaired by former President William Howard Taft, was charged with maintaining order in the nation's commercial sector by settling disputes between management and workers. The board used its power to strong-arm management into establishing higher wages
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and eight-hour workdays; however, the board's most significant contribution was its recognition of workers' rights to unionize, which revolutionized management-labor relations. In fact, union membership had nearly doubled to three million by the war's end. As a part of the American government's propaganda effort to bolster public support for the war, the Committee on Public Information established powerful anti-German sentiment in the U.S. As a result, Americans rejected all things German, including German music, literature, and food. Some American citizens readily reported, without factual knowledge, spying and sabotage in the U.S. by German agents. To reassure American citizens and to quash the dissenting political opinions of the anti-war factions, the U.S. government established the Espionage Act of 1917. Under this act, anyone convicted of aiding the enemy, obstructing military recruiting, or inciting rebellion in the military was subject to fines of up to $10,000 and imprisonment for up to 20 years. Almost one year later, Congress passed the Sedition Act of 1918. In an effort to expand the powers of the Espionage Act, the Sedition Act made it illegal to speak against the purchase of war bonds or to "utter, print, write or publish any disloyal, profane, scurrilous or abusive language" against the U.S. government or the Constitution. These two acts provided the legal foundation for almost two thousand prosecutions, many of which involved antiwar Socialists and members of a radical group called the Industrial Workers of the World. In 1918, Socialist Eugene V. Debs was convicted under the Espionage Act and sentenced to 10 years in a federal penitentiary for giving an anti-war speech. Industrial Workers of the World leader William D. Haywood and 99 The "overt acts" that would bring America into the war came during the next two months with the sinking of four more unarmed American vessels. At about the same time, newspapers published an intercepted telegram from German Foreign Secretary Arthur Zimmerman that proposed a German-Mexican alliance. In return for supporting Germany, Mexico was to reclaim the Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona territories. This proposed alliance concerned all Americans and was particularly troublesome to those living in the southwestern United States. Wilson was forced to acknowledge that the worst-case scenario for America was coming to pass and continuing to manage the German threat was no longer an option. On April 2, 1917, Wilson requested a declaration of war from Congress. Congress complied with only six senators and 50 representatives voting against the war resolution. In his war message, Wilson declared, "It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war." Nevertheless, the crisis of war would soon engulf the United States. The Food Administration, headed by Herbert Hoover, worked to ensure the well being of the nation's food supply. Hoover sought voluntary compliance for the food administration's policies. To save food for export, Hoover asked Americans to observe "meatless Tuesdays" and "wheatless Wednesdays" in the name of patriotism. He also asked Americans to plant "victory gardens," small gardens that sprouted up in backyards and empty lots, to help make Americans more self-sufficient and less dependent on the national food supply. Hoover's efforts paid off for both the U.S. and the Allies. Food produced in America increased in yield by 25 percent, while food exported to the Allied nations swelled to over three times the amount before the push of voluntary conservation. The success of the Food Administration did not go unnoticed by other agencies. The Fuel Administration enacted similar voluntary measures by proposing "heatless Mondays" and "gasless Sundays." Holmes argued that if Schenck had mailed his letters challenging the draft during peacetime, he would be safe from prosecution. During a time of war, however, Holmes contended that Schenck's actions represented a "clear and present danger" to the United States. If words are used to create a clear and present danger to the nation, Justice Holmes said, the government has the right to suppress such behavior. Wilson's Fourteen Points Many in America argued that the Espionage and Sedition Act were in violation of the Constitution's First Amendment. The argument was ultimately debated in the Supreme Court in the case of Schenck v. U.S. in 1919. Charles Schenck was the general secretary of the Socialist Party. Schenck believed that the military draft was unlawful and mailed letters to draftees urging them not to report for military duty, an action clearly in violation of the Espionage Act. Like Debs and Haywood, Schenck was arrested, charged, and convicted for the crime of criticizing a government initiative. During Schenck's appeal, the Supreme Court upheld the legality of his conviction, thereby supporting the structure and purpose of the Espionage Act. Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes argued that during a time of war the nation had the right to protect its interest even if that meant suppressing certain freedoms. Nearly one year after President Woodrow Wilson addressed Congress and laid out his Fourteen Points, fighting in Europe had reached its end. In the last weeks of the war, Wilson used the promise of his Fourteen Points to persuade the German people to overthrow Kaiser Wilhelm II and establish an armistice. Under the armistice, Germany had to withdraw behind the Rhine River and surrender its submarines and munitions. American troops also played an important role in the last Allied assault that took place in France in the fall of 1918--one major objective of this offensive was to cut off the German railroad lines feeding the western front. The Meuse-Argonne offensive, which at the time was the largest
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battle in American history, lasted 47 days and engaged 1.2 million American troops. Although more than 120,000 American troops were wounded or killed, this triumph paved the way for Allied victory. As the war drew toward its conclusion, many began to consider what would be the outcome. Recognizing the need for a plan, Wilson devised an outline for peace that would become known as his Fourteen Points. On January 18, 1918, Wilson delivered his Fourteen Points Address to Congress to encourage the Allies to victory. In it, he hoped to keep a reeling Russia in the war and to appeal to the Central Powers' disenfranchised minority members. The points, which represented Wilson's lofty goals for the future of the world, included five general principles for a peace settlement: (1) "Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at" should replace secretive diplomacy; (2) a guaranteed freedom of the seas should exist during wartime and peace time; (3) nations should be able to trade freely without fear of retribution; (4) armaments should be drastically reduced; and (5) colonial claims should be adjusted to reflect the needs of native peoples. Most of the additional points involved specific territorial adjustments: lost territory should be returned to Russia, Belgium should be a free and independent state, France should regain the Alsace-Lorraine, and Italian boarders should be adjusted along easily recognizable lines of nationality. Under the Fourteen Points, oppressed minority groups such as the millions of Poles who lived under the rule of Germany and AustriaHungary, would benefit from an era of self-determination. The final point called for the creation of a "general association of nations" that would work to guarantee political independence and sovereignty for all countries. This general association, an early version of Wilson's League of Nations, would provide international order in the post-war era. Wilson's fear over the reception of his Fourteen Points proved to be well founded. Although Wilson was a popular figure, many European leaders felt his plans would interfere with their imperialistic ambitions. The English were mostly interested in the expansion of the British Empire, and the French wanted solid assurances that France would never be invaded by Germany again. Millions in Europe rejected the idea that there could be peace without retribution against Germany--the cry of vengeance resounded throughout the Allied European nations, and they demanded that Germany pay for its actions. Wilson, temporarily disheartened, left Paris without solidifying any specific agreement to help aid the Democratic Congressional campaign.
Treaty of Versailles During the Congressional election of 1918, Wilson faced a new battle on the home front. Republicans and Democrats had minimized open partisan politicking during the war. Wilson broke the bi-partisan truce to plea for a Democratic victory in the Congressional elections of 1918. Wilson's move backfired when Republicans won majorities in both houses. Wilson, who had staked his prestige on a Democratic victory, returned to Europe as a less influential Although leader. the reaction to the Fourteen Points was largely positive, some leaders of the Allied Powers, hoping for territorial gain, grumbled at Wilson's idealistic aims. Republicans at home who favored isolationism openly criticized Wilson's world vision and mocked what they referred to as the "fourteen commandments." To establish the conditions of surrender for the defeated Central Powers, members of the Allied Powers came together in Paris. Representatives of the Big Four powers--the United States, France, Britain and Italy--attended the conference. Fearing his Fourteen Points would not be well received by European leaders with their own agendas, Wilson attended the conference as the leader of the American delegation. Wilson's aim was to create a world parliament to be known as the League of Nations, an agency that would ensure international stability. From January to May of 1919, the Allied Powers hammered out the treaty. To preserve his prized League of Nations, Wilson made sacrifices on many of the other 13 points. Although the Allied victors would not take control of the conquered areas outright, they would be allowed to oversee the territories under the guise of the League of Nations. Under Wilson's plans, the League of Nations was to consist of 42 Allied and neutral countries, with five permanent members: the U.S., France, Britain, Italy, and Japan. Wilson's concessions led to the establishment of the League Covenant, a constitution for the League of Nations. Under the Covenant, the League's chief goal was collective security among all nations. The Covenant required all League members to protect the "territorial integrity" and "political independence" of all other members. Signed on June 28, 1919, the Treaty of Versailles outlined several provisions for peace. A "guilt-war" clause, clause 231, placed sole blame for the war on Germany and required Germany to pay reparations to the Allies, which totaled about $33 billion. The treaty required Germany to accept military restrictions and a loss of territory and barred Germany from joining the League of Nations. The Treaty also granted national sovereignty to Poland, Czechoslovakia, Finland, and the Baltic States of Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, and Yugoslavia. When Wilson went to Europe to fight for his Fourteen Points and negotiate the Treaty of Versailles, he was largely viewed as a worldwide hero. Once the treaty was signed and he returned to America, he was greeted with a cold reception. American isolationists feared greater international entanglement through participation in the League of Nations. Anti-German critics believed the treaty did not go far enough to punish Germany,
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while many liberals found the treaty too harsh and heavy-handed toward the German people. With opposition in America, the treaty faced a difficult road toward ratification in the U.S. Senate. Defeat of Treaty in U.S. Germany, which had capitulated based on assurances that it would be granted a peace based on the Fourteen Points, felt betrayed by a treaty that only included about four of Wilson's original points. The treaty, however, did little to advance Wilson's quest to establish freedom of the seas, free trade between nations, and military disarmament. Always the optimist, Wilson believed that such oversights could be easily addressed through the powers of the League of Nations. He believed that once convened, the League would have the authority to solve these problems through arbitration and negotiation. With Wilson removed from the political spotlight, Lodge took control of the treaty debate. Although Lodge was unable to amend the treaty outright, he mockingly created Fourteen formal reservations, known as the "Lodge Reservations," to it--a reference to Wilson's Fourteen Points --and attached the reservations to the treaty for all to review before they voted whether or not to pass it. Lodge and other critics had particular disdain for Article X, which morally bound the United States to aid any League member who was victimized by external aggression. Rather than morally bind the government to act, Congress wanted to reserve the power to declare war for itself. Wilson, who had little respect for Lodge, rejected the Fourteen Reservations outright. Although Wilson was willing to accept some compromises, he believed that Lodge's reservations contradicted the pact's spirit. Wilson sent word to all Democrats to vote against the treaty, which now included Lodge's reservations. In November of 1919, loyal Democrats, who had once strongly supported the treaty, voted against ratification. President Woodrow Wilson felt optimistic about returning to America with the completed Treaty of Versailles. His return, however, was marked with a mixed reaction from the public and the Congress. Initially, Republican Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, who had ardently opposed the treaty, had little hope of defeating it in the Senate. Instead, Lodge and other Republican Senators hoped to amend the treaty, so that they could take credit for the changes. These individuals were known as "reservationists," since they were willing to accept the treaty with modifications. If someone was opposed to the idea of the U.S. moving toward internationalism altogether, then they were called "irreconcilables." Lodge's delay tactics, which included reading the 264-page treaty aloud in a committee meeting, helped to muddy the once-favorable pubic opinion. Wilson was concerned that any modification to the Treaty by the Senate would encourage the Europeans allies to also make modifications, and he was afraid that too many amendments would lead to elimination of his League of Nations altogether. To galvanize public support for the treaty, Wilson began a speechmaking tour in spite of the urging of his wife and physicians to stay home. Republican "irreconcilables" such as Hiram Johnson of California and William Borah of Idaho followed behind Wilson and made speeches against the treaty at every stop Wilson has been. Although the Midwest reacted coldly to Wilson's pleas, he experienced tremendous support in the Rocky Mountain region and the Pacific Coast, two areas where he also had a solid political base. During a speaking stop in Colorado, Wilson collapsed from physical and nervous exhaustion. Taken by train back to Washington, Wilson had a stroke a few days later that paralyzed one side of his body. Wilson recovered in the privacy of the White House for the next seven months. Although Democrats attempted to make the election a referendum on the League, the public had grown tired of high-browed idealism and turned to Harding's message of normalcy. In the end, a Republican landslide elected Harding as President. Republican isolationists turned the election's results into a mandate against the League of Nations. American participation in the League, Wilson's long-held dream, would not be a reality. Because of the U.S.'s refusal to enter the League, it never had the power that Wilson had envisioned. In July of 1921, Congress officially ended the war with the Central Powers by passing a joint resolution. Separate peace treaties with Germany, Austria, and Hungary were ratified on October 18, 1921. Red Scare In March of 1920, strong public support of the treaty required the Senate to once again vote on the treaty. Again, Wilson asked Democrats to vote down the treaty with Lodge's reservations attached. For a second time, the Senate voted against ratification, thereby ending any chance for the treaty's ratification in America and creating a deadlock in Washington. Wilson believed that the Election of 1920 would serve as a "solemn referendum" on the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations and eliminate the political impasse the country faced. Since Wilson did not run for another term, Democrats nominated James M. Cox from Ohio, a strong supporter of the League. Republicans, hoping to bring a sense of "normalcy" back to the country, nominated Warren G. Harding, a Senator from Ohio who remained intentionally ambiguous about the League. The first notable strike occurred in February 1919, when Seattle was brought to a virtual standstill. Although the Seattle strike was considered orderly and the demands made by those on strike deemed humble, the fact that pro-communists helped organize the walkout raised a number of concerns among conservatives. The mayor of Seattle eventually called for federal troops to curb "the anarchy of Russia." Another round of strikes starting in September 1919, organized by the radical William Foster, resulted in approximately 340,000 steelworkers, factory workers, and dockworkers declaring a strike, which continued to heighten popular suspicion.
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Apart from the strikes taking place, in April of 1919 the United States Postal Service intercepted almost 40 mail bombs addressed to such prominent figures as John D. Rockefeller and Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes. In June 1919 a bomb that slipped through the postal screening exploded at the home of Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer. No one was injured in the blast, but Palmer's home was damaged and anarchist pamphlets were strewn up and down his Washington D.C. street. Even though these extreme tactics were the work of a handful of anarchist, few people saw the difference between anarchy and communism. The "red scare" of 1919-1920 had officially begun. Palmer wasted no time in forming the General Intelligence Division within the Department of Justice to gather information about radical individuals behind the perceived communist insurgence. The new division was headed by J. Edgar Hoover, who declared their intention to begin deporting radicals. On November 7, 1919, federal agents in 12 cities raided the meeting places of the Union of Russian Workers. Over 650 people were arrested, many who did not have a connection to the union. On December 22, 249 people suspected of anarchy and criminal activity were deported to Russia without the benefit of any judicial process on a ship nicknamed the "Soviet Ark." The evidence to deport existed for only 43 of the As World War I was raging in Europe, a political and social revolution defined by a struggle between the labor class and capitalists was taking place in Russia. In early 1917, the Bolshevik Party, headed by Vladimir Lenin, felt that the social climate in Russia was beginning to change in their favor. Outlining his plan for a communist revolution, Lenin wrote his "April Thesis" to demonstrate the Bolshevik vision for a Soviet State. By the end of October 1917, the Bolshevik Party, soon to be renamed the Communist Party, had control of the Russian government. In March 1918, Russia officially withdrew from the "capitalistic" world war. In the United States, a small handful of individuals took notice of the promise of the new Russian government and formed their own communist party. At first, there was little reaction to this nascent political movement, since at the time the American public's attention was focused on events in and around Germany. It did not take long after the war, however, for America's attention to shift to a new target. Just as the Russian communists had appointed themselves the "champions of the workers," the tiny U.S. contingent of communists had also taken up the workers' cause. They were quick to align with the pressing union issues, especially labor strikes brought about by high post-war prices. This alignment unsettled an American public already annoyed with a wave of strikes. In the minds of many, unionized labor became synonymous with communism. Nativism and Racism. The public approved of what came to be known as the "Palmer Raids" and deportation, and Palmer was well aware of the support. His personal ambition was to seek the 1920 Democratic presidential nomination, so he aimed to give the public more of what it wanted. Starting on January 2, 1920, Palmer began enforcing over 3,000 arrest warrants, and police in 33 cities took about 6,000 suspected communist into custody. Some of those arrested where held for weeks at a time without the right to communicate with a lawyer or their family, while authorities attempted to gather evidence against them. In some cases when visitors were allowed to meet with suspects, the visitors themselves were arrested under the pretense that they must be communists since they were visiting a suspected communist. Eventually, public opinion started to turn against Palmer's crusade as people began to question the constitutionality of the raids led by Palmer. Palmer attempted to regain public support by warning of a massive terrorist protest around the country on May 1, 1920. Many cities braced for the worst and federal troops were placed on standby, but not one demonstration took place that day. By the summer of 1920, many saw Palmer as more of a threat to American civil liberties than a handful of radicals. As immigrants struggled for fair treatment, a force of evil had reconstituted. A new Ku Klux Klan, one focused against foreigners rather than blacks, was established in 1915 by William J. Simmons, a former preacher. Simmons would allow only native-born white Protestants into his organization, and he referred to America's melting pot as nothing more than a "garbage can." Klan membership rapidly grew to a peak of five million members in 1923. Although the movement's strongest support was in the Midwest and South, the Klan's message spoke to individuals in all corners of America. Klan members wore robes, burned crosses, held dogmatic rituals, and organized mass demonstrations to protect its ideal of American life from African American, Roman Catholic, Jewish, and immigrant "corruption." In the late 1920s, Americans finally recoiled from the hateful messages the Klan espoused and the violence of their actions. Infighting began to plague the Klan as factions squabbled over control of the large amounts of money collected through a $10 initiation fee. When David C. Stephenson, the leader of the Indiana Klan, was convicted of assault that caused the death of a young woman, many of the remaining supporters deserted the Klan. Finally, a Congressional investigation launched to investigate money-laundering charges, revealed that a large part of initiation fee charged to members was used to pay kickbacks to local organizers to encourage additional recruitment. Religion While some Americans were concerned with the increasing immigration into the United States; others feared modernism and new ideas might usurp the authority of the church. For many of the millions of people who lived in rural areas, towns, and small cities around the country, it was
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not the great urban migration that was a problem, it was that urban culture itself seemed to be wicked, materialistic, and detrimental to moral character. As Americans abandoned the country in droves and moved to large cities, new ideas emerged among these urban transplants as the influence of modernism was taking hold. More than ever before, education was a priority in Americans' lives. Many states started to require students to attend school until the age of sixteen or eighteen. A professor from Columbia University, John Dewey, founded the progressive educational movement by promoting the principles of "learning by doing." Dewey's idea stated that teachers should educate students on traditional subjects as well as more practical life-skill topics. Beginning in 1920, immigration into the United States once again increased dramatically. Approximately 110,000 people immigrated to the U.S. in 1919, and that number increased to more than 430,000 in 1920 and more than 800,000 in 1921. And as before, many native-born Americans saw the immigrants as a threat to their livelihood and their image of America. Congress, reacting to this widespread sentiment, passed the Emergency Quota Act of 1921. Under this act, a new quota system would stem the influx of foreign-born citizens into the United States. The number of immigrants allowed to enter America for any given county was limited to three percent of the number of immigrants from that country already living in the United States as defined by the census of 1910. To further restrict immigration, in 1924 Congress adjusted the quota system so it was based on the census of 1890 when few southern Europeans had arrived. The sensational Sacco and Vanzetti trial in 1921 underscored the anti-foreign attitude of many Americans. Nicola Sacco, a shoe factory worker, and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, a fish peddler, were Italian immigrants and known atheists and anarchists. When the two were accused of killing a paymaster and a guard in a daylight robbery of a shoe factory, a notorious trial followed. During the trial, the judge and jury appeared overtly prejudiced against Sacco and Vanzetti because of their immigrant background and their political beliefs. The trial, and determination of Sacco and Vanzetti's fate, dragged on for seven years, while protestors around the world organized rallies to show support and demand a new trial for the two doomed men. In the end, both men were executed on August 23, 1927. Along with the changes in education, Charles Darwin's theory of biological evolution and Karl Marx's suggestion that individuals were primarily motivated by economic motives became key points in shaping the progressive mindset. Modernist Christians, who mostly lived in large cities, attempted to connect new scientific advances with religion. They believed that science and religion could not only coexist, each could support the other's tenants and principles. It was Darwin's contribution to Biology that religious fundamentalists despised most. They rejected the theory of evolution and hoped to eliminate all mention of the scientific advances made during the last century regarding the origins of the universe and the history of humankind. Fundamentalists believed that these new ideas minimized the importance of the Bible and contributed to the moral breakdown of young people. To appease fundamentalists, three southern states, including Tennessee, adopted laws prohibiting the teaching of "any theory that denies the story of the Divine Creation of man as taught in the Bible." The American Civil Liberties Union announced that it would finance a challenge to the constitutionality of the law if a teacher would knowingly violate it. Friends convinced John T. Scopes, a well-liked Biology teacher in Dayton, Tennessee, to teach evolution in his classroom, and he was immediately arrested. Lawyers from around the country came forward to defend him, and the stage was set for a sensationalistic event that would put progressive education on trial. The case, often referred to as the "Monkey Trial," began on July 13, 1925. Prohibition Americans consumed tremendous amounts of alcohol during prohibition. Women began drinking in record numbers, and youth found it exciting to "bootleg," or smuggle liquor. Bootlegging became a major business, as many smuggled alcohol into the United States. Others found a new hobby in manufacturing "bathtub gin" and "home brew" for their own personal consumption. Sometimes, drinking highly concentrated homemade concoctions resulted in blindness or death. In an era that saw a number of advances for women, the battle for the right to vote finally found closure. In 1918, President Wilson asked Congress to approve a Constitutional amendment to allow women the right to vote, but the Senate failed to pass it by two votes. The National Suffrage Association, led by Carrie Chapman Catt, continued to lobby and petition Congress. On June 4, 1919, the issue went before Congress once again, and this time it passed. The Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution was not ratified until August 21, 1920, and by that time the National Suffrage Association had changed its name to the League of Women Voters. On the labor front, women found more opportunity for work, but the jobs were limited to a few fields such as clerical, teaching, or roles in the service industry. These were jobs that many men considered too "womanly" to actively pursue for themselves. Wages for women typically remained low, especially when compared to the salary of a male performing the same job. In 1920, more than eight million women worked outside the home, and that number increased to well over ten million by the end of the decade.
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A drastic alteration in appearance and values helped to distinguish the "new woman" of the 1920s. Known as "flappers," their look and attitude was characterized by knee-length or higher dresses, rolled down stockings, smoking, ample use of makeup, and even dancing the "Charleston." The traditionalists, of whom a majority of women still considered themselves, looked down on flappers for what they felt was a disregard for morality. Traditionalist were also alarmed by a rising divorce rate, which was fueled by relaxed divorce laws and a new sense of independence among women. This rate started to decline at the end of the decade due to the Great Depression. Prohibition supplied organized crime with a massive influx of income. Although organized crime had long been a component of the landscape in large cities, mobsters like "Scarface" Al Capone reveled in their increasing power as booze distributors. Capone's criminal empire, which extended beyond the sale of alcohol to include gambling and prostitution, netted him nearly $60 million in 1927. In Chicago's gang wars of the 1920's, mobsters killed about 500 rivals in an effort to control the billion-dollar business of the underworld. Law enforcement officials were unable, and in many cases unwilling, to stop the endless stream of illegal alcohol. The state and federal agencies charged with enforcing prohibition were understaffed, and many enforcement agents were susceptible to bribery. Many opponents of prohibition believed that the only way to change the law was to break it on a massive scale, so they tried to undermine enforcement efforts so that the law would be seen as meaningless. In the end, the "noble experiment" of prohibition did not succeed. Few politicians called for an outright appeal of the amendment before 1930; however, leaders recognized the need to at least overhaul the law if it was to be enforced. The prohibition lobby rejected outright all attempts to modify the law, but enforcement of the law remained grossly under funded and understaffed. In 1933, the Eighteenth Amendment upholding national prohibition was repealed by the ratification of the Twenty-first Amendment, which allowed the states to decide for themselves whether or not to support prohibition. New Culture The era of national prohibition began in 1920 with the establishment of the Eighteenth Amendment and was enforced by the Volstead Act passed by Congress that same year. The Act forbade the manufacture and sale of beverages with an alcoholic content greater than .5 percent. Zealous supporters of this law, including many women and parishioners, believed that prohibiting the manufacture and sale of alcohol would eliminate the social problems caused by intoxication. Many Americans began fighting for prohibition long before 1920. Near the beginning of the twentieth century, the Women's Christian Temperance Union and the Anti-Saloon League crusaded for legal prohibition. The Anti-Saloon League became a powerful special interest and mobilized Protestant churches to elect candidates that were anti-alcohol. The practice of self-denial that emerged in support of the war effort led many to view alcohol as an unnecessary luxury. The Lever Act of 1917 outlawed the use of grain and other foodstuffs in the production of alcoholic beverages. By the time Congress enacted a national prohibition, almost 75 percent of Americans lived in counties or states that already prohibited drinking alcohol. The movement, however, faced great resistance in large eastern cities where many social activities were built around the consumption of alcohol. Those who wanted to drink found ingenious ways around the law. Secret and illegal supplies of highly concentrated alcohol sprang up overnight. Citizens began regularly visiting "speakeasies," secret bars where individuals gathered to socialize. In addition to the political and social transformations brought about by prohibition, fundamentalism and nativism, the 1920s also witnessed a cultural transformation. In this postwar decade, many citizens, especially in larger urban areas, were embracing new forms of entertainment, discovering new recreational activities, and adopting the culture of consumerism. Literature and music were taking adventurous new strides, and the women rights movement was making slow progress. In light of all these events, the writer F. Scott Fitzgerald dubbed this postwar period the "Jazz Age." Coinciding with the gains made by women during the 1920s, was a revolution in African American culture. The artistic, political, and literary achievements were due in part to a massive migration of blacks from southern states to northern cities. This move began in 1915 when northern industries were experiencing labor shortages due to the war. In New York City alone the black population more than doubled between the years of 1920 to 1930. Living in the northern states, blacks found they were able to speak out and act more freely, and thus their political and cultural influence started to expand. Jazz music, the creation of black musicians working together in New Orleans in the late nineteenth century, started to gain widespread national popularity. Caucasians and African Americans alike were drawn to jazz's nontraditional rhythms and melodies. The musical roots of jazz can be traced to post-Reconstruction traditions, such as spirituals, ragtime, and stringbands. Blending these musical forms with European influences resulted in a distinctive, improvisational sound, which spread across the country as African Americans moved northward. Louis Armstrong, who moved from New Orleans to Chicago to join Joseph Oliver's Creole Jazz Band in 1922, is praised as one of the fathers of the jazz movement and an extraordinary musical talent. Edward "Duke" Ellington, a significant innovator of early jazz, moved from Washington D.C. to New York City. Ellington started playing at Harlem's Cotton Club in 1927, during which time his compositions, including large ensembles of twelve to fourteen instruments, foreshadowed the 1930s swing movement.
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Many African American women also found their voice during the Harlem Renaissance. Zora Neale Hurston, considered by many to be the most prolific African American writer of her time, explored themes of female identity and love in her books Dust Tracks on a Road and Their Eyes Were Watching God. The literary revival of the 1920s extended well beyond Harlem. In fact, the postwar era seemed to influence many young writers who had become disillusioned by the hopeful optimism before the war, the harsh realities of the war itself, the tactics of the fundamentalist, and Klan brutality. Some of the more prominent American writers became expatriates, while many others were happy to just travel abroad, gathering cultural and life experiences. Gertrude Stein, an expatriate living in Paris, is credited as being one of the first writers to popularize a modernist writing style starting with her 1906 book Three Lives. Stein also helped to name this new generation of authors when she wrote to Ernest Hemingway saying, "All of you young people who served in the war, you are the lost generation." The idea of a "lost generation" took hold, and no one typified the epithet more than F. Scott Fitzgerald. Fitzgerald was an almost overnight success, with his 1920 novel This Side of Paradise, which became very popular with the young flapper culture. Fitzgerald's second novel, The Great Gatsby (1925), achieved much critical acclaim, but by the end of the decade Fitzgerald's personal life fell into ruin. He became an alcoholic and his wife was "prone to fits of madness." Eventually, Fitzgerald moved to Hollywood to find work as a scriptwriter, but he never regained the level of success he enjoyed in the 1920s. Ernest Hemingway, a WWI veteran, moved away from traditional writing styles and instead developed his own lean, declarative style. The publication of his first two novels, The Sun also Rises (1926) and A Farewell to Arms (1929) marked the beginning of a writing career that would include a Pulitzer Prize for his 1952 novel, The Old Man and the Sea. The writers of the lost generation also included William Faulkner and T. S. Eliot. Among Faulkner's contributions to early modernist literature were the harsh war novels Soldier's Pay (1926), The Sound and the Fury (1929), and As I Lay Dying (1930). The poet T. S. Eliot exemplified the modernist ideal in much of his work. In The Waste Land (1922), Eliot's disenchantment and sense of helplessness were palpable and his work became a benchmark for modern literature. Despite all of the turmoil following WWI, including the disillusioned works of the lost generation, America saw great economic prosperity. The 1920s witnessed a spectacular growth in industrial output, business expansion, and consumerism. Helping to sustain this growth, the Federal Reserve Board allowed interest rates to remain low and the Federal government assumed a firm laissez-faire attitude toward business. Many other factors also contributed to the economic expansion, including the mass production of electricity. More electricity was being generated in America by 1929 than the combined output of the rest of the world. This helped to spur the mass production of automobiles, refrigerators, heavy building equipment, vacuum cleaners, and radios. Between 1921 and 1929, industrial output was doubled, and a finished automobile was rolling off the Ford assembly line in Rouge River Michigan every ten seconds. The Ford Motor Company, founded in 1903, and its Model T automobile greatly contributed to the social and economic impact the car had on the nation. When the Model T was introduced in 1908, its price tag was $850, but by 1924 the car was selling for no more than $290. Frederick Taylor developed a method to standardize the manufacturing process through a step-by-step analysis and factories that applied his methodology were increasing their production. The mass production of the car was perhaps one of the more important economic advents during the 1920s. No longer a novelty of the wealthy, the efficient assembly line lowered the cost of a car enough that over 30 million were owned in America by 1930. Fast transportation, revenue generating gasoline taxes, and growing dependency on the automobile gave rise to suburb expansion in cities nationwide. The auto industry's success also drove economic expansion in other areas. It created a need to manufacture more tires, glass, and petroleum products. The proliferation of gas stations soon followed, along with the people needed to staff them, and tourism flourished. A multitude of willing consumers were also eager to experience other forms of leisure. Heroes such as baseball's George ("Babe") Ruth, boxing's Jack Dempsey, and swimming's Gertrude Ederle encouraged a growing fan base and huge ticket sales for professional sports. Ederle held eighteen world records by the time she was seventeen, and in 1926 swam the English Channel on her second attempt. The new home entertainment center of the era, the radio, also helped popularize sports. Staring in 1921, radios began appearing throughout American homes, even though long-ranged broadcasting was not viable until late in the decade. It was in the same New York City borough where the Cotton Club enjoyed its fame that the African American cultural revolution found its center. The "Harlem Renaissance" gave rise to such figures as Marcus Garvey, Claude McKay, and Langston Hughes. These artists found their voice through the patronage of white Americans who found such creativity inspirational in times when many were becoming increasingly disillusioned. Garvey was an influential political leader whose platform was based on promoting black expressionism and racial pride, ending imperialism in Africa, and unifying the dispersed black populations. Garvey came to New York from Jamaica in 1916, bringing with him the United Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), an organization he started two years earlier. The purposes of the UNIA were to help black citizens relocate to Africa (the "Back to Africa Movement"), to sponsor black businesses, and to help fund the Black Star Line Steamship Company. Most of
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Garvey's financial endeavors were unsuccessful and ultimately failed, and he was eventually sent to prison in 1925 for defrauding investors. In 1927, President Calvin Coolidge pardoned Garvey and had him deported back to Jamaica. McKay, one of the first literary standouts during the Harlem Renaissance, published a collection of poems called Harlem Shadows in 1922. Some of McKay's poem titles included "If We Must Die" and "To the White Fiends." Langston Hughes, considered to be one of the best poets of the period, described his feelings during his first visit to Harlem by saying "Harlem! I dropped my bags, took a deep breath, and felt happy again." Hughes published his first compilation in 1926, titled The Weary Blues. America's Economy Roars Motion pictures, mostly a novelty until WWI, found a purpose in war propaganda with the "Hang the Kaiser" films. Earlier films, including 1903's The Great Train Robbery, were shown in five-cent theaters, known as "nickelodeons." In the 1920s, movies began to show their true potential, reflecting the social climate, adapting to new technologies, and giving rise to a shared experience nation-wide. Unlike radio broadcasts that varied from region to region, people going to "picture palaces" to watch movies saw the same show. The first "talkie," The Jazz Singer, was released to a delighted public in 1927, marking the end of silent films. The popularity of the film was also attracting the nation's attention to another novelty--the movie star. At many times more recognizable than the nation's leaders, top movie stars were popular enough to demand salaries that eclipsed the salary of the President of the United States. Stars such as Rudolph Valentino and Clara Bow began to wow audiences. Valentino, one of the first film idols and considered to be consummate "Latin lover", captured the attention of millions with his silent films The Sheik and The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse. Bow, one of the first sex symbols of the movies, attracted the flapper filled audiences in mass. Her films such as Mantrap and It demonstrated her depth and range, and inspired many young to emulate her. Film production was soon big business, and during the 1920s it was under the control of a few large companies. Production, distribution, and advertising were all business aspects that were handled internally by companies such as Paramount, MGM, and Warner Brothers. Mostly, the headquarters of each of these media giants was in New York City, but the actual filming process was taking place in Hollywood-taking advantage of the warm, sunny southern California climate. The rise of Hollywood signaled the beginning of a new industry that continues to influence American culture and imagination to this day. In the elections of the 1920s, voters rejected progressive Democratic candidates in favor of a succession of Republican presidents who embraced laissez-faire politics. In addition to giving a free hand to business, Americans had been so appalled by the carnage and senselessness of an all-out war on foreign soil that they believed the best policy for the U.S. was to return to the "no foreign entanglements" approach of Washington and Jefferson. The federal government in the 1920s adopted isolationist policies with regard to world affairs, especially those outside the Western Hemisphere. In addition, it slowly reduced interventionism in Central America and the Caribbean. To ensure economic isolation, high tariffs were instituted. Truly believing that World War I was the "war to end all wars," America allowed its military to lapse into decay. Business interests were given special consideration by all institutions of government including Congress and the Supreme Court. For several reasons, laissez-faire appeared to work phenomenally well in the 1920s. Capital that had been hoarded in the private sector because of the uncertainties of war was now made available just as the tax policies were changed to favor investment. The Federal Reserve Board kept interest rates low, which further stimulated capital formation for large business enterprises. The 1920s were dominated by the administrations of three Republican presidents: Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover. Elected in 1920 on a "return to normalcy" platform, Warren G. Harding was a hearty, kind, easy-going man--too kind and easy-going to be a good president. He found it difficult to refuse any requests his friends made of him. In addition, Harding was less gifted intellectually than a president ought to be. He admitted this weakness when he said, "I am a man of limited talents from a small town." To compensate, Harding attempted to surround himself with men of first-rate minds, and he delegated much responsibility to them. Harding was successful in his appointments of Charles Evans Hughes as secretary of state, Andrew W. Mellon as secretary of treasury, and Herbert Hoover as secretary of commerce. But a host of other schemers and political boondogglers, including Secretary of Interior Albert B. Fall and Attorney General Harry M. Daugherty, manipulated and used Harding to advance their selfish purposes. Harding's limitations made him unable to detect their deceitfulness or to protect the nation from these selfserving predators. In the most hurtful scandal of Harding's presidency, Secretary of Interior Albert Fall in 1921 persuaded Secretary of the Navy Edwin Denby to allow oil magnates Harry F. Sinclair and Edward L. Doheny to lease Teapot Dome in Wyoming and Elk Hills in California, in spite of the fact that these valuable oil fields had been set aside by Congress for the use of the Navy. Without fully understanding the documents presented to him, Harding signed over the leases. It was later discovered that Fall had taken a $100,000 bribe from Doheny and a $300,000 bribe from Sinclair to push this transaction through. Not until 1927 was the Supreme Court able to revoke the Elk Hills and Teapot Dome leases and return these reserves to the Navy. . With the new chemical fertilizers and modern refinements in the factories, the productivity of both farms and industry increased. The problem became how to find markets for all of this new production. Businesses sought the professionals of advertising to persuade people to purchase more goods, and the economy turned from production oriented to consumer oriented. Banks readily made loans and stores extended credit in
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order to increase sales and entice consumers to buy goods that would be beyond their reach but for the option of paying in installments. Automobile ownership conferred on Americans a new mobility and freedom, but a car usually required a loan. Reluctance to go into debt softened, and by 1929 America owned more cars than all the rest of the world combined. America also produced the lion's share of electricity and held 40 percent of the world's wealth. Living a little beyond one's means was considered not merely harmless, but actually beneficial to the economy. As time went on, however, many Americans found themselves mired in credit debt as they tried to live the good life before they could afford it. The major goal of government in the 1920s was to help business and industry operate with maximum efficiency, and it appeared to do this admirably well. With the stakes so high and opportunities everywhere, an incentive grew to circumvent government restrictions for the purpose of profit. Corruption in government became common through officials taking bribes from profiteers or using insider information and power to profit for themselves. Malfeasance occurred at all levels, but a series of scandals rocked the decade of the twenties as officials in the highest echelons of government were caught with their fingers in the till. These events fostered a sense of skepticism with regard to government and authority figures. Everyone appeared to be on the take, and the honest American who lived within his or her income seemed like a dullard not in step with the times. Though businesses and corporations were generally--and sometimes spectacularly--successful, the economic base of the country was not strengthened in the 1920s. Families supported by farming and wage-labor continued to be in the majority, but farm and labor income, which had for decades been dropping relative to middle- and upper-class incomes, did not rise even in the economic heyday of the twenties. This slowly eroded the purchasing base of America, contributing to an economy that eventually could no longer sustain itself; and the United States, along with the rest of the world, slid inexorably into depression. Harding At the close of World War I, the United States found itself in a recession. Millions of veterans were suddenly looking for jobs at a time when industry was reeling from the cancellation of billions of dollars in war contracts. In addition, shortages of consumer goods that were not produced during the war created high prices and inflation. The cost of living doubled from 1913 to 1920, causing great distress for many Americans. Still in shock from the horrors of fighting a modern war, Americans had little patience for economic problems. They wanted to put the war and all hardship behind them as soon as possible. Americans felt a booming business sector was the road to recovery from the recession. Anything that appeared to hamper business seemed unpatriotic and counterproductive. Union activity and strikes were viewed as socialist plots to harm the American economy and were dealt with harshly. Americans had been horrified at the way a handful of radicals had been able to overthrow the government of Russia, and people feared that under the right conditions communists might be able to succeed on this side of the globe. In this political environment, unions were unable to negotiate effectively, and they lost a third of their membership during the 1920s. In post-war America, the progressive reforms of the early twentieth century were viewed as being too burdensome on the economy. The reform effort was redirected toward improved transportation, education, and public services. The old-time progressive reformers had hoped that government intervention on behalf of labor during World War I would continue into peacetime, but the War Industries Board was dissolved soon after the Armistice, and federal controls on the economy were discontinued. Attorney General Harry Daugherty, part of the crooked "Ohio Gang" (Harding's poker cronies), failed to prosecute criminals in a consistent manner, giving special consideration to some who gave him "considerations." He was accused of selling pardons and liquor permits for his own remuneration. Daugherty went to trial in 1927, but not before making untruthful implications concerning the integrity of Harding, who by then was dead and could not defend himself. In the Forbes scandal, Colonel Charles R. Forbes of the Army, appointed by Harding as head of the Veterans Bureau, was caught along with others skimming from appropriations earmarked for construction of veterans' hospitals. It is estimated that this group stole $200 million from the taxpayers. Forbes spent two years in a federal penitentiary for his crimes. Disgusted by these scandals, Americans became increasingly cynical about politics and politicians. Though progressive Democrats would have liked the railroads and the Merchant Marine to be permanently nationalized following the war, Harding's Republican administration did not believe in the government running businesses in peacetime. In 1920, the railroads and Merchant Marine were both privatized, though each had its own trouble operating in the free market without government support. The Esch-Cummins Transportation Act provided for consolidation of rail lines under private ownership and ensured that the railroads would remain solvent with the assistance of the Interstate Commerce Commission. Automobiles, trucks, and new airplanes had begun to take away some of the railroads' freight and passenger transportation business. Where the government's role had before been to prevent the railroads from taking advantage of their customers, it was now a matter of keeping the rail lines alive as an essential national service. To that end, the Railway Labor Board forced a 12 percent wage cut on railroad workers. This move precipitated a two-month strike that was summarily quashed by the government. To its credit, the Republican Congress in 1921 created the Bureau of the Budget, which for the first time provided the government with an accurate accounting of its income and expenditures and over the years proved to be a valuable tool for assessing past performance and planning
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government programs and appropriations. In addition, Secretary of Treasury Andrew Mellon introduced more efficient practice into government and crafted a set of tax laws that reduced taxes on individuals and business. During World War I, the national debt had climbed from about $2 billion to $24 billion in spite of a tax rate of as high as 66 percent. Mellon argued that lower taxes would free capital to be invested in production, which would eventually return a greater volume of tax revenue to the government due to an expanded economy. His theory was later echoed by the British economist John Maynard Keynes. Mellon's policies carried through the 1920s and indeed the deficit was reduced to $16 billion. Most of the tax reductions went to the wealthy, however. Mellon defended this policy by saying that it is more beneficial to the general welfare if the rich have more capital to invest in large projects, than if individuals have more money in their pockets. Critics have claimed that by lowering taxes, excess cash became available for speculation on the stock market, thus contributing to the crash of 1929. Having rejected the Treaty of Versailles, Congress in 1921 issued a unilateral resolution that officially declared America's involvement in the war over. Harding and Senate Republicans would also have liked to reject the League of Nations, but could not justify completely abandoning the United State's presence in this international body. As a compromise, the U.S. sent unofficial observers to Geneva, Switzerland, to keep tabs on the League's activities. Harding could not hide in an isolationist shell with regard to Middle East oil, either. Oil had been critical to the Allies' victory, and it was clear that access to oil was pivotal for a nation to be powerful in the world. Secretary of State Charles Evans Hughes vied successfully with Great Britain for oil-drilling concessions in the region. Disarmament was another issue that had to be confronted. A potentially bank-breaking, three-way race among Britain, Japan, and America for dominance on the high seas had been shaping up since the end of World War I. Though it appeared America could win on the strength of its mammoth production capacity, Americans and the rest of the world were concerned by the cost as well by the heightened potential for armed conflict with the oceans full of super-navies. At the Disarmament Conference of 1921-1922 in Washington, Secretary Hughes proposed dramatic restrictions on new shipbuilding and parity among Britain, America, and Japan in battleships and aircraft carriers in a ratio of 5:5:3. To agree to this smaller portion, Japan demanded that Britain and America not fortify their possessions in the Far East, including in the Philippines, and that all the nations with a colonial presence in the Pacific refrain from increasing their holdings. The Five-Power Naval Treaty of 1922, signed by the United States, Great Britain, France, Japan, and Italy, articulated these provisions. In a similar vein, the Americans, British, French, and Japanese signed the Four-Power Treaty agreeing to respect each others' possessions in the Pacific, while the Nine-Power Treaty reaffirmed the Open Door Policy with regard to China, ostensibly guaranteeing that troubled country's independence. Though the Disarmament Conference was considered a diplomatic victory for world peace, the concessions made to Japan cleared the way for that country's aggression in China, Southeast Asia, and ultimately the Philippines. In addition, countries were free to build fleets of smaller cruisers, destroyers, and submarines, which many did while isolationist America allowed its fleet to dwindle as aging ships were scrapped and no new ships were built. In response to business pressure to keep cheap European manufactured goods off the American market, Congress in 1922 passed the FordneyMcCumber Tariff Law increasing duties on foreign imports from an average of 27 percent to 38.5 percent. Though this protected some American manufacturers, it forced American consumers to pay higher prices than they might have if there had been a free world market. Perhaps more destructive for the time, however, was that in order to recover economically, Europe needed to be able to sell its manufactured goods in American markets. With high tariffs, Europeans were unable to compete in America and their economies floundered. The Germans were unable to meet their reparations payments to the French and British, who were depending on that money to pay their American war debts. European defaults then put strains on the American financial system, and bad feeling ensued on both sides of the Atlantic. The Europeans retaliated by erecting their own trade barriers to American products. As a result of the high tariffs, Europe's prolonged economic distress fostered political dissonance that allowed the rise of fascism in Germany and Italy. Likewise, the Merchant Marine Act of 1920 allowed the government to divest itself of most of its 1,500 war-built cargo ships at auction. American shipping found, however, that it could not compete with foreign shippers who employed seamen at subsistence wages. In the less than three years of his administration, Harding appointed four Supreme Court justices. Three were so ultra-conservative that they stifled innovation and reform for 20 years. The fourth, former president William Howard Taft, who was appointed chief justice, served admirably in this capacity, pursuing a course of sense and flexibility. Nevertheless, the Supreme Court of the 1920s was unsympathetic to labor, resisted government involvement in the economy, and overturned progressive legislation that had been passed earlier, including child labor legislation. In Adkins v. Children's Hospital (1923) the Supreme Court reversed its earlier ruling in Muller v. Oregon that had given women special protection in the workplace and guaranteed them a minimum wage. The argument was that since women now had the right to vote and were to be treated as equals in the eyes of the law, they should therefore not receive special privileges that were not accorded to men. In accord with the new atmosphere of government partnership with business, antitrust laws were not enforced and many government agencies such as the Interstate Commerce Commission and the Federal Reserve Board were more sympathetic to the businesses they were monitoring than
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to the public they were supposed to be protecting. Companies in the same business were allowed to be in collusion in fixing wages, prices, and policies with regard to the government and other industries. Secretary of Commerce Herbert Hoover believed that the cutthroat competition of the Gilded Age had been wasteful and that voluntary cooperation combined with self-regulation was a more efficient policy for business than a repressive and intrusive government. When all parties participated in an open and constructive manner, this hands-off method was ideal. But crooked dealers found self-policing to be a program made to order for fleecing the public. To his credit, Harding spoke out against the Ku Klux Klan and other organizations of hatred and violence. He was also a staunch supporter of women's rights. Overwhelmed by the demands of the presidency and just beginning to realize the extent of corruption running through his administration, Harding was encouraged by friends to get away from the pressures of Washington by going on a speaking tour to Alaska and the West. He collapsed in Seattle in August of 1923 and died shortly afterward in a San Francisco hospital of a blood clot and pneumonia. Millions of Americans sincerely mourned Harding's death and lined the tracks to pay their last respects as his funeral train steamed somberly across the nation. Many historians speculate that distress over the breaking scandals throughout his administration contributed to Harding's passing. Critics and Challenges Senator Huey P. ("Kingfish") Long was an ultra-progressive senator from Louisiana who promoted an agenda of wealth redistribution that shocked even the Liberal Democrats. Long's "Share Our Wealth" program promised to make "Every Man a King" by supplying each family with $5,000 at the expense of the prosperous. As governor in Louisiana he had been very popular with a majority of the electorate due to his raising taxes on the higher income earners to gain funds for schools, hospitals, road improvement, and bridge construction. Among other incomegenerating programs, Long instituted high inheritance taxes on large estates. His iron-fisted methods antagonized the wealthy, however, who felt he had pandered to the worst impulses of greed and envy among the poor in order to gain a voter mandate. Had Long not been assassinated in 1935, he might have posed a challenge to Roosevelt in 1936. A retired doctor who had been reduced to poverty by the troubles of the depression, Dr. Francis Townsend organized over five million supporters for his Old Age Revolving Pension Plan. He advocated giving $200 per month (about twice the average worker's salary) to each senior citizen over the age of 60. This money had to be spent within the month, however, in order to keep it circulating and prevent hoarding, which had been a stumbling block during the depression. Townsend's scheme was to be funded by a national sales tax, but simple calculations proved that it would cost the Treasury about half the national income. Taking the radically opposite view from Coughlin, Long, and Townsend, a group of wealthy Republicans and conservative Democrats, including Al Smith and John W. Davis, formed the American Liberty League in 1934 to fight what they considered the socialism of the New Deal. Their goal was to defend the interests of business and to promote open shop laws. This group supported Alfred M. Landon, governor of Kansas, for the Republican nomination in the 1936 presidential election. Former President Hoover backed Landon in vigorously opposing the New Deal programs, which the League characterized as wasteful, radical, and hopelessly muddled. The rhetoric surrounding the presidential election of 1936 resurfaced an on-going political debate concerning the role of government in society, a debate that is no less intense today than it was in 1936. Americans continuously seek to refine and redefine the optimum balance between the benefits arising from individuals being able to amass capitol that creates jobs and industries but also makes them wealthier and the benefits derived from the redistribution of wealth via taxes and social programs back to the general population. A century has not blunted the immediacy of the debate, which attests to the monumental challenge posed to the candidates in 1936 to define the problems facing the nation and to articulate possible solutions. Perhaps taking his easy victory too much to heart, Roosevelt began casting a resentful eye at the conservative Supreme Court, which had cashiered seven of his New Deal Programs. Six of the justices were over the age of 70, which, in one of his few errors in judgment, Roosevelt thought could give him an excuse to appoint new judges. Shortly after he was inaugurated for his second term, Roosevelt asked Congress to allow him to add a justice of his choosing to the Supreme Court for every justice over 70. He set a maximum number of judges at 15. He claimed that the Supreme Court was behind in its work and needed younger justices to carry the load. His assertion that the Supreme Court was backlogged proved to be incorrect, which invalidated his argument and cast a pall of suspicion over his motives. At the very least he was criticized for attempting to upset the system of checks and balances provided for by the Constitution. Some went so far as to accuse Roosevelt of preparing the way to take over as dictator. This was absurd, but the episode threw a chill over his proposals for additional New Deal programs. Feeling that the worst of the depression was over and the economy was strong enough to be weaned from "pump-priming," in early 1937 Roosevelt backed off from federal employment programs in an attempt to reduce deficit spending and fulfill his campaign promise of a balanced budget. But the economy was not as robust as Roosevelt had hoped, and it was beginning to feel the pinch of the new Social Security payroll taxes. Congress passed the Wages and Hours Bill, or Fair Labor Standards Act, in 1938. This bill required all industries involved in interstate commerce to establish maximum hours per week and minimum wage standards. The goal was a 40-hour week and $.40 an hour wage. Business complained that these were impossible standards to meet. Even so, farm workers (such as migrant workers), service employees (such as waiters), and domestic workers (such as housekeepers) were excluded from the bill, which meant that its protections were not extended to the many women
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and minorities engaged in these occupations. In that year also, the Committee for Industrial Organization changed its name to the Congress of Industrial Organization, and it continued its sometimes detrimental feuding with the American Federation of Labor. In the Congressional elections of 1938, Democrats lost 80 seats in the House and all but gave up control of the legislature. A "Conservative Coalition" in Congress could now successfully block Roosevelt's legislation, and no more New Deal programs were passed after 1939. With the programs already in place, the economy continued to mend, albeit slowly, but not until the wartime manufacturing boom of the early 1940s would America again see full employment.
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