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NAU

Course: GOVT 3857, Fall 2007
School: Cornell
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Introduction NAU The definition of National interest and the formulation of Foreign Policy do not only depend on national power but also national identity or self-image. Disregard of impact of national identities in assessing how states behave result in periodical cycles from realism (when there is threat) to internationalism (when not) in FP of US. The approach of Nationalists, Realists, Primacist and...

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Introduction NAU The definition of National interest and the formulation of Foreign Policy do not only depend on national power but also national identity or self-image. Disregard of impact of national identities in assessing how states behave result in periodical cycles from realism (when there is threat) to internationalism (when not) in FP of US. The approach of Nationalists, Realists, Primacist and Internationalists to international relations and FP is restricted What is the primary characteristic of national identity? It is what provides Nation-States with the legitimacy of appropriating the means of application of force. It is the common belief that unites all the domestic groups within a community around an institution to which they grant the capacity to use force legitimately. It is possible for a government to function properly only if it gets confirmation for its monopoly on the use of violence and respond to other domestic concerns. NI is shaped by internal preferences and external relations. The use of force is motivated by Norms, cultures, identities. So both a realist and constructivist concern is affirmed in the interpretation of IR Different national identities may converge (US and EU which is not the Old World anymore) US misconceived international reality- or conflict (Cold War). This convergence or conflict is the regulator between the military, social or political competition among nations, not solely the relative powers of states. When both the impact and power in USFP is considered, 4 main types of relation between US and other countries come to fore: fig.1.2. p.28 1) Hierarchy- similar NIs, but unequal distribution of power -NATO and Japan 2) Security community both NIs and power converge- EU and G-7 3) Hegemony- NIs diverge and one country has unproportionate power Nondemocratic nations of Middle East, Latin America, Africa, Asia 4) Anarchy NIs diverge and equal power Russia and China All schools of FP strategy interpret the future of US relations with these countries and predict the FP to be conducted in relation to the constraints these differences and convergences give rise to. Nau's power and identity perspective predicts that in threatening relations of hegemony and anarchy, FP would tend towards balancing and counterbalancing (power dynamic) as well as towards interaction to influence and reposition national identities. Influence of capital- Markets change identities (chp. 1) Projection of a national identity of democratic freedom and market opportunities is effective for the transformation of relations as identities might change and take a turn towards democracy through the establishment of shared economic goals. Economic engagement might effect political realization of democracy Not only materialistic considerations but also nonmaterial considerations have an effect in the determination of a nation's attitude towards other nations: regimes, domestic cultures, perceptions, intentions. Countries balance power when there is threat, not when there is equal power How many dimensions are there to the national identity? 1) Internal, autonomous Liberal Dimension- How a country perceives itself and the beliefs, ideologies that underlie the legitimate use of violence granted to government 2) External Social Dimension- How states evaluate ethnic, ideological and other sources of identity in their relations with other states Mandelbaum's and Walt's assessment of US role in the new world structure reflects the effect of national identities in the formulations of FP. National identities change over time and the reflection of these changes as well as the changes of power are readily recognizable in the changes of FP. U.S national identity is not unique and is now shared by most industrial powers of the world. US needs to change the way it perceives itself in order to be able to look at and perceive the world in more responsible terms. An approach that considers both national identity and power as the determinants of National Interest reveals that US has several sets of National Interests. NAU- Chapter 1 National interest as determined by NI and NPower. In IR studies, 2 predominant ideas in the way Americans think about themselves. 1) National Interest: Not determined solely objectively through geopolitical or physical characteristics, but begins subjectively in terms of what kind of a society the nation is 2) Balance of power: Oriented towards the preservation of independence. Not only about power, there are Nonmaterial Influences like traditions, cultures, identities or intensions of nations on FP. It refers also to a community of powers that reflects the relative divergence or convergence of NIs. The formulations of NI by old schools like the Classical Realism of Morgenthau and Neorealism (anarchic world) do not take into account the nonmaterial influences in the formation of N Intrest. What is N identity? It measures a nation in nonmaterial terms. It addresses the key factors that motivate national power. It symbolizes the consensus by which citizens agree that only the state can use force legitimately, within or outside of the nation. NI is shaped by internal preferences and external relations. 2 forms: Internal Identity: Matter of how a country perceives itself, defines the rules for legitimate use of force. Not just the capacity, the legitimacy to use force defines NI of a state -What kind of an identity justifies the use of force at home? Ethnic? Religious? Ideological? - Could be measured in diverse ways, democracy measures works best for Nau. External Identity: Deals with how states evaluate ethnic, ideological and other sources of identity in their relations with other states. Why do they use force and how inclined they are to use force? How do they determine the so called threats? Nonmaterial Relations in International Affairs can be grouped under 3 titles 1) Autonomous Identity: How states independently perceive themselves 2) Social Identity: How other states perceive it and how does the state respond? 3) Culture of International Community: International Organizations. -Realism should incorporate the effect of relative NIs of states in the way the balance of power operates. 4 types of relationships Nau formulates according to structural differentiations between distributions of power and the divergence or convergence of NIs among States. Structural analysis is helpful on grand level FP analysis in revealing the constraints on states. When both the impact and power in USFP is considered, 4 main types of relation between US and other countries come to fore: fig.1.2. p.28 5) Hierarchy- similar NIs, but unequal distribution of power -NATO and Japan 6) Security community both NIs and power converge- EU and G-7- Balance of power is not on military terms, but economical. May also be formed between democratic and nondemocratic countries Between democracies and defensive: Democratic Peace- EU Between democracies and offensive Between Non-democracies and defensive: Holy Alliance-19th cent Between Non-democracies and offensive: ww2 germany-italy 7) Hegemony- NIs diverge and one country has unproportionate power Nondemocratic nations of Middle East, Latin America, Africa, Asia 8) Anarchy NIs diverge and equal power Russia and China Schools on FP should follow the US relations with these countries and predict the FP to be conducted in relation to the constraints these differences and convergences give rise to. Nau's power and identity perspective predicts that in threatening relations of hegemony and anarchy, FP would tend towards balancing and counterbalancing (power dynamic) as well as towards interactions to influence and reposition national identities. Can structures change over time? Yes, Institutions and Markets are used for implementing structural changes 1) Instruments of International Economic Redistribution like IMF: Weak, because presuppose already converging identities for effectivity 2) Markets: change identities. They do not exist apart from Governments and require trust. Global markets reflect the values and institutions of liberal democracies. What's the problem with economic engagement? Economic engagement may affect the external identity of nondemocratic countries towards political liberalization, yet no guarantee that their internal identity will change also. US has several sets of National Interest as its identity diverges and converges with different countries: Not one set that's determined relative by power. CHAPTER 2: TRADE OFFS- How the perception of NI affects FP. The problematization of the separatist self-image in USFP traditions Nau argues that US needs to change its self image and integrate both values and power in its determination of N interest in order to escape from cyclical trade-offs between power and values. Cycles: engagement-exhaustion-exist In US, there are 3 traditional schools of thought all attempt to integrate domestic values and FP. All have a separatist self-image 1) Nationalists or Neo-Isolationist: stress on relative power relationships, do not take NI into consideration, emphasize unilateralism, independence and autonomy Conceive power as muscle Conceive the international arena as anarchic and advocate strategic immunity: Nau asks if that is the case, would not disengagement mean only a delay of engagement? Rejection of entangling balance of power relationships. Advocate economic nationalism. But, Nau argues economic competition is not possible without political engagement. They give up to much of the liberal values of US in order to preserve the national strength 2) Realists: Configure FP on the basis of balance of power and advocate selfrestraint that will be executed by the elites in important positions of the government. Multipolarity seems good. - FP should be pursued without consideration of the domestic policy of other governments Morgenthau: Prioritization of power though acknowledgment of the moral and ideological aspects of politics. Morals diverge and are particular. So construction of FP on the basis of power relationships are the ones that are universally moral. We find a careful discussion of Morgenthau's realism in Ish-Shalom's article, too. Realism, Shalom argues cannot be separated from conservatism and elitism. He stresses on M's fear of the excesses of democracy and distrust of public decisions. The people are not rational enough to make the right decision and manipulation of power is a serious threat. He is anxious that USFP is being dictated by public opinion. emphasis on elite participation in policy making, regularity, tradition, social solidarity and reform through checks and balances against the abuse of power. For M, there is an innate struggle for power in human beings and so the interest should be both rational and objective International relations are antagonistic and States must be strong and its role is both harnessing and moderating power as well as struggling to actualize the grand scheme of history Values are also important - For realism, Diplomacy is very important. Goals of diplomacy: Stability and moderation. But, Nau argues every equilibrium depends on some consensus of values. Balance of power could achieve stability only then. Some among nationalist agree with this view and form another branch of realism which is eager to project American values on the world order: Primacist: Conceive power to be more of influence than of capability. Advocate benevolent global hegemony- projection of domestic values on FP. - Kagan and Kristol, f.ex., argue that domestic and foreign affairs reinforce each other. - Value that great powers advocate set the communities of power in IR. Advocate assertive use of military power. The dilemma is that assertive use of power in the name of reforming the world in terms of the nation's self image may not always match national resources. This gap causes divergences among primacists. Huntington became much more like a realist, nationalist at the face of the failure of the War on Iraq whereas Brzenski advocated internationalist values. 3) Internationalists: ambivalent about the use of military powers to implant universal values. They advocate multilateralism and international cooperation. - Emphasize Multiculturalism and collective security arrangements to defend national self-determination. Trade and Int. Inst will help US reach its goals. - They acknowledge that the global world is different than the old world. Peace among Democracies is a reality. Problem: But, Nau argues that internationalist make it seem too easy and accuse them for too easily disregarding democratic deficits in forming international engagement with other nations. - The democratic deficit also in the accountability of International Institutions that Internationalist take for granted Finally Nau argues that if US identifies with Europe and Japan politically, it will attain more effective ways to exercise its power more confidently and find its place abroad. CHAPTER 3: Account of the influence of NI on FP in different periods of American History. I) Conflicted Republic 1789-1865: Unilateral America 3 ingredients of American identity at this time: 1- Self government: Voluntary associations, decisions from bottom up, local government, general participation 2- Distance: geopoloticial characteristics of US provided it with time and space to err. Not only physical, but also psychological and ideological distance- helped US to free itself from the non-democratic and illiberal entanglements of Europe 3- Liberal Political Ideals: 1789 Bill of Rights Importance of the Constitutions or the Philadelphia System: Federal Government, division of powers. Further separation of local governments and state governments prevented the emergence of absolutism. Prevention of polarization by the Philadelphia System and its division of powers. No extreme, center is powerful in US. In the early days, US defensive and gave divided reaction to E, not isolationist per se, because its own identity was so fractured to settle on permanent foreign association. 1823 Monroe Doctrine is an example that it was not exactly isolationist: Discouragement of E intervention in Latin American. Neither Manifest Destiny nor isolationism/ FP was continental expansion: there it was offensive. II) 1865-1930 American identity congealed as Electoral Democracy: Saw the decisive determination of NI through Civil war and unification of Nation through the emancipation of the individual. 3 anchors of NI: principle of Ind. Liberty and emancipation, Commitment to individualism, Phenomenon of mobility in American Society With Civil War, Central government was formed and the principle that individual rights supersede those of the states was legitimated. US less statist than most European nations. 13th, 14th , 15th Amendments: extension of right of citizenship, franchise, liberty, property Affect of Religion: US reacted differently to Reformation and Enlightenment that E: Religion as private matter and impact of private initiative. Mobility: Earned wealth, ideal of self-made man. Mobile individualism. Wealth as leveler and divider of the nation. The change in NI affected FP. Change in confidence and mood of the nation: FP set on bringing democracy to other nations- More assertive - Wilson: world safe for democracy - Yet, formal definition of democracy, not social yet. Not legal, cultural, social transformation of nations is emphasized, but formal democratic rights III) Social Democracy 1930-65: The unsettled question of how to set the balance between liberty and equality is solved during this period. Great Depression and WW2. Change in NI: Much more conscious of the social dimensions of domestic and international relations. Legitimation of National Government came with New Deal:. 1933 and 1938 with the goal of providing relief, recovery, and reform (3 Rs) to the people and economy of the United States during the Great Depression. Creation of equality of opportunity, not of results With the cold war: development of international and economic relations with Europe Bretton Wood 1V-Liberal or Multicultural Democracy: Saw the Civil Rights Legislations and triumph of the market. 1) CR Legislations 64-65 and the Immigration Law 2) 1965-80 Vietnam War: Cast doubts on the political character of US and its dedication to democracy and human rights 3) 1970 economic crisis : Recovery did not begin till 1983 with the discipline over money and reduction of inflation- budget deficit 4) Cold War: between Liberty and Totalitarianism. Between two different NIs 5) This period saw the emergence of the multidimensional character of USNI- in addition to social equality and liberty i. Today, the question whether America can survive Nationalism is not a question on which there is consensus- it is the new challenge facing US in terms of configuring it NI Multiculturalism The biggest challenge Us faces today is at home ii.
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