WomensVoicesFemVisionsChapter3(1) 142-145
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WomensVoicesFemVisionsChapter3(1) 142-145

Course: ECON 114, Spring 2013

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sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 124 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: CHAPTER 3 Learning Gender in a Diverse Society Our typical in-class exercise while teaching a unit on the social construction of gender is to ask how many among the large number of women students present identied as tomboys when they were growing up. A sea of hands usually results as women remember their early years as girls...

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07/03/2008 sha12281_ch03_124-169 1:04 pm Page 124 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: CHAPTER 3 Learning Gender in a Diverse Society Our typical in-class exercise while teaching a unit on the social construction of gender is to ask how many among the large number of women students present identied as tomboys when they were growing up. A sea of hands usually results as women remember their early years as girls resisting traditional notions of femininity. When male students are asked whether they had been called sissies when they were young, usually the whole group laughs as one lone male sheepishly raises his hand and remarks that hes always been a sissy. Why is it so easy to say you were a tomboy and so difcult to admit to being a sissy? This has a lot to do with the meanings associated with masculinity and femininity and the ways these are ranked in society. In this chapter we focus specically on gender and sexism, keeping in mind two important points: First, how gender is constructed in connection to other differences among women like race, ethnicity, and class, and second, how sexism as a system of oppression is related to other systems of inequality and privilege. BIOLOGY AND CULTURE In Chapter 1 we explained gender as the way society creates, patterns, and rewards our understandings of femininity and masculinity, or the process by which certain behaviors and performances are ascribed to women and men. Gender, in other words, can be understood as the social organization of sexual difference. Although biological distinctions create female and male humans, society interprets these differences and gives us feminine and masculine people. These adjectives are intentionally placed in quotation marks to emphasize that notions of femininity and masculinity are socially constructedcreated by social processes that reect the various workings of power in society. Therefore these notions are culturally and historically changeable. There is nothing essential, intrinsic, or static about femininity or masculinity; rather, they are social categories that might mean different things in different societies and in different historical periods. Society shapes notions of femininity and masculinity through the subtle interactions between nature and nurture. 124 sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 125 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Biology and Culture LEARNING ACTIVITY Tomboys and Sissies Take an informal poll on your campus. Ask the women if they ever wanted to be a boy when they were growing up. Note their reaction to the question. Then ask why or why not. Also ask the women if they were considered tomboys growing up and how they felt about it if they were. Record responses and observations in a research journal. Ask men on your campus if they ever wanted to be a girl when they were growing up. Again, note their reaction to the question. Ask why or why not. Then ask if they were considered sissies growing up and, if so, how they felt about it. Record responses and observations. Once youve completed your poll, compare and contrast the responses you received from women and men. What do you notice? Why do you think responses may have been the way they were? What do responses suggest about gender in American society? However, the relationship between biology (female/male) and culture (feminine/ masculine), is more complicated than the assertion that sex is a biological fact and gender is the societal interpretation of that fact. First, as new scholarship points out, there is greater gender diversity in nature than once thought. As Joan Roughgarden suggests in Evolutions Rainbow (2004), many species are not just female or male, but can be both female and male at the same time, or be one or the other at different times. Second, while biology may imply some basic physiological facts, culture gives meaning to these in such a way that we must question whether biology can exist except within the society that gives it meaning in the rst place. This implies that sex, in terms of raw male or female, is already gendered by the culture within which these physiological facts of biology exist. In other words, although many people make a distinction between biological sex (female/male) and learned gender (feminine/masculine), it is really impossible to speak of a xed biological sex category outside of the sense that a culture makes of that category. An example that highlights how biology is connected to culture concerns the processes by which ambiguous sex characteristics in children are handled. When hermaphrodites (individuals with both female and male genitalia) or intersex children (without distinct genitalia to characterize them as either girls or boys) are born health professionals and the family tend to make an immediate sex determination. Hormone therapy and surgeries follow to make such a child t the constructed binary categories our society has created, and gender is taught in accordance with this decision. This is an example of the way a breakdown in the taken-for-granted tight connection between natural biology and learned gender is seen as a medical and social emergency. Indeed, anthropologists have questioned this connection and used, for example, the Native American berdache status that entailed varying gender identities with behaviors encompassing social and economic roles, religious specialization, and temperament, to demonstrate the range of gender identity on the American continent. Along these lines, Anne Fausto-Sterling questions the tidy 125 sha12281_ch03_124-169 31/7/08 12:42 Page 126 VK 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 126 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society Why does he always get to be the boy? Copyright The New Yorker Collection 1996 Bruce Eric Kaplan from cartoonbank.com. All Rights Reserved. organization of human sex into the two categories female and male, emphasizing that sex is not as easy as genetics and genitalia and arguing for theories that allow for human variation. In the reading Two Sexes Are Not Enough, Fausto-Sterling comments on an article she wrote in 1993 (published in The Sciences, vol. 33, 2024 that suggested replacing the two-sex system with a ve-sex system to reect this diversity. Gender is one of the most important features of a persons identity, shaping social life and informing attitudes, behavior, and the individuals sense of self. Its pervasiveness is also a theme of Judith Lorbers article The Social Construction of Gender. She explains that gender is a process that involves multiple patterns of interaction and is created and re-created constantly in human interaction. Lorber also makes the important point that because gender is so central in shaping our lives, much of what is gendered we do not even recognize; its made normal and ordinary and occurs on a subconscious level. In other words, the differences between femininity (passive, dependent, intuitive, emotional) and masculinity (strong, independent, in control, out of touch emotionally) are made to seem natural and inevitable despite the fact that gender is a social script that individuals learn. Importantly, many of the skills and practices associated with gender involve privilege and entitlements. They also involve limitations. In reality, gender is a practice in which all people engage; it is something we perform over and over in our daily lives. In this sense, gender is something that we do rather than have. Through a process of gender socialization, we are taught and learn the appropriate thinking and behaviors associated with being a boy or girl in this culture. We actively learn the skills and practices of gender, and most of us become very accomplished in these various performances. For example, in sports, the way that girls tend naturally to throw a ball is often the object of derision. Throwing the way boys do, however, is actually an act that is learned, then performed again and again until it becomes a skill. Girls can learn to throw like boys if they are taught. Men are not necessarily better athletes than women; rather, sports as an institution has developed to reect the particular athletic sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 127 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Biology and Culture LEARNING ACTIVITY Speaking of Women and Men Think about the adjectives we typically use to describe women and men and list these words in the columns below. A couple of examples are provided to get you started. WOMEN MEN Passive Nurturing Active Strong What do you notice about the words we use to describe women and men? How does our language reinforce stereotypical notions about women and men? Think about the words we use to designate women and list these names in the columns below. Also, try to nd parallel names for women and men. And think about the profanities we use as well. Again, a couple of examples are provided. WOMEN MEN Slut Chick Stud What do you notice here about the terms we use to name women and men? What is the signicance of the words for which you could not identify parallels? How do you think language plays a role in shaping the ways we think about and do gender? competencies of men. For example, if long-distance swimming or balance beam (activities where women generally outperform men) were popular national sports, then we might think differently about the athletic capabilities of women and men. In addition to sports, there are many other major U.S. institutions that support gendered practices. You only need go to a toy store and cruise the very different girls and boys aisles to witness the social construction of gender in contemporary U.S. society. What does it mean to get a child-size ironing board instead of a toy gun, and what kinds of behaviors and future roles do these toys help create and justify? 127 sha12281_ch03_124-169 31/7/08 12:42 Page 128 VK 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 128 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society Cathy 1996 Cathy Guisewite. Reprinted with permission of Universal Press Syndicate. All rights reserved. This discussion of gender identity and practices does not imply that all men in contemporary North American society are ambitious and independent and all women domestic and emotional. However, this discussion claries the social norms or shared values associated with the two kinds of human beings our society has created. Gender norms provide the standards or parameters through which thoughts and behaviors are molded. If we created a continuum with feminine on one end and masculine on the other, we would nd mostly women on one end and mostly men on the other, and a mixture in between. This means that women and men learn the practices of gender, internalize the norms associated with masculinity and femininity, are rewarded for appropriate behaviors and sanctioned for inappropriate behaviors, and learn to perform the ones that are expected of them. It is important to emphasize that gender is embedded in culture and that what it might mean to be feminine or masculine in one culture is different from meanings in another culture. This means that people growing up in different societies in different parts of the world at different historical moments will learn different notions of gender. As the boxed insert in this chapter called Rites of Passage suggests, gender performances vary around the world. In addition, as discussed in the reading Masculinities and Globalization by R. W. Connell, contemporary life in the early twenty-rst century, which involves global systems of production, consumption, and communication, means that patterns of gender in the United States sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 129 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Biology and Culture HISTORICAL MOMENT Gender Testing In 1966 the European Athletics Championships in Budapest required the rst sex testing of women athletes. Earlier, charges had been leveled suggesting that some women competitors were really men. In 1966 the rst sex test was a visual examination of the naked athletes. Later, this test was replaced by a test that detected the athletes chromosomal pattern (XX for female and XY for male). In 1967 Polish sprinter Ewa Klobukowska failed the sex test and was banned from competition. Later, doctors found that she had a condition that once identied would have allowed her to compete. In 1985 Spanish hurdler Maria Patino expected to compete in the World University Games in Kobe, Japan. Patino had lived her entire life as a woman, and her body type and sex characteristics were typically female. Unfortunately, for Patino, however, her sex test revealed that she did not have two X chromosomes. She was barred from the competition. A few months later, she competed in Spain and won her event. Following her win, however, she was kicked off the Spanish national team, stripped of her titles, and banned from all future competition. Her ght to be reinstated by the International Amateur Athletics Federation took 212 years. While our society generally operates under the assumption that people are either male or female, variations from typical biological patterns are common. Some form of intersexuality may occur in as many as 1 in 100 births. Generally, 1 in 400 female athletes will fail the sex test. For many years, women athletes engaged in activism to stop the sex test. Finally, the test was suspended for the 2000 Olympics, although the Olympic Committee reserved the right to reinstate the test at any point in the future. Notice that sex testing has been used only for female athletes. Why do you suppose this is true? How does the existence of people who do not t neatly into one or the other of the biological categories of male and female disrupt notions of xed sexes and xed genders? are exported worldwide and are increasingly linked to patterns of global economic restructuring. This encourages us to consider the ways the social and economic dynamics of globalization (including economic and political expansion, militarism and colonial conquest and settlement, disruption/appropriation of indigenous peoples and resources, exportation of ideas through world markets, etc.) have shaped global gender arrangements and transformed gender relations between people based on these politics. There are some people who consider themselves transgendered or who claim a gender identity or expression different from the one usually associated with the sex at their birth. Identifying oneself as transgendered involves resisting the social construction of gender into two distinct categories, masculinity and femininity, and working to break down these constraining, and polarized, categories. Transgendered people push at the boundaries of gender and help reveal its constructed nature. Being transgendered illustrates the ways a persons gender identity does not match the assigned gender 129 sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 130 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 130 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society Calvin and Hobbes 1990 Watterson. Reprinted with permission of Universal Press Syndicate. All rights reserved. identity given at birth based upon physical or genetic sex characteristics. Transgender does not imply any specic form of sexual identity: transgendered people may identify as heterosexual, gay, lesbian, bisexual, or asexual. It is important not to confuse gender and sexuality here: Transgendered identities are about gender performance and might involve any sexual identity. It can be confusing, however, because on many campuses there are LGBTQ (Lesbian/Gay/Bisexual/Trans/Queer) alliances or centers where resources for transgendered students are incorporated into a coalition about sexual rights. In addition, the new term genderqueer has combined alternative gender identities and sexualities, although you might see it used to imply someone who is transgendered without concern for sexual identity. Generally, genderqueer describes a person who is a nonconformist in challenging existing constructions and identities. You might also see it used to describe a social movement resisting the traditional categories of gender. Specically, it implies attempts to challenge the binary models of both gender (male/female) and sexual identity (straight/gay). Use of the term queer and other issues associated with sexual identity are discussed in more detail in Chapter 4. However, although genderqueer focuses on the integration of gender and sexual identities and therefore is a useful concept both in terms of individual empowerment and social commentary and political change, it is important to understand that, conceptually, these identities (gender and sexuality) are distinct from each other. The constructed aspect of gender is illustrated in the reading by Judy Wajcman titled Virtual Gender. She encourages us to consider the ways the Internet and other virtual technologies have facilitated transgendered identities through a disruption of the expected relationship between self and body (feminine identity/female body). These technologies remove physical, bodily cues and allow gender swapping, or the creation of identities that attempt to avoid the binaries of femininity and masculinity. This supports the postmodern view of gender as performative and identity as multiple and uid. Wajcman also alludes to the limits of separation between cyborg subject and body as she describes an example of masquerade and betrayal. sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 131 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Masculinity The term t ransgendered is often used interchangeably with the term t ranssexual (and simply labeled trans. Some scholars are more likely to describe transsexuals as transgendered people who believe they are born with the bodies of the wrong sex and who desire chemical or surgical altering in the form of hormone therapies or sex reassignment surgeries. They transition from female to male (FtM, F2M, or transman) and male to female (MtF, M2F, or transwoman). The reading by Debra Rosenberg, (Rethinking) Gender, discusses transgender issues. As a category, transgender overlaps with cross-dressing, the practice of wearing the clothes of the opposite sex, or the sex different from that to which a person was assigned in childhood. Cross-dressing is different from fetishistic transvestism (also known as transvestic fetishism), which involves occasional wearing of the other sexs clothes for sexual self-arousal or pleasure. In addition, the category of transgendered cross-dressers does not necessarily include impersonators who look upon dressing as solely connected to their livelihood or actors undertaking roles. Similarly, drag performances that involve makeup and clothing worn on special occasions for theatrical or comedic purposes are not necessarily transgender behavior, although within the genre of drag there are gender illusionists who do try to pass as another gender and are very active in the transgender community. Drag queens are men doing female impersonation and drag kings are women doing male impersonation. As a concept, transgendered is different from androgyny, although in practice, one performance of a transgendered identity might be androgyny. Androgyny can be dened as a lack of gender differentiation or a balanced mixture of recognizable feminine and masculine traits. This blurring or balancing is not the only consequence of an attempt to break down or rebel against gender categories. It is interesting to note that contemporary ideas about androgyny tend to privilege the andro (male) more than the gyny (female), with the presentation of androgyny looking a lot more like a young male than a mature female. The trappings of femininity seem to be the rst things that are shed when a body tries to redo itself as androgynous. This is related to androcentrism and the ways masculinity more closely approximates our understanding of (nongendered) human. MASCULINITY In mainstream contemporary North American society, masculinity has been constructed from the classical traits of intelligence, courage, and honesty, with the addition of two other key dimensions. One of these dimensions revolves around potent sexuality and an afnity for violence: the machismo element. Machismo involves breaking rules, sexual potency contextualized in the blending of sex and violence, and contempt for women (misogyny). To be a man is to not be a woman. Weakness, softness, and vulnerability are to be avoided at all costs. It is no coincidence that the symbol of male O represents Mars, the Roman god of war. A second dimension of masculinity is the provider role, composed of ambition, condence, competence, and strength. Early research by Deborah David and Robert Brannon characterized four dictates of masculinity that encompass these key dimensions. The dictates include (1) no sissy stuff, the rejection of femininity; (2) the big wheel, ambition and the 131 sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 132 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 132 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society Rites of Passage In almost every culture, adolescents participate in some rite of passage to mark entry into adulthood. Quite often, these rites reinforce gender distinctions. Most rites of passage share four basic elements: (1) separation from society, (2) preparation or instruction from an elder, (3) transition, and (4) welcoming back into society with acknowledgment of changed status.* Notice in the following examples how gender is reinforced through rites of passage: Among the Okrika of Africa, girls participate in the Iria, a rite that begins in the fatting rooms where the girls are fed rich foods to cause the body to come out. The girls learn traditional songs from the elderly women, and these songs are used to free the girls from their romantic attachments to water spirits so they can become marriageable and receive mortal suitors. On the nal day of their initiation, the water spirits are expected to try to seize the girls, but the Osokolo (a male) strikes the girls with sticks and drives them back to the village, ensuring their safety and future fertility.* The Tukuna of the Amazon initiate girls into womanhood at the onset of menstruation through the Festa das Mocas Novas. For several weeks, the girl lives in seclusion in a chamber in her familys home. The Tukuna believe that during this time, the girl is in the underworld and in increasing danger from demons, the Noo. Near the end of the initiation period, the girl is painted with black genipa dye for 2 days to protect her from the Noo, while guests arrive, some wearing masks to become incarnations of the Noo. On the third day, she leaves the chamber to dance with her family until dawn. The shaman gives her a rebrand to throw at the Noo to break the Noos power and allow her to enter into womanhood.* In Ohaa in Nigeria, a father provides his son with a bow and arrows around age 7 or 8. The boy practices shooting at targets until he develops the skill to kill a small bird. When this task is accomplished, the boy ties the dead bird to the end of his bow and marches through his village singing that his peers who have not yet killed their rst bird are cowards. His father, then, dresses him in nery and takes him to visit, often for the rst time, his maternal family. His new social role distinguishes him from the cowards and marks his entrance into manhood. What are some rites of passage in the United States? How do these rites reinforce gender? How might rites of passage be developed that acknowledge entrance into adulthood without reinforcing gender distinctions? * Cassandra Halle Delaney, Rites of Passage in Adolescence, Adolescence 30 (1995): 891987. www.siu.edu/~anthro/mccall/children.html. sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 133 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Masculinity LEARNING ACTIVITY Performing Gender in the Movies Many movies offer gender-bending performances. Choose one or more of the following movies to watch. During the movie, record your observations about how the various characters learn and perform gender. Also note the ways race intersects with gender in these performances. How does sexual identity get expressed in the performance of gender? Victor/Victoria Tootsie Mrs. Doubtre To Wong Foo, Thanks for Everything! Julie Newmar The Adventures of Priscilla, Queen of the Desert Switch The Birdcage Orlando Shakespeare in Love Boys Dont Cry Big Mommas House Sorority Boys Nutty Professor Nutty Professor II: The Klumps Connie and Carla White Chicks pursuit of success, fame, and wealth; (3) the sturdy oak, condence, competence, stoicism, and toughness; and (4) give em hell, the machismo element.* Although these scripts dictate masculinity in a broad sense, there are societal demands that construct masculinity differently for different kinds of men. Middle-class masculinity puts an emphasis on the big-wheel dimension, the dictates of White masculinity often involve the sturdy oak, and men of color often become associated with the machismo element (with the exception of Asian American men, who are often feminized). The last decades have seen changes in the social construction of contemporary masculinity. Although the machismo element is still acted out by countless teenage boys and men, it is also avoided by many men who genuinely do not want to be constrained by its demands. Often these men have realized that moving away from the machismo does not necessarily imply a loss of power. In fact, it seems contemporary women may prefer men who are a little more sensitive and vulnerable. In part, these changes have come about as a result of the focus on gender provided by the womens movement and as a result of the work of such organizations as the National Organization of Men Against Sexism (NOMAS) and groups like Dads and Daughters. As feminist writer and activist Gloria Steinem once said, gender is a prison for both women and men. The difference, she said, is that for men its a prison with wall-to-wall * Deborah S. David and Robert Brannon, eds., The Forty-Nine Percent Majority: The Male Sex Role (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1976), pp. 1335. 133 sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 134 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 134 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society carpeting and someone to bring you coffee. Understanding the limitations associated with masculine social scripts has encouraged many men to transform these scripts into more productive ways of living. Many pro-feminist men and mens organizations have been at the forefront of this work. Some men have responded to the limitations of masculinity and the advances of women brought about by feminism by focusing on themselves as victims, as demonstrated by the mytho-poetic mens movement, which encourages men to bond and reclaim their power. While this may empower individual men, private solutions to social problems do little to transform patriarchal social structure. Other men more overtly express their desire to take back the power they believe they have lost as a result of changes in contemporary notions of femininity and the gains of the womens movement. These include the Promise Keepers, a group of Christian-afliated men who want to return men to their rightful place in the family and community through a strong re-assertion of traditional gender roles. They believe that men are to rule and women are to serve within the traditional family system. FEMININITY Adjectives associated with traditional notions of femininity in contemporary mainstream North American society include soft, passive, domestic, nurturing, emotional, dependent, sensitive, as well as delicate, intuitive, fastidious, needy, fearful, and so forth. These are the qualities that have kept women in positions of subordination and encouraged them to do the domestic and emotional work of society. Again, no surprise that the symbol of female O represents Venus, the goddess of love. Doing gender in terms of femininity involves speaking, walking, looking, and acting in certain ways: in feminine ways. The performative quality involved in being a drag queen (a man who is acting out normative femininity) highlights and reveals the taken-for-granted (at least by women) affectations of femininity. Yet, femininity, like masculinity, varies across cultures and groups. For example, due to historical and cultural factors, many African American women have not internalized the association of femininity with passivity and dependency characteristic of White women. Asian American women, on the other hand, often have to deal with societal stereotypes that construct femininity very much in terms of passivity and dependence: the exotic gardenia or oriental chick described in Nellie Wongs poem When I Was Growing Up. A key aspect of femininity is its bifurcation or channeling into two opposite aspects. These aspects involve the chaste, domestic, caring mother or madonna and the sexy, seducing, fun-loving playmate or whore (known in popular mythology as women you marry and women with whom you have sex). These polar opposites cause tension as women navigate the implications of these aspects of femininity in their everyday lives. This is an example of the double bind that Marilyn Frye wrote about in her article Oppression included in Chapter 2. A woman often discovers that neither sexual activity nor sexual inactivity is quite right. If she is too sexually active, she will be censured for being too loose, the whore; if she refrains from sexual activity, she might similarly be censured for being a prude or frigid. Notice there are many slang words for both kinds of women: those who have too much sex and those who do not have enough. This is the double bind: Youre damned if you do and sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 135 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Femininity ACTIVIST PROFILE 135 Gloria Steinem Gloria Steinem didnt set out to become one of the key spokespersons for feminism. Growing up in poverty and with a mentally ill mother, Steinem often found herself in the role of her mothers caretaker. Despite the difculties at home, she succeeded at school and was eventually accepted to Smith College, where her interest in womens rights began to take hold. After graduating from Smith, Steinem received a fellowship to do graduate studies at the University of Delhi and University of Calcutta, India. While in India, she did some work as a freelance writer and, upon returning to the United States, began a career in journalism. As a woman in journalism, Steinem was rarely given serious assignments. Her most famous article resulted from a 1963 undercover assignment as a Playboy Bunny. Steinem saw the article as an opportunity to expose sexual harassment, but following its publication she had a difcult time being taken seriously as a journalist, despite the excellent reviews the article received. She nally got her chance for key political assignments in 1968 when she came on board New York Magazine as a contributing editor. One assignment sent her to cover a radical feminist meeting, and following that meeting she moved to the center of the womens movement, co-founding the National Womens Political Caucus and the Womens Action Alliance. In 1972 she co-founded Ms. magazine. Although Steinem believed there should be a feminist magazine, she had not intended to start it herself. Originally, she had thought shed turn over the editorship once the magazine got on its feet. But with the success of Ms., Steinem became one of the nations most visible and important proponents of feminism. The rst issue of Ms. featured Wonder Woman on the cover, and its entire rst printing of 300,000 copies sold out in 8 days. Steinem remained editor for 15 years and is still involved with the magazine today. potentially damned if you dont. These contradictions and mixed messages serve to keep women in line. The article by Pamela J. Bettis and Natalie Guice Adams, Short Skirts and Breast Juts, on cheerleading in the schools, addresses the (hetero)sexualized dimension of cheerleading as a sport and illustrates the ways gender performances help provide frameworks for sexual behaviors. These frameworks, known as sexual scripts, are discussed in Chapter 4. Unlike contemporary masculinity, which is exhibiting very small steps into the realms of the feminine, femininity has boldly moved into areas that were traditionally off-limits. Todays ideal woman (perhaps from a womans point of view) is denitely more androgynous than the ideal woman of the past. The contemporary ideal woman sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 136 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 136 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society LEARNING ACTIVITY Gender Swapping on the Web As discussed in the reading by Judy Wajcman, the virtual world of the Internet has provided a fascinating environment in which people often play with gender, although, given the social relations of power in contemporary society, this virtual world can also be a place where individuals use gender as a source of power over, or harassment against, other people. Still, in many text-based virtual environments, Web users are able to take on another gender. Men create feminine identities for themselves, and women create masculine identities for themselves. As Web users engage in this process of gender swapping, they are able to explore the ways that human interactions are structured by gender and to experience in some ways what life is like as another gender. Create a virtual identity for yourself as another gender and join a chat room or game on the Web as that person. How does it feel to experience the world as another gender? Do you notice ways you act or are treated differently as this gender? What do your experiences suggest to you about how gender structures the ways humans interact with one another? Men, by far, gender swap on the Web more than women. Why do you think this is true? Do you think gender swapping on the Web has the potential to challenge gender stereotypes? Or do you think it reinforces them? How might the technology of the Internet be used to challenge the limitations of gender? How might the technology of the Internet be used to reinforce male dominance? Learn more: The following books offer in-depth exploration of these issues. What do these authors suggest about the nature of gender on the Web? Cherny, Lynn, and Elizabeth Reba Weise, eds. Wired Women: Gender and New Realities in Cyberspace. Seattle, WA: Seal Press, 1996. Kendall, Lori. Hanging Out in the Virtual Pub: Masculinities and Relationships Online. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002. Paasonen, Susanna. Figures of Fantasy: Internet, Women, and Cyberdiscourse. New York: Peter Lang, 2005. Spender, Dale. Nattering on the Net: Women, Power, and Cyberspace. North Melbourne: Spinifex Press, 1995. might be someone who is smart, competent, and independent, beautiful, thin, athletic, and sexy, yet also loving, sensitive, competent domestically, and emotionally healthy. Note how this image has integrated characteristics of masculinity with traditional feminine qualities at the same time that it has retained much of the feminine social script. The contemporary ideal woman is strong, assertive, active, and independent rather than passive, delicate, and dependent. The assumption is that she is out in the public world rather than conned to the home. She has not completely shed her domestic, nurturing, and caring dimension, however, or her intuitive, emotional, and sensitive aspects. These attributes are important in her success as a loving and capable partner to a man, as indeed are her physical attributes concerning looks and body size. sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 137 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Gender Ranking LEARNING ACTIVITY Walk Like a Man, Sit Like a Lady One of the ways we perform gender is by the way we use our bodies. Very early, children learn to act their gender in the ways they sit, walk, and talk. Try this observation research: Observe a group of schoolchildren playing. Make notes about what you observe concerning how girls and boys act, particularly how they use their bodies in their play and communication. Find a place where you can watch people sitting or walking. A public park or mall may offer an excellent vantage point. Record your observations about the ways women and men walk and sit. Also try this experiment: Ask a friend of the opposite sex to participate in an experiment with you. Take turns teaching each other to sit and to walk like the other sex. After practicing your newfound gender behaviors, write your reections about the experience. To be a modern woman today (we might even say a liberated woman) is to be able to do everything: the superwoman. It is important to ask who is beneting from this new social script. Women work in the public world (often in jobs that pay less, thus helping employers and the economic system) and yet still are expected to do the domestic and emotional work of home and family as well as stay t and beautiful. In many ways, contemporary femininity tends to serve both the capitalist economic system and individual men better than the traditional, dependent, domestic model. GENDER RANKING Gender encompasses not only the socially constructed differences prescribed for different kinds of human beings but also the values associated with these differences. Recall the sissy/tomboy exercise at the beginning of this chapter. Those traits assigned as feminine are less valued than those considered masculine, illustrating why men tend to have more problems emulating femininity and trans people moving into femininity are viewed with somewhat more hostility than those transitioning toward masculine identities. It is okay to emulate the masculine and act like a boy, but it is not okay to emulate the feminine. This is gender ranking (the valuing of one gender over another), which sets the stage for sexism. Judith Lorber writes, When genders are ranked, the devalued genders have less power, prestige, and economic rewards than the valued genders. Just as White is valued above Brown or Black, and young (though not too young) above old, and heterosexual above homosexual, masculinity tends to be ranked higher than femininity. To be male is to have privileges vis--vis gender systems; to be female means to be a member of a target group. As already discussed, the social system here that discriminates and privileges on the basis of gender is sexism. It works by viewing the differences between women 137 sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 138 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 138 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society and men as important for determining access to social, economic, and political resources. As dened in Chapter 2, sexism is the system that discriminates and privileges on the basis of gender and that results in gender stratication. Given the ranking of gender in our society, sexism works to privilege men and limit women. In other words, men receive entitlements and privilege in a society that ranks masculinity over femininity. Although all women are limited by sexism as a system of power that privileges men over women, the social category woman, as you recall from Chapter 2, is hardly homogeneous. Location in different systems of inequality and privilege shapes womens lives in different ways; they are not affected by gender in the same ways. Other systems based on class, race, sexual identity, and so forth interact with gender to produce different experiences for individual women. In other words, the effects of gender and understandings of both femininity and masculinity are mediated by other systems of power. This is another way that gender ranking occurs: the ranking of identities within the same gender. Forms of gender-based oppression and exploitation depend in part on other social characteristics in peoples lives, and gender practices often enforce other types of inequalities. This reects the conuence that occurs as gender categories are informed/constructed through social relations of power associated with other identities and accompanying systems of inequality and privilege (like racial identities and racism, sexual identities and heterosexism, and so forth). These identities cannot be separated, and certainly they are lived and performed through a tangle of multiple (and often shifting) identities. In this way, then, ranking occurs both across gender categories (masculinity is valued over femininity) and w ithin gender categories (for example, as economically privileged women are represented differently than poor women and receive economic and social entitlements, or as abled women live different lives than disabled women, and so forth). Other examples of this latter type of gender ranking include the ways African American women are often characterized as promiscuous or matriarchal and African American men are described as hyperathletic and sexually potent. Jewish women are painted as materialistic and overbearing, whereas Jewish men are supposedly very ambitious, thrifty, good at business, yet still tied to their mothers apron strings. Latinas and Chicanas are stereotyped as sexy and fun loving, and, likewise, Latinos and Chicanos are seen as oversexed, romantic, and passionate. Native American women are portrayed as silent and overworked or exotic and romantic, whereas Native American men are stereotyped as aloof mystics, close to nature, or else as savages and drunks. Asian Americans generally are often portrayed as smart and good at science and math while Asian American women have also been typed as exotic, passive, and delicate. All these problematic constructions are created against the norm of Whiteness and work to maintain the privileges of the mythical norm. This concept is illustrated in Nellie Wongs poem. She longed to be White, something she saw as synonymous with being a desirable woman. Although there are ethnic and regional stereotypes for White women (like the dizzy blonde, Southern belle, sexually liberated Scandinavian, or hot-tempered Irish), for the most part White women tend not to have discrete stereotypes associated with their race. This reects the fact that White people are encouraged not to see White as a racial category although it is just as racialized as any other racial group. The fact that being White sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 139 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Gender Ranking IDEAS FOR ACTIVISM Be a gender traitor for a day. Act/dress in ways that are not generally considered to be appropriate for your gender. Develop and perform on campus a street theater piece about gender performance. Plan, create, publish, and distribute a zine challenging traditional gender roles. Examine how masculinity is valued above femininity on your campus. Write a letter about your ndings to your campus newspaper. can be claimed the mythical norm strips Whiteness from the historical and political roots of its construction as a racial category. As discussed in Chapter 2, this ability for nontarget groups to remain relatively invisible is a key to maintaining their dominance in society. In this way, diverse gendered experiences implies that the expression of femininity, or the parameters of femininity expected and allowed, is related to the conuence of gender with other systems. Historically, certain women (the poor and women of color) were regarded as carrying out appropriate womanhood when they fullled the domestic labor needs of strangers. Upper-class femininity meant that there were certain jobs such women could not perform. This demonstrates the interaction of gender with class and race systems. Old women endure a certain brand of femininity that tends to be devoid of the playmate role and is heavy on the mother aspect. Sexually active old women are violating the norms of femininity set up for them: This shows the inuence of ageism in terms of shaping gender norms. Other stereotypes that reveal the interaction of gender with societal systems of privilege and inequality include disabled womens supposedly relatively low sexual appetite or lesbians lack of femininity (they are presumed to want to be like men at the same time they are said to hate them). In this way the expression of femininity is dependent on other intersecting systems of inequality and privilege and the beliefs, stereotypes, and practices associated with these systems. 139 sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 140 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: READING 19 Two Sexes Are Not Enough Anne Fausto-Sterling (2000) In 1843 Levi Suydam, a 23-year-old resident of Salisbury, Connecticut, asked the towns board of selectmen to allow him to vote as a Whig in a hotly contested local election. The request raised a urry of objections from the opposition party, for a reason that must be rare in the annals of American democracy: It was said that Suydam was more female than male, and thus (since only men had the right to vote) should not be allowed to cast a ballot. The selectmen brought in a physician, one Dr. William Barry, to examine Suydam and settle the matter. Presumably, upon encountering a phallus and testicles, the good doctor declared the prospective voter male. With Suydam safely in their column, the Whigs won the election by a majority of one. A few days later, however, Barry discovered that Suydam menstruated regularly and had a vaginal opening. Suydam had the narrow shoulders and broad hips characteristic of a female build, but occasionally he felt physical attractions to the opposite sex (by which he meant women). Furthermore, his feminine propensities, such as fondness for gay colors, for pieces of calico, comparing and placing them together, and an aversion for bodily labor and an inability to perform the same, were remarked by many. (Note that this 19th-century doctor did not distinguish between sex and gender. Thus he considered a fondness for piecing together swatches of calico just as telling as anatomy and physiology.) No one has yet discovered whether Suydam lost the right to vote. Whatever the outcome, the story conveys both the political weight our culture places on ascertaining a persons correct sex and the deep confusion that arises when it cant be easily determined. European and American culture is deeply devoted to the idea that there are only two sexes. Even our language refuses other possibilities, thus to write about Levi Suydam I have had to invent conventionss/he and h/er to denote individuals who are clearly neither/both male and female or who are, perhaps, both at once. Nor is the linguistic convenience an idle fancy. Whether one falls into the category of man or woman matters in concrete ways. For Suydamand still today for women in some parts of the worldit meant the right to vote. It might mean being subject to the military draft and to various laws concerning the family and marriage. In many parts of the United States, for example, two individuals legally registered as men cannot have sexual relations without breaking antisodomy laws. But if the state and legal system has an interest in maintaining only two sexes, our collective biological bodies do not. While male and female stand on the extreme ends of a biological continuum, there are many other bodies, bodies such as Suydams, that evidently mix together anatomical components conventionally attributed to both males and females. The implications of my argument for a sexual continuum are profound. If nature really offers us more than two sexes, then it follows that our current notions of masculinity and femininity are cultural conceits. Reconceptualizing the category of sex challenges cherished aspects of European and American social organization. Indeed, we have begun to insist on the male female dichotomy at increasingly early stages, making the two-sex system more deeply a part of how we imagine human life and giving it the appearance of being both inborn and natural. Nowadays, months before the child leaves the comfort of the womb, amniocentesis and ultrasound 140 sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 141 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Two Sexes Are Not Enough | identify a fetuss sex. Parents can decorate the babys room in gender-appropriate style, sports wallpaperin bluefor the little boy, owered designsin pinkfor the little girl. Researchers have nearly completed development of technology that can choose the sex of a child at the moment of fertilization. Moreover, modern surgical techniques help maintain the two-sex system. Today children who are born either/orneither/both a fairly common phenomenonusually disappear from view because doctors correct them right away with surgery. In the past, however, intersexuals (or hermaphrodites, as they were called until recently) were culturally acknowledged. HERMAPHRODITIC HERESIES In 1993 I published a modest proposal suggesting that we replace our two-sex system with a ve-sex one. In addition to males and females, I argued, we should also accept the categories herms (named after true hermaphrodities), merms (named after male pseudohermaphrodites), and ferms (named after female pseudohermaphrodites). [Editors note: A true hermaphrodite bears an ovary and a testis, or a combined gonad called an ovo-testis. A pseudohermaphrodite has either an ovary or a testis, along with genitals from the opposite sex.] Id intended to be provocative, but I had also been writing tongue in cheek and so was surprised by the extent of the controversy the article unleashed. Right-wing Christians somehow connected my idea of ve sexes to the United Nationssponsored Fourth World Conference on Women, to be held in Beijing two years later, apparently seeing some sort of global conspiracy at work. It is maddening, says the text of a New York Times advertisement paid for by the Catholic League for Religious and Civil Rights, to listen to discussions of ve genders when every sane person knows there are but two sexes, both of which are rooted in nature. [Sexologist] John Money was also horried by my article, although for different reasons. In a new edition of his guide for those who counsel intersexual children and their families, he wrote: ANNE FAUSTO-STERLING 141 In the 1970s nurturists . . . became . . . social constructionists. They align themselves against biology and medicine. . . . They consider all sex differences as artifacts of social construction. In cases of birth defects of the sex organs, they attack all medical and surgical interventions as unjustied meddling designed to force babies into xed social molds of male and female. . . . One writer has gone even to the extreme of proposing that there are ve sexes . . . (Fausto-Sterling). Meanwhile, those battling against the constraints of our sex/gender system were delighted by the article. The science ction writer Melissa Scott wrote a novel entitled Shadow Man, which includes nine types of sexual preference and several genders, including fems (people with testes, XY chromosomes, and some aspects of female genitalia), herms (people with ovaries and testes), and mems (people with XX chromosomes and some aspects of male genitalia). Others used the idea of ve sexes as a starting point for their own multi-gendered theories. Clearly I had struck a nerve. The fact that so many people could get riled up by my proposal to revamp our sex/gender system suggested that change (and resistance to it) might be in the offing. Indeed, a lot has changed since 1993, and I like to think that my article was one important stimulus. Intersexuals have materialized before our very eyes, like beings beamed up onto the Starship Enterprise. They have become political organizers lobbying physicians and politicians to change treatment practices. More generally, the debate over our cultural conceptions of gender has escalated, and the boundaries separating masculine and feminine seem harder than ever to dene. Some nd the changes under way deeply disturbing; others nd them liberating. I, of course, am committed to challenging ideas about the male/female divide. In chorus with a growing organization of adult intersexuals, a small group of scholars, and a small but growing cadre of medical practitioners, I argue that medical management of intersexual births needs to change. First, let there be no unnecessary infant surgery (by necessary I mean to save the infants life or signicantly improve h/er physical sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 142 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 142 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society well-being). Second, let physicians assign a provisional sex (male or female) to the infant (based on existing knowledge of the probability of a particular gender identity formationpenis size be damned!). Third, let the medical care team READING provide full information and long-term counseling to the parents and to the child. However wellintentioned, the methods for managing intersexuality, so entrenched since the 1950s, have done serious harm. 20 The Social Construction of Gender Judith Lorber (1994) Talking about gender for most people is the equivalent of sh talking about water. Gender is so much the routine ground of everyday activities that questioning its taken-for-granted assumptions and presuppositions is like thinking about whether the sun will come up.1 Gender is so pervasive that in our society we assume it is bred into our genes. Most people nd it hard to believe that gender is constantly created and re-created out of human interaction, out of social life, and is the texture and order of that social life. Yet gender, like culture, is a human production that depends on everyone constantly doing gender (West and Zimmerman 1987). And everyone does gender without thinking about it. Today, on the subway, I saw a well-dressed man with a year-old child in a stroller. Yesterday, on a bus, I saw a man with a tiny baby in a carrier on his chest. Seeing men taking care of small children in public is increasingly commonat least in New York City. But both men were quite obviously stared atand smiled at, approvingly. Everyone was doing genderthe men who were changing the role of fathers and the other passengers, who were applauding them silently. But there was more gendering going on that probably fewer people noticed. The baby was wearing a white crocheted cap and white clothes. You couldnt tell if it was a boy or a girl. The child in the stroller was wearing a dark blue T-shirt and dark print pants. As they started to leave the train, the father put a Yankee baseball cap on the childs head. Ah, a boy, I thought. Then I noticed the gleam of tiny earrings in the childs ears, and as they got off, I saw the little owered sneakers and lace-trimmed socks. Not a boy after all. Gender done. ... For the individual, gender construction starts with assignment to a sex category on the basis of what the genitalia look like at birth.2 Then babies are dressed or adorned in a way that displays the category because parents dont want to be constantly asked whether their baby is a girl or a boy. A sex category becomes a gender status through naming, dress, and the use of other gender markers. Once a childs gender is evident, others treat those in one gender differently from those in the other, and the children respond to the different treatment by feeling different and behaving differently. As soon as they can talk, they start to refer to themselves as members of their gender. Sex doesnt come into play again until puberty, but by that time, sexual feelings and desires and practices have been shaped by gendered norms and expectations. Adolescent boys and girls approach and avoid each other in an elaborately scripted and gendered mating dance. Parenting is gendered, with different expectations for mothers and fathers, and people of different genders work at different kinds of jobs. The work adults do as mothers and fathers and as low-level workers and high-level bosses, shapes sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 143 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: The Social Construction of Gender | womens and mens life experiences, and these experiences produce different feelings, consciousness, relationships, skillsways of being that we call feminine or masculine.3 All of these processes constitute the social construction of gender. ... To explain why gendering is done from birth, constantly and by everyone, we have to look not only at the way individuals experience gender but at gender as a social institution. As a social institution, gender is one of the major ways that human beings organize their lives. Human society depends on a predictable division of labor, a designated allocation of scarce goods, assigned responsibility for children and others who cannot care for themselves, common values and their systematic transmission to new members, legitimate leadership, music, art, stories, games, and other symbolic productions. One way of choosing people for the different tasks of society is on the basis of their talents, motivations, and competencetheir demonstrated achievements. The other way is on the basis of gender, race, ethnicityascribed membership in a category of people. Although societies vary in the extent to which they use one or the other of these ways of allocating people to work and to carry out other responsibilities, every society uses gender and age grades. Every society classies people as girl and boy children, girls and boys ready to be married, and fully adult women and men, constructs similarities among them and differences between them, and assigns them to different roles and responsibilities. Personality characteristics, feelings, motivations, and ambitions ow from these different life experiences so that the members of these different groups become different kinds of people. The process of gendering and its outcome are legitimated by religion, law, science, and the societys entire set of values. GENDER AS PROCESS, STRATIFICATION, AND STRUCTURE As a social institution, gender is a process of creating distinguishable social statuses for the assignment of rights and responsibilities. As part of JUDITH LORBER 143 a stratication system that ranks these statuses unequally, gender is a major building block in the social structures built on these unequal statuses. As a process, gender creates the social differences that dene woman and man. In social interaction throughout their lives, individuals learn what is expected, see what is expected, act and react in expected ways, and thus simultaneously construct and maintain the gender order. . . . Gendered patterns of interaction acquire additional layers of gendered sexuality, parenting, and work behaviors in childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. Gendered norms and expectations are enforced through informal sanctions of genderinappropriate behavior by peers and by formal punishment or threat of punishment by those in authority should behavior deviate too far from socially imposed standards for women and men. ... As part of a stratication system, gender ranks men above women of the same race and class. Women and men could be different but equal. In practice, the process of creating difference depends to a great extent on differential evaluation. . . . The dominant categories are the hegemonic ideals, taken so for granted as the way things should be that white is not ordinarily thought of as a race, middle class as a class, or men as a gender. The characteristics of these categories dene the Other as that which lacks the valuable qualities the dominants exhibit. In a gender-stratied society, what men do is usually valued more highly than what women do because men do it, even when their activities are very similar or the same. In different regions of southern India, for example, harvesting rice is mens work, shared work, or womens work: Wherever a task is done by women it is considered easy, and where it is done by [men] it is considered difcult (Mencher 1988, 104). A gathering and hunting societys survival usually depends on the nuts, grubs, and small animals brought in by the womens foraging trips, but when the mens hunt is successful, it is the occasion for a celebration. Conversely, because they are the superior group, white men do not have to do the dirty work, such as housework; the most sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 144 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 144 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society inferior group does it, usually poor women of color (Palmer 1989). ... When gender is a major component of structured inequality, the devalued genders have less power, prestige, and economic rewards than the valued genders. In countries that discourage gender discrimination, many major roles are still gendered; women still do most of the domestic labor and child rearing, even while doing full-time paid work; women and men are segregated on the job and each does work considered appropriate; womens work is usually paid less than mens work. Men dominate the positions of authority and leadership in government, the military, and the law; cultural productions, religions, and sports reect mens interests. In societies that create the greatest gender difference, such as Saudi Arabia, women are kept out of sight behind walls or veils, have no civil rights, and often create a cultural and emotional world of their own (Bernard 1981). But even in societies with less rigid gender boundaries, women and men spend much of their time with people of their own gender because of the way work and family are organized. This spatial separation of women and men reinforces gendered differences, identity, and ways of thinking and behaving (Coser 1986). Gender inequalitythe devaluation of women and the social domination of menhas social functions and social history. It is not the result of sex, procreation, physiology, anatomy, hormones, or genetic predispositions. It is produced and maintained by identiable social processes and built into the general social structure and individual identities deliberately and purposefully. The social order as we know it in Western societies is organized around racial, ethnic, class, and gender inequality. I contend, therefore, that the continuing purpose of gender as a modern social institution is to construct women as a group to be the subordinates of men as a group. THE PARADOX OF HUMAN NATURE To say that sex, sexuality, and gender are all socially constructed is not to minimize their social power. These categorical imperatives govern our lives in the most profound and pervasive ways, through the social experiences and social practices of what Dorothy Smith calls the everday/evernight world (1990, 3157). The paradox of human nature is that it is always a manifestation of cultural meanings, social relationships, and power politics; not biology, but culture, becomes destiny (J. Butler 1990, 8). Gendered people emerge not from physiology or sexual orientations but from the exigencies of the social order, mostly, from the need for a reliable division of the work of food production and the social (not physical) reproduction of new members. The moral imperatives of religion and cultural representations guard the boundary lines among genders and ensure that what is demanded, what is permitted, and what is tabooed for the people in each gender is well known and followed by most (C. Davies 1982). Political power, control of scarce resources, and, if necessary, violence uphold the gendered social order in the face of resistance and rebellion. Most people, however, voluntarily go along with their societys prescriptions for those of their gender status, because the norms and expectations get built into their sense of worth and identity as [the way we] think, the way we see and hear and speak, the way we fantasy, and the way we feel. There is no core or bedrock in human nature below these endlessly looping processes of the social production of sex and gender, self and other, identity and psyche, each of which is a complex cultural construction (J. Butler 1990, 36). For humans, the social is the natural. . . . NOTES 1. Gender is, in Erving Goffmans words, an aspect of Felicitys Condition: any arrangement which leads us to judge an individuals . . . acts not to be a manifestation of strangeness. Behind Felicitys Condition is our sense of what it is to be sane (1983:27). Also see Bem 1993; Frye 1983, 1740; Goffman 1977. 2. In cases of ambiguity in countries with modern medicine, surgery is usually performed to make the genitalia more clearly male or female. 3. See J. Butler 1990 for an analysis of how doing gender is gender identity. sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 145 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Short Skirts and Breast Juts | REFERENCES Bem, Sandara Lipsitz. 1993. The Lenses of Gender: Transforming the Debate on Sexual Inequality. New Haven: Yale University Press. Bernard, Jessie. 1981. The Female World. New York: Free Press. Butler, Judith. 1990. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. New York and London: Routledge. Coser, Rose Laub. 1986. Cognitive structure and the use of social space. Sociological Forum 1:126. Davies, Christie. 1982. Sexual taboos and social boundaries. American Journal of Sociology 87:103263. Dwyer, Daisy, and Judith Bruce (eds.). 1988. A Home Divided: Women and Income in the Third World. Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University Press. READING PAMELA J. BETTIS AND NATALIE GUICE ADAMS 145 Frye, Marilyn. 1983. The Politics of Reality: Essays in Feminist Theory. Trumansburg, N.Y.: Crossing Press. Goffman, Erving, 1977. The arrangement between the sexes. Theory and Society 4:30133. Mencher, Joan. 1988. Womens work and poverty: Womens contribution to household maintenance in South India. In Dwyer and Bruce 1988. Palmer, Phyllis. 1989. Domesticity and Dirt: Housewives and Domestic Servants in the United States, 19201945. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Smith, Dorothy. 1990. The Conceptual Practices of Power: A Feminist Sociology of Knowledge. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. West, Candace, and Don Zimmerman. 1987. Doing gender. Gender & Society 1:12551. 21 Short Skirts and Breast Juts Cheerleading, Eroticism and Schools Pamela J. Bettis and Natalie Guice Adams (2006) INTRODUCTION During fall 2003 in Elma, Washington, a community controversy arose over cheerleading attire, specically the length of the high school cheerleader and drill teams skirts (Spokesman Review, 2003). The Elma school districts administration banned the wearing of these skirts to school since the length did not adhere to school dress regulations for the rest of the student body; in the past this regulation had been waived for cheerleaders and drill team members. School Superintendent Tami Hickle said What the high school decided is that the dress code would apply to everyone equally. However, the new regulations did allow members of the all female cheerleading and drill squad to wear these skirts to cheer and perform during sports events. A mother of one of the team members said that parents were told by administrators that the short skirts were a distraction in the classroom, particularly for the boys. She responded that Boys will always be horn toads no matter what girls wear. Furthermore, she commented that the school districts new rule implied that Cheerleaders are not nice girls. One young woman was so incensed with the new regulations that she chose to wear very ugly warm-up pants and her team sweater to school on game day as a form of protest against the administrative edict. This recent school controversy speaks to the erotic tensions embedded in cheerleading, an activity in which 3.8 million people participate in the United States and an ever-increasing popular activity in over 50 countries, including England, Scotland and Wales (Elias, 2002; Roenigk, 2002). sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 146 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 146 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society References to horn toads and nice girls illustrate the narrow pathway of appropriate femininity that adolescent girls must tread, particularly in very public activities such as cheerleading. In this article, we explore the erotic tensions in contemporary school cheerleading through an analysis of how US adolescent girls, cheerleading coaches and those associated with the business facets of cheerleading construct the meaning of cheerleading. Insights gained from a study of cheerleadings erotic tensions in its nation of origin have signicance for all countries in which cheerleading has been introduced because cheerleading, whether it be in the United States, England, Sweden or Costa Rica, offers girls one of the only adult sanctioned and mainstream vehicles for them to try out a sexualized identity in a public space. SEXUALITY AND CHEERLEADING: A LITERATURE REVIEW A Brief History Cheerleading became institutionalized on college campuses in the United States in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. At this time, cheerleaders were all male, and the activity itself was seen as a masculine activity that was highly respected (Adams & Bettis, 2003). However, as early as the 1920s, one can nd cheerleaders, albeit male cheerleaders, being described in very sensual terms. A contemporary of Pericles, strolling into one of our football stadiums would . . . delight in those lithe, white-sweatered and annel-trousered youths in front of the bleachers, their mingled force and grace, their gestures at the same time hieratic and apparently jointless, that accompanied the spelling out of the locomotive cheer. And even an ancient Greek pulse would halt for a moment at that nal upward leap of the young body, like a diver into the azure, as the stands thundered out the climatic Stanford! (Cited in Hanson, 1995, p. 2) Cheerleading remained an activity primarily for males until the 1940s. Females began to dominate cheerleading squads when male cheerleaders left campuses to ght during World War II, and by the 1950s the activity, particularly at the high school level, had become completely feminized. With the feminization of cheerleading came a new kind of sexualization of the activity as seen in Arturo Gonzaless (1956) description of female cheerleaders: No report on cheerleaders over the past three decades could be complete, of course, without reference to the coeds. Pretty young things in vestigial skirts, amply-lled sweaters and wearing baby shakos, theyve burbled and twirled to the intense enjoyment of those fans easily distracted from the male carnage at the mideld by a few well-placed curves. (p. 104) That focus on female sexuality and the erotic elements of cheerleading was amplied during the 1970s when professional cheerleading squads associated with professional athletic teams, particularly football, emerged. The Dallas Cowboys Cheerleaders, with their patented hot pants and low-cut cowgirl vests and shirts, was the rst such squad to make explicit the sexual element of cheerleading. Performing routines more akin to Las Vegas showgirls, the Dallas Cowboys Cheerleaders, as described by three of its former cheerleaders, epitomized the ultimate male fantasy: How do you tap into the paradox of the sexy, wholesome girl, the girl youd like to take home to mother but make love to on the way over there? Well, take Miss America and dress her in hot pants and a halter top. Then put her out on a football eld grinding out a lot of provocative dances, but the whole time keep telling the fans that these are good girls, wholesome girls. (Scholz et al., 1991, p. 143) Because cheerleading represents simultaneously the sexy, wholesome girl, as the Scholz sisters observe, the cheerleader, according to Kurman (1986), has evolved into a disturbing sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 147 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Short Skirts and Breast Juts | erotic icon . . . She incarnates, in a word, a basic male-voyeuristic fantasy (p. 58). Yet, most secondary, collegiate and competitive squads bear little resemblance to the Dallas Cowboys Cheerleaders, and most work hard to disassociate themselves from this image. However, as we argue in this article, the erotic tensions already described creep into the language, practices and policies of cheerleading squads at all levels, from preadolescent All-Star squads to collegiate competitive squads. What then does this sexualization reveal about growing up feminine in todays society? Davis (1990) argued that today the cheerleader symbolizes dominant ideology about how females should look and act in our society (p. 155). Embedded in this ideology are the contradictory positions in which girls and women are located. They, meaning both females and cheerleaders, are to embody simultaneously the virtuous, good girls and the sexually provocative bad girls. Navigating these tensions becomes the work, albeit unacknowledged, of all cheerleaders. Sexuality and Adolescent Girls at the Turn of this Century Martin (1996) points out that the plethora of research published about adolescent girls in the late 1980s and 1990s failed to adequately address female sexuality and its effects on girls self-esteem. In the twentyrst century, we have seen a marked change in the silencing of female sexuality with the publication of several popular press books, including The Secret Lives of Girls (Lamb, 2001); Fast Girls (White, 2002); Flirting with Danger (Phillips, 2000) and Dilemmas of Desire (Tolman, 2002). What all of these books reveal is that adolescent females think about and engage in sexual activity of a wider variety than dominant society is ready to admit. The strength of these books is that they open the discussion of adolescent and prepubescent female sexuality that has often been overlooked. However, the ndings of these authors focus on what girls think about and do in private. Several researchers (Fine, 1988; Walkerdine, 1990) have pointed out that the erotic is rarely PAMELA J. BETTIS AND NATALIE GUICE ADAMS 147 allowed to enter schools, at least in the formal curriculum and practices. Furthermore, schools provide little space for girls to claim any sense of sexual agency, the formal sexual education curriculum being but one of many places in which female sexual desire and agency are silenced (Fine, 1988; Tolman, 2002). Yet, the erotic does sneak into schoolsin private bathroom and cafeteria discussions, in the visible embraces among students in the hall and in the public display of dress. The erotic also enters in the form of extracurricular activities. In Prom Night, Best (2000) notes that the prom is one space in which girls are allowed to negotiate the sexual terrain of school (p. 60). We assert in this article that cheerleading is another. Cheerleaders as Sexy Tease and Good Girl Cheerleading is an activity that is found in almost every middle-level, secondary-level and university level school in the United States. In the United States, cheerleading is often perceived as the highest status activity for girls in middle and high school, and girls who cheer occupy positions of power, prestige and privilege (Eder, 1985, 1995; Kurman, 1986; Eder & Parker, 1987; Lesko, 1988; Eckert, 1989; Adler et al., 1992; Adler & Adler, 1995; Merten, 1996, 1997; Kinney, 1999; Bettis & Adams, 2003). Furthermore, it is an activity that is typically supported by the school administration and other adults in the community since it represents a mainstream understanding of the role of females; in this perspective, cheerleading equates with youthful prestige, wholesome attractiveness, peer leadership and popularity (Hanson, 1995, p. 2). As Eckert (1989) notes, extracurricular activities typically become the exclusive domain of those students who are supportive of school and what it represents to adults. For example, Burnouts or those afliated with drugs and/or those who are hostile to school rarely choose to become cheerleaders nor would they typically be selected to join the squad since a positive attitude towards school is a central facet of the activity. However, at the same time, in the society at large and in the eyes of many adolescents, cheerleading sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 148 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 148 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society operates as an activity that symbolizes objectied sexuality and promiscuous availability (Hanson, 1995, p. 2). The short skirts, the sometimes sexually provocative moves of a cheerleading routine, the bright red lipstick and the public gaze of adult men and boys all contribute to a cultural activity that openly celebrates female sexuality. However, female sexuality is typically unacknowledged in schools, and the connection between the erotic and cheerleading is silenced by most adults associated with cheerleading (i.e. coaches, parents, camp instructors). Instead, most of the formal public discussion focuses on whether cheerleading is a sport or activity and its lack of status and nancial support by school administrators. This eschewal of the erotic in cheerleading runs counter to representations of cheerleaders in popular culture venues. For example, in the award winning lm, American Beauty (Universal Studios, 1999), a mid-life crisis for the lead male character, Lester Burnham, manifests itself in his desire for his daughters best friend, an adolescent cheerleader. Furthermore, professional cheerleading squads who cheer for professional sports teams, such as the Dallas Cowboy Cheerleaders and Laker girls, are viewed as sexual icons in the country at large, and Debbie Does Dallas (Pussycat Cinema, 1978), a lm that narrates a high school cheerleaders squads sexual escapades, remains one of the top selling adult movies in the United States and has even been remade into an offBroadway play (Nutt, 2001; Zinoman, 2002). Hence, cheerleading operates symbolically at the intersection of the all-American good-girl next door who exemplies peer leadership and the vamp who teases with her short skirt. How then do adolescent girls make sense of the contradictory status of cheerleading, one that embodies both wholesome and erotic tensions? SETTING, METHODS AND PARTICIPANTS OF THE STUDY This qualitative case study is part of a larger study that we began in a middle school located in a Midwestern state in the United States. The focus of this school ethnography was how adolescent girls understood leadership and the ways in which schools foster leadership in young girls. We became acquainted with this particular school and its principal during our work as teacher educators in mentoring rst-year teachers. The principals interest and support of our study along with the racial/ethnic and social class diversity of the student population encouraged us to conduct our study at this particular school. The school was located in Witchita, a town of 26,000 whose origins lay in an oil boom in the 1930s and a town that was known throughout the state as a highly stratied community. Approximately 5700 students were enrolled in the school district and approximately 430 attended the middle school, which consisted of two sixth-grade classes and all of the districts seventh graders. The school districts demographics were 75% White, 14% American Indian, 5% African American, 5% Latino and 1% Asian or Pacic Islander. Each of us observed a full day in the school on a weekly basis for the entire school year, and both attended after school events such as talent night and cheerleading tryouts. After observing in a variety of classrooms and informal school settings such as lunch at the beginning of the year, we solicited girls who represented a variety of peer groups, social classes, racial and ethnic backgrounds, and academic interests to participate in our interviews. Of the approximately 75 girls we solicited, 61 agreed to be interviewed. During the rst round of formal interviews with these 61 girls and throughout our accumulating eld notes, cheerleaders were mentioned frequently as leaders, and we began to explore in these initial interviews why cheerleaders were considered both leaders and the most popular girls in the school. We asked the girls to describe the various peer groups in school, where cheerleaders t in this scheme, and why the participants might want to become a cheerleader or not. Then, beginning in the second semester, we observed on a weekly basis two cheer preparation classes that the school had instituted to prepare girls for cheerleading tryouts. Initial cheerleading interviews were conducted with 22 of the girls before the tryouts, and we explored why girls wanted to become sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 149 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Short Skirts and Breast Juts | cheerleaders, what the judges were looking for in the selection of the cheerleading squad and who they thought might make the squad. Another round of interviews was conducted with 16 of the girls following the tryouts where we asked about the tryout process itself, selection of the squad and, if they did not try out, why that was the case. Of these 16 girls who were enrolled in the cheerleading preparation class, eight did not try outand the eight who did try out made the squad. The racial composition of the girls interviewed specically about cheerleading consisted of 14 Whites, ve Native Americans and three African Americans. Data for this case study were also derived from interviews of girls who did not participate in the cheerleading tryouts plus the cheer preparation teacher, Louise, who was responsible for the cheerleading classes and tryouts. Separate from the ethnography, further data were gathered from observations of two 2002 Universal Cheerleaders Association (UCA) Cheer Camps for middle and secondary cheerleaders over a combined ve-day period and from informal interviews conducted with camp coaches. One of these camps was located in Alabama and the other in Idaho. These observations consisted of watching the girls practice new cheers that were being taught during the camp, listening to their informal talk during breaks, and the talk noting and actions of the instructors as they presented the material. We also conducted formal interviews with 10 ofcials of Varsity Spirit Corporation, the worlds largest distributor of cheerleading uniforms and paraphernalia and organizer of UCA Cheer Camps. We asked questions about the change in uniform design over the past 25 years as well as the criteria for judging the UCA competitions. Such questions engendered discussions ranging from the introduction of spandex into cheerleading uniforms to the deduction of points for slashy or sexually suggestive movements during competitive cheerleading contests that UCA sponsors. Another major source of data for this study was derived from popular culture literature, videos, television and radio programs, and media discussions of cheerleading. PAMELA J. BETTIS AND NATALIE GUICE ADAMS 149 CUTE WOMEN IN SHORT SKIRTS: RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Im sexy; Im cute. Im popular to boot. Im bitchin, great hair, The boys all love to stare. Im wanted; Im hot. Im everything youre not. Im pretty; Im cool. I dominate this school. (Opening cheer from the movie Bring It On; Universal studios, 2000) This opening cheer in Bring it On, an enormously popular cheerleading movie both in the United States and in Europe, speaks to the sexual tensions embedded in not only contemporary cheerleading but also contemporary girlhood. All adolescent girls must nd ways to negotiate the landscape of girlhood where they are expected to be nice, condent girls who are neither sluts nor snobs. However, cheerleaders nd that pathway even more treacherous since they occupy a public position that situates them both as a wholesome girl and a sexy tease. As representatives or ambassadors of their schools, cheerleaders are expected to be role models, and their morals are expected to be beyond reproach. Drinking, smoking, cursing and having sex while in ones uniform are strictly forbidden, but even out of uniform cheerleaders are to be the moral leaders. Most cheerleaders must sign a contract or constitution that prescribes in detail what is acceptable and unacceptable behavior as illustrated by these guidelines: Cheerleaders should never use cheers that are the least bit suggestive, or have phrases that rhyme with swear words. Cheers of this nature discourage many rooters in the stands from cooperating and encourage others to carry on with crude and inappropriate responses. (Saturday Review, 1962) Corny as it sounds, cheerleaders do represent their school, so we have to act properly wherever were likely to meet anyone who knows us in that sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 150 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 150 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society capacity. Our squad works under a system of demerits, which are handed out for reasons, ranging from wearing too much makeup to smoking or drinking in uniform. (Norton, 1977) Each 8th grade (cheerleading) candidate is to wear a plain white shirt with red shorts and each 9th grade candidate is to wear a plain white shirt with navy shorts. Also, hair should be pulled away from the face. The girls will not be able to wear jewelry of any kind. (1998) This nal guideline was issued for those girls trying out for cheerleading at Wichita Middle School (WMS). The cheerleading coach repeatedly reminded the girls who wanted to be cheerleaders that they were expected to have high morals. They were told that whether they were selected or not, girls were to have classto win with grace and to lose with grace. In most of our conversations with the girls interested in trying out for cheerleader, they echoed the sentiments of the coach. For example, Sadie answered this way when asked about the meaning of cheerleading: It means that youre going to have a lot of people looking up to you, and so youre going to have to do, be, have like a big responsibility and youre going to have to like do right things and if you do something bad, like if you make a mistake, youre going to have to have big responsibility and like be responsible basically. Responsibility, good grades, and being nice to everyone were all mentioned as part of being a cheerleader, and certainly t its good-girl image. However, the girls were also intrigued by the sexual tensions inherent in cheerleading. One of the primary reasons girls wanted to be a cheerleader was because they believed that cheerleading was a route to instant popularity, which increased the likelihood of getting a boyfriend, a high-status marker for adolescent girls. Hence, cheerleading operated as a discursive practice that afrmed heterosexualized femininity. Milea, a Native American girl who was selected as cheerleader, explains the perennial appeal of cheerleading at her school and why she wants to be part of this activity: Boys like cheerleaders so that makes you popular. I want more boys to like me. Shanna, another Native American girl who participated in the cheerleading preparation class but did not try out for the squad, similarly notes, Some girls think the boys will like you if youre a cheerleader cause boys like the cheeriest people. Finally, Daneka, a Native American girl who wanted to be a cheerleader but eventually did not try out, explained why so many girls, including herself, want to be a cheerleader: Girls want to be cheerleaders because they believe that guys will like them morethey will see them as cute women in short skirts. Danekas use of girls and women in the same sentence reects a primary attraction of cheerleading for many girls: it allows girls to try on a womanly (i.e. sexualized) identity in a schoolsanctioned space. Girls have the opportunity to wear short skirts and often tight tting vests that highlight their womanly physical attributes. When asked why she wanted to be a cheerleader, Julie, a White girl who eventually made the squad, immediately answered, Well, I like wearin those cute little uniforms . . . Oh, theyre really cute. They t the level . . . Julie is intrigued by the shortness of the skirt, and she is aware that the length does meet school regulations, in that they t the level. Furthermore, since many of the contemporary cheerleading moves are sexually suggestive, girls have the opportunity to move their bodies in ways that are not typically permitted on school campuses. Trying out for cheerleader allowed the girls numerous opportunities to use their bodies in sexually provocative ways and to draw attention to their physically maturing bodies. While learning a dance during their cheerleading preparation class, the girls practiced thrusting their hips from side to side while jutting their breasts prominently outward in moves reminiscent of Brittany Spears music videos. At rst, their faces were intense as they assumed the look of a sexually mature woman. However, within seconds, many of them, suddenly feeling self-conscious with their new persona, erupted into girlish giggles, thus breaking the spell of sexuality and sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 151 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Short Skirts and Breast Juts | womanhood that appeared to envelop them. This was obviously a space for girlhood to meet womanhood with no boys around, but it was also practice for the time in which they would be expected to be the object of the male gaze. Once a girl is selected cheerleader, she is given ample opportunities at pep rallies and athletic events to perform (literally) her femininity (Walkerdine, 1993) in front of her peers, her adult teachers and administrators, and the larger community. Thus, cheerleading is a vehicle through which girls can try on various sexual facets of what it means to be a woman in contemporary US society and do so with a large audience and without the fear of being labeled a slut or a skank, a derogatory term used at this school to designate girls who were sexually promiscuous. For many girls, such as Julie, a White girl who was selected cheerleader, this opportunity to play with a sexualized identity was a primary reason why cheerleading was so appealing. She explains, Im in it for the short skirts, the guys, getting in front of everybody and making a total fool of myself. Lisa, a White girl who scored the most points during the tryouts, noted rather nonchalantly that the players were much more interested in cheerleaders bodies rather than their cheers: theyre not paying any attention to the cheerleaders anyways except looking at their legs or something. Both girls focus on the fact that cheerleading provides a public space in which to be gazed upon, particularly by males. In fact, for girls at most schools, it is the most visible space for them, and visibility is the cornerstone of popularity. Therefore, cheerleading embodies the two things that many adolescent girls desire: to be visible and to showcase their femininity. Because cheerleading has been one of the only spaces in which females could enjoy high status and visibility, Milea, a Native American girl who made the squad, states Ive been waitin for it [cheerleading] my whole life. Walkerdine (1993) argues that in most accounts of girls experiences in schools, the schoolgirl is typied as the girl who follows rules and is deferential, loyal, quiet and works hard. This image of the schoolgirl, Walkderdine asserts, has been constructed as a defense against being the object PAMELA J. BETTIS AND NATALIE GUICE ADAMS 151 of male fantasies. The erotic is displaced [in school accounts] as too dangerous. But it re-enters, it enters in the spaces that are outlawed in the primary school: popular culture (1993, p. 20). However, as seen earlier and contrary to Walkerdines assertion, cheerleading does allow the erotic to enter into school-sanctioned space for girls to play with or try on the identity of the all-American nice girl next door and the sexually provocative woman simultaneously. Cheerleaders are allowed to wear short skirts and tight tting vests that often violate school dress codes, as seen in the Elma, Washington case, while performing sexually provocative dance moves such as pelvic thrusts to popular music not allowed elsewhere in school. Although adults involved in cheerleading tend to downplay the sexualized elements of cheerleading, they are not immune to the erotic tensions of cheerleading. In preparing the girls for the middle school competition, Louise, the cheerleading preparation instructor, on several occasions instructed the girls to play up their sexuality, When you make that turn, give the judges a sexy look. Dazzle them. Give them goosebumps. On the day before tryouts, Louise offered make-up advice that speaks poignantly to the expectation that cheerleaders are to be sexy, but not sexual: Put Vaseline on your teeth and put on a little extra makeup, but not too much. Dont come looking like someone who could stand on the street [meaning a prostitute]. ... CHEERLEADING AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR EDUCATORS: SOME INITIAL RECOMMENDATIONS Girl power posters rarely show girls dressing up like the Spice Girls and prancing around with their midriffs showing, preferring instead to show girls doing science behind test tubes or girls on the soccer eld celebrating a goal. (Lamb, 2001, p. 40) Lambs point is an important one to consider in understanding the perennially popular nature of US cheerleading and its growing numbers in the sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 152 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 152 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society United Kingdom. Adults typically construct cheerleaders as girls who are good girls and whose sole rationale for joining the squad has to do with school spirit and motivation. Louise, the WMS cheer coach, emphasized the support that cheerleaders were to provide the athletic teams: My school spirit comes from the heart, and these young women need to learn how to be loyal. They need to learn how to take the eyes off themselves. Were there for other people; were not there for ourselves . . . If it werent for the athletes in the building, there would be no reason for us; were to give of ourselves; we are serving our athletes. Instead, as the girls in this study have attested, their desire to be a part of the activity of cheerleading is as much about dressing up like the Spice Girls and prancing around with their midriffs showing as it was about leading the fans and players to victory. . . . [Cheerleading] is a ubiquitous institution found in almost every middle and high school across this country, and its status, although in ux in some schools, typically remains high. Second, its history delineates changing gender roles in American society, and, nally, its sexual image is found in popular culture lms, videos, television, and in the popular vernacular (Adams & Bettis, 2003). Discussions of why cheerleading is still considered an activity for popular girls or not, how cheerleading has changed over its 135-year history, and how cheerleaders are used symbolically in music videos, lms and popular culture, would all provide fertile ground for an exploration of sexuality and cheerleading. . . . Kim Irwin, originator of the performance art piece WANTED: The X Cheerleaders Project, has organized a curriculum for public school girls aged 912 and their teachers that uses cheerleading as a vehicle to explore a wide range of topics pertinent to girls lives. In conjunction with the Institute for Labor and the Community, Kim conducts workshops that discuss gender inequality, racism, body image, stereotypes and sports. The girls engage in research about these topics, share their ndings with their peers and then construct cheers that speak to some of the tensions of contemporary girls lives. They share these cheers in public fora with teachers and parents in attendance. Therefore, they simultaneously receive the public visibility that cheerleaders have and most adolescents covet while critiquing facets of dominant femininity. In fact, Radical Cheerleaders whose squad numbers have grown exponentially across North America and Europe also use the vehicle of cheerleading to protest sexism and promote different dialogues about womens issues, including sexuality. What might it mean to involve adolescent girls themselves in conversations that interrogate the sexuality of cheerleading? We answer that question with two cheers, composed by early adolescent girls. The rst one was constructed by an Idaho girl who playfully challenges stereotypical images of the cheerleader and condently portrays what she considers important attributes for girls: Totally, for sure, As if I need a manicure. My hairs, a mess, But I can ace most any test. 98s to 99s, My grades are looking really ne. I DONT LIKE BOYS! They just make a lot of noise. Gooooooo GIRLS! This second cheer was created by a group of girls from New York who were involved in Kim Irwins after-school program for children 912 years old. Their cheer also demonstrates how girls can become actively involved (if asked) in breaking traditional feminine stereotypes. G-I-R-L-S Girls, girls, we RULE We can play sports, were tired of your lies And we dont have to stay home baking cherry pies. We can beat you any day. Were fast; were strong, And we know how to play. sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 153 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Short Skirts and Breast Juts | Both cheers speak to what is on the minds of preadolescent and adolescent girls, trying out what it means to be a female in the twenty-rst century. Constructing cheers and exploring the image of cheerleading in the society at large and in the schools that they inhabit, whether it is in physical education classes, in sex education classes or in the regular classroom, offers girls a non-threatening and fun way to talk about sexuality, desire, the female body and what it means to be feminine. . . . R EFERENCES Adams, N. G. & Bettis, P. J. (2003) Cheerleader! An American icon (New York, Palgrave/Macmillan). Adler, P. A. & Adler, P. (1995) Dynamics of inclusion and exclusion in preadolescent cliques, Social Psychology Quarterly, 58(3), 145162. Adler, P. A., Kless, S. & Adler, P. (1992) Socialization to gender roles: popularity among elementary school boys and girls, Sociology of Education, 65, 169187. Best, A. (2000) Prom night (New York, Routledge). Bettis, P. J. & Adams, N. G. (2003) The power of the preps and a cheerleading equity policy, Sociology of Education, 76, 128142. Davis, L. (1990) Male cheerleaders and the naturalization of gender, in: M. Messner & D. Sabo (Eds) Sports, men, and the gender order (Champaign, IL, Human Kinetics Books). Eckert, P. (1989) Jocks and burnouts (New York, Teachers College Press). Eder, D. (1985) The cycle of popularity: interpersonal relations among female adolescents, Sociology of Education, 58, 154165. Eder, D. (1995) School talk: gender and adolescent culture (New Brunswick, NJ, Rutgers University Press). Eder, D. & Parker, S. (1987) The cultural production and reproduction of gender: the effects of extracurricular activities on peer group culture, Sociology of Education, 60, 200213. Elias, M. (2002) Cheerleading leaps into dangeroussport camp. USA Today, 22 October. Fine, M. (1988) Sexuality, schooling, and adolescent females: the missing discourse of desire, Harvard Educational Review, 58, 2953. Gonzales, A. (1956) The rst college cheer, American Mercury, 83, 101104. PAMELA J. BETTIS AND NATALIE GUICE ADAMS 153 Hanson, M. E. (1995) Go! Fight! Win! Cheerleading in American culture (Bowling Green, OH, Bowling Green State University Press). Irvine, J. (2002) Talk about sex: the battles over sex education in the United States (Berkeley, CA, University of California Press). Kinney, D. (1999) From headbangers to hippies: delineating adolescent active attempts to form alternative peer culture, New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 84, 2135. Kurman, G. (1986) What does girls cheerleading communicate?, Journal of Popular Culture, 20, 5764. Lamb, S. (2001) The secret lives of girls: what good girls really dosex play, aggression, and their guilt (New York, The Free Press). Lesko, N. (1988) Were leading America: the changing organization and form of high school cheerleading, Theory and Research in Social Education, 16, 139161. Martin, K. (1996) Puberty, sexuality, and the self: girls and boys at adolescence (New York, Routledge). Merten, D. (1996) Burnout as cheerleader: the cultural basis for prestige and privilege in Junior High School, Anthropology and Education, 27, 5170. Merten, D. (1997) The meaning of meanness: popularity, competition, and conict among junior high school girls, Sociology of Education, 70, 175191. Norton, G. (1977) Cheerleading doesnt deserve a bad image, Seventeen, 36, 64. Nutt, S. T. (2001) More cheerleaders! Adult DVD Empire, 28 August. Available online at: http://www.pornpopdvd.com/exec/news/article.as? media_id=114 (accessed 9 January 2003). Phillips, L. (2002) Flirting with danger: young womens reections on sexuality and domination (New York, New York University Press). Pussycat Cinema (1978) Debbie does Dallas (New York, Pussycat Cinema). Roenigk, A. (2002) Its a cheer world after all, American Cheerleader, February. Available online at: wysiwyg://76/http://www.americancheerleader. com/backissues/feb02/cheerworld.html (accessed 14 October 2002). Saturday Review (1962) On the art of cheerleading, Saturday Review, 20 October, p. 73. Scholz, S., Scholz, S. & Scholz, S. (1991) Deep in the heart of Texas: reections of former Dallas Cowboys Cheerleaders (New York, St Martins Press). Spokesman Review (2003) Cheerleaders brought up short by dress code, The Spokesman Review, 9 September, p. B5. sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 154 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 154 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society Tolman, D. (2002) Dilemmas of desire: teenage girls talk about sexuality (Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press). Universal Studios (1999) American beauty (Los Angeles, Universal Studios). Universal Studios (2000) Bring it on (Los Angeles, Universal Studios). Walkerdine, V. (1990) Schoolgrl ctions (London, Verso). READING Walkerdine, V. (1993) Girlhood through the looking glass, in: M. De Ras & M. Lunenberg (Eds) Girls, girlhood, and girls studies in transition (Amsterdam, Het Spinhuis). White, E. (2002) Fast girls: teenage tribes and the myth of the slut (New York, Scribner). Zinoman, J. (2002) Debbies doing New York, but rate her PG, The New York Times, 27 October. 22 When I Was Growing Up Nellie Wong (1981) I know now that once I longed to be white. How? you ask. Let me tell you the ways. when I was growing up, people told me I was dark and I believed my own darkness in the mirror, in my soul, my own narrow vision when I was growing up, my sisters with fair skin got praised for their beauty, and in the dark I fell further, crushed between high walls when I was growing up, I read magazines and saw movies, blonde movie stars, white skin, sensuous lips and to be elevated, to become a woman, a desirable woman, I began to wear imaginary pale skin when I was growing up, I was proud of my English, my grammar, my spelling tting into the group of small children smart Chinese children, tting in, belonging, getting in line when I was growing up and went to high school, I discovered the rich white girls, a few yellow girls, their imported cotton dresses, their cashmere sweaters, their curly hair and I thought that I too should have what these lucky girls had when I was growing up, I hungered for American food, American styles, coded: white and even to me, a child born of Chinese parents, being Chinese was feeling foreign, as limiting, was unAmerican when I was growing up and a white man wanted to take me out, I thought I was special, an exotic gardenia, anxious to t the stereotype of an oriental chick when I was growing up, I felt ashamed of some yellow men, their small bones, their frail bodies, their spitting on the streets, their coughing, their lying in sunless rooms, shooting themselves in the arms when I was growing up, people would ask if I were Filipino, Polynesian, Portuguese. sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 155 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Virtual Gender | They named all colors except white, the shell of my soul, but not my dark, rough skin 155 houses by the sea with nothing over my head, with space to breathe, uncongested with yellow people in an area called Chinatown, in an area I later learned was a ghetto, one of many hearts of Asian America when I was growing up, I felt dirty. I thought that god made white people clean and no matter how much I bathed, I could not change, I could not shed my skin in the gray water I know now that once I longed to be white. How many more ways? you ask. Havent I told you enough? when I was growing up, I swore I would run away to purple mountains, READING JUDY WAJCMAN 23 Virtual Gender Judy Wajcman (2004) The idea that the Internet can transform conventional gender roles, altering the relationship between the body and the self via a machine, is a popular theme in recent postmodern feminism. The message is that young women in particular are colonizing cyberspace, where gender inequality, like gravity, is suspended. In cyberspace, all physical, bodily cues are removed from communication. As a result, our interactions are fundamentally different, because they are not subject to judgments based on sex, age, race, voice, accent or appearance, but are based only on textual exchanges. In Life on the Screen, Sherry Turkle enthuses about the potential for people to express multiple and often unexplored aspects of the self, to play with their identity and to try out new ones . . . the obese can be slender, the beautiful plain, the nerdy sophisticated.1 It is the increasingly interactive and creative nature of computing technology that now enables millions of people to live a signicant segment of their lives in virtual reality. Moreover, it is in this computer-mediated world that people experience a new sense of self, which is decentred, multiple and uid. . . . Interestingly, the gender of Internet users features mainly in Turkles chapter about virtual sex. Cyberspace provides a risk-free environment where people can engage in the intimacy they both desire and fear. Turkle argues that people nd it easier to establish relationships on-line and then pursue them off-line. Yet, for all the celebration of the interactive world of cyberspace, what emerges from her discussion is that people engaging in Internet relationships really want the full, embodied relationship. Like many other authors, Turkle argues that gender swapping, or virtual crossdressing, encourages people to reect on the social construction of gender, to acquire a new sense of gender as a continuum.2 However she does not reect upon the possibility that gender differences in the constitution of sexual desire and pleasure inuence the manner in which cybersex is used. In a similar vein, Allucqure Rosanne Stone celebrates the myriad ways in which modern technology is challenging traditional notions of gender identity. Complex virtual identities rupture the cultural belief that there is a single self in a single body. Stones discussion of phone and sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 156 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 156 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society virtual sex, for example, describes how female sex workers disguise crucial aspects of identity and can play at reinventing themselves. She takes seriously the notion that virtual people or selves can exist in cyberspace, with no necessary link to a physical body. As an illustration of this, Stone recounts the narrative about the cross-dressing psychiatrist that has become an apocryphal cyberfeminist tale. Like many stories that become legends, it is a pastiche of ction and fact, assembled from diverse sources, including real events.3 It is the story of a middle-aged male psychiatrist called Lewin who becomes an active member of a CompuServe chat line, a virtual place where many people can interact simultaneously in real time. One day Lewin found he was conversing with a woman who assumed he was a female psychiatrist. Lewin was stunned by the power and intimacy of the conversation. He found that the woman was more open to him than were his female patients and friends in real life. Lewin wanted more, and soon began regularly logging on as Julie Graham, a severely handicapped and disgured New York resident. Julie said it was her embarrassment about her disgurement that made her prefer not to meet her cyberfriends in person. Over time, Julie successfully projected her personality and had a ourishing social life on the Internet, giving advice to the many women who conded in her. Lewin acquired a devoted following and came to believe that it was as Julie that he could best help these women. His on-line female friends told Julie how central she had become to their lives. Indeed, the elaborate details of Julies life gave hope particularly to other disabled women as her professional life ourished and, despite her handicaps, she became amboyantly sexual, encouraging many of her friends to engage in Net sex with her. Her career took her around the world on the conference circuit, and she ended up marrying a young police ofcer. Julies story is generally taken to show that the subject and the body are no longer inseparable; that cyberspace provides us with novel free choices in selecting a gender identity irrespective of our material body. Stone argues that by the time he was exposed, Lewins responses had ceased to be a masquerade, that he was in the process of becoming Julie. However, this story can be read in a radically different manner, one that questions the extent to which the cyborg subject can escape the biological body. Although Julies electronic manifestation appears at rst sight to subvert gender distinctions, it can be just as forcefully argued that it ultimately reinforced and reproduced these differences. For the women seeking Julies advice, her gender was crucial. They wanted to know that there was a woman behind the name; this is what prompted their intimacies. Julies gender guided their behaviour and their mode of expression. It rendered her existence, no matter how intangible and unreal Julie appeared at rst, extremely physical and genuine.4 When Julie was unmasked as a cross-dressing man years later, many women who had sought her advice felt deeply betrayed and violated. It was the real disabled women on-line who rst had suspicions about the false identity, indicating that there are limits on creating sustainable new identities in cyberspace. Relationships on the Internet are not as free of corporeality as Stone and Turkle suggest. Although computer-mediated communication alters the nature of interaction by removing bodily cues, this is not the same as creating new identities. Just because all you see is words, it does not mean that becoming a different person requires only different words, or that this is a simple matter. Choosing words for a different identity is problematic.5 The choice of words is the result of a process of socialization associated with a particular identity. It is therefore very difcult to learn a new identity without being socialized into that role. Although mimicry is possible, it is limited and is not the same as creating a viable new identity. Research on articial intelligence and information systems now emphasizes the importance of the body in human cognition and behaviour. Moreover, the sociology of scientic knowledge has taught us that much scientic knowledge is tacit (things people know but cannot explain or specify in formal rules) and cannot be learned explicitly. So it is with becoming a man or a woman. Lewins false identity was discovered by people sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 157 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Virtual Gender | who had been socialized in the role that Lewin adopted: namely, that of a disabled woman. Bodies play an important part in what it means to be human and gendered. That this narrative is about a man posing as a woman is not merely incidental as there is evidence that many more men adopt a female persona than vice versa. The masculine discursive style of much communication on the Web is well recognized. Flaming or aggressive on-line behaviour, including sexual harassment, is rife, and has a long lineage all the way back to the original hackers who developed the rst networked games such as the notorious Dungeons and Dragons/MUD games. These games were designed by young men for the enjoyment of their peers. This reected the computer science and engineering nerd technoculture that produced the Internet and excluded women from participation. Cyberspace rst appeared as a disembodied zone wilder than the wildest West, racier than the space race, sexier than sex, even better than walking on the moon in cyberpunk ction.6 It promised to nally rupture the boundaries between hallucination and reality, the organic and the electronic. For cyberpunks, technology is inside the body and the mind itself. Textual and visual representations of gendered bodies and erotic desire, however, proved less imaginative. It was new technology with the same old narratives. Here was a phallocentric fantasy of cyberspace travel infused with clichd images of adolescent male sex, with console cowboys jacking into cyberspace. ... A popular, contemporary version of these adventure games does feature a female character notably Lara Croft, in the popular Tomb Raider game, alternatively seen as a fetish object of Barbie proportions created by and for the male gaze or as a female cyberstar. The orthodox feminist view of Lara Croft sees her as a pornographic technopuppet, an eternally young female automaton. By contrast, postmodern gender and queer theorists stress the diverse and subversive readings JUDY WAJCMAN 157 that Lara Croft is open to.7 For some she is a tough, capable, sexy adventurous female heroine. For others, Lara as drag queen enables men to experiment with wearing a feminine identity, echoing the phenomenon of gender crossing in Internet chat rooms. While Lara may offer young women an exciting way into the male domain of computer games, much of the desire projected on to this avatar is prosaic. The game even features a Nude Raider patch that removes Laras clothing. To cast her as a feminist heroine is therefore a long bow to draw. Perhaps we should let her creator Toby Gard have the last word: Lara was designed to be a tough, self-reliant, intelligent woman. She confounds all the sexist clichs apart from the fact that shes got an unbelievable gure. Strong, independent women are the perfect fantasy girlsthe untouchable is always the most desirable.8 NOTES 1. Sherry Turkle, Life on the Screen: Identity in the Age of the Internet (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995), p. 12. 2. Ibid., p. 314. 3. Allucqure Rosanne Stone, The War of Desire and Technology at the Close of the Mechanical Age (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1995), ch. 3. 4. Ruth Oldenziel, Of old and new cyborgs: Feminist narratives of technology, Letterature D America, 14, 55 (1994), p. 103. 5. Edgar A. Whitley, In cyberspace all they see is your words: A review of the relationship between body, behaviour and identity drawn from the sociology of knowledge, OCLC Systems and Services, 13, 4 (1997), pp. 15263. 6. Sadie Plant, Zeros and Ones: Digital Women and the New Technoculture (London: Fourth Estate, 1998), p. 180. 7. Anne-Marie Schleiner, Does Lara Croft wear fake polygons? Gender and gender-role subversion in computer adventure games, Leonardo, 34, 4 (2001), pp. 22126. 8. Justine Cassell and Henry Jenkins, Chess for girls? Feminism and computer games, in Justine Cassell and Henry Jenkins (eds), From Barbie to Mortal Kombat: Gender and Computer Games (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1998), p. 30. sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 158 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: READING 24 (Rethinking) Gender Debra Rosenberg (2007) Growing up in Corinth, Mississippi, J. T. Hayes had a legacy to attend to. His dad was a well-known race-car driver and Hayes spent much of his childhood tinkering in the familys greasy garage, learning how to design and build cars. By the age of 10, he had started racing in his own right. Eventually Hayes won more than 500 regional and national championships in go-kart, midget and sprint racing, even making it to the NASCAR Winston Cup in the early 90s. But behind the trophies and the swagger of the racing circuit, Hayes was harboring a painful secret: he had always believed he was a woman. He had feminine features and a slight frameat 5 feet 6 and 118 pounds he was downright daintyand had always felt, psychologically, like a girl. Only his anatomy got in the way. Since childhood hed wrestled with what to do about it. Hed slip on girl clothes he hid under the mattress and try his hand with makeup. But he knew hed nd little support in his conservative hometown. In 1991, Hayes had a moment of truth. He was driving a sprint car on a dirt track in Little Rock when the car ipped end over end. I was trapped upside down, engine throttle stuck, fuel running all over the racetrack and me, Hayes recalls. The accident didnt scare me, but the thought that I hadnt lived life to its full potential just ran chill bumps up and down my body. That night he vowed to complete the transition to womanhood. Hayes kept racing while he sought therapy and started hormone treatments, hiding his growing breasts under an Ace bandage and baggy T shirts. Finally, in 1994, at 30, Hayes raced on a Saturday night in Memphis, then drove to Colorado the next day for sex-reassignment surgery, selling his prized race car to pay the tab. Hayes chose the name Terri OConnell and began a new life as a woman who gured her racing days were over. But she had no idea what else to do. Eventually, OConnell got a job at the mall selling womens handbags for $8 an hour. OConnell still hopes to race again, but she knows the odds are long: Transgendered and professional motor sports just dont go together. To most of us, gender comes as naturally as breathing. We have no quarrel with the M or the F on our birth certicates. And, crash diets aside, weve made peace with how we want the world to see uspants or skirt, boa or blazer, spiky heels or sneakers. But to those who consider themselves transgender, theres a disconnect between the sex they were assigned at birth and the way they see or express themselves. Though their numbers are relatively fewthe most generous estimate from the National Center for Transgender Equality is between 750,000 and 3 million Americans (fewer than 1 percent)many of them are taking their intimate struggles public for the rst time. In April 2007, L.A. Times sportswriter Mike Penner announced in his column that when he returned from vacation, he would do so as a woman, Christine Daniels. Nine states plus Washington, D.C., have enacted antidiscrimination laws that protect transgender people, and an additional three states have legislation pending, according to the Human Rights Campaign. And in May 2007 the U.S. House of Representatives passed a hate-crimes prevention bill that included gender identity. Todays transgender Americans go far beyond the old stereotypes (think Rocky Horror Picture Show). They are soccer moms, ministers, teachers, politicians, even young children. Their push for tolerance 158 sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 159 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: (Rethinking) Gender | and acceptance is reshaping businesses, sports, schools and families. Its also raising new questions about just what makes us male or female. What is gender anyway? It is certainly more than the physical details of whats between our legs. History and science suggest that gender is more subtle and more complicated than anatomy. (Its separate from sexual orientation, too, which determines which sex were attracted to.) Gender helps us organize the world into two boxes, his and hers, and gives us a way of quickly sizing up every person we see on the street. Gender is a way of making the world secure, says feminist scholar Judith Butler, a rhetoric professor at University of California, Berkeley. Though some scholars like Butler consider gender largely a social construct, others increasingly see it as a complex interplay of biology, genes, hormones and culture. ... Now, as transgender people become more visible and challenge the old boundaries, theyve given voice to another debatewhether gender comes in just two avors. The old categories that everybodys either biologically male or female, that there are two distinct categories and theres no overlap, thats beginning to break down, says Michael Kimmel, a sociology professor at SUNYStony Brook. All of those old categories seem to be more uid. Just the terminology can get confusing. Transsexual is an older term that usually refers to someone who wants to use hormones or surgery to change their sex. Transvestites, now more politely called cross-dressers, occasionally wear clothes of the opposite sex. Transgender is an umbrella term that includes anyone whose gender identity or expression differs from the sex of their birth whether they have surgery or not. Gender identity rst becomes an issue in early childhood, as any parent whos watched a toddler lunge for a truck or a doll can tell you. Thats also when some kids may become aware that their bodies and brains dont quite match up. Jona Rose, a 6-year-old kindergartner in northern California, seems like a girl in nearly every wayshe wears dresses, loves pink and purple, and bestowed female names on all her stuffed animals. But Jona, DEBRA ROSENBERG 159 who was born Jonah, also has a penis. When she was 4, her mom, Pam, offered to buy Jona a dress, and she was so excited she nearly hyperventilated. She began wearing dresses every day to preschool and no one seemed to mind. It wasnt easy at rst. We wrung our hands about this every night, says her dad, Joel. But nally he and Pam decided to let their son live as a girl. They chose a private kindergarten where Jona wouldnt have to hide the fact that he was born a boy, but could comfortably dress like a girl and even use the girls bathroom. She has been pretty adamant from the get-go: I am a girl, says Joel. Male or female, we all start life looking pretty much the same. Genes determine whether a particular human embryo will develop as male or female. But each individual embryo is equipped to be either oneeach possesses the Mllerian ducts that become the female reproductive system as well as the Wolfan ducts that become the male one. Around eight weeks of development, through a complex genetic relay race, the X and the males Y chromosomes kick into gear, directing the structures to become testes or ovaries. . . . After birth, the changes keep coming. In many species, male newborns experience a hormone surge that may organize sexual and behavioral traits, says Nirao Shah, a neuroscientist at UCSF. In rats, testosterone given in the rst week of life can cause female babies to behave more like males once they reach adulthood. These changes are thought to be irreversible, says Shah. Between 1 and 5 months, male human babies also experience a hormone surge. Its still unclear exactly what effect that surge has on the human brain, but it happens just when parents are oohing and aahing over their new arrivals. Heres where culture comes in. Studies have shown that parents treat boys and girls very differentlybreast-feeding boys longer but talking more to girls. Thats going on while the babys brain is engaged in a massive growth spurt. The brain doubles in size in the rst ve years after birth, and the connectivity between the cells goes up hundreds of orders of magnitude, says Anne Fausto-Sterling, a biologist and feminist at Brown University who is currently investigating whether subtle differences sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 160 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 160 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society in parental behavior could inuence gender identity in very young children. The brain is interacting with culture from day one. So whats different in transgender people? Scientists dont know for certain. Though their hormone levels seem to be the same as non-trans levels, some scientists speculate that their brains react differently to the hormones, just as mens differ from womens. But that could take decades of further research to prove. . . . For now, transgender issues are classied as Gender Identity Disorder in the psychiatric manual DSM-IV. Thats controversial, toogay-rights activists spent years campaigning to have homosexuality removed from the manual. Gender uidity hasnt always seemed shocking. Cross-dressing was common in ancient Greece and Rome, as well as among Native Americans and many other indigenous societies, according to Deborah Rudacille, author of The Riddle of Gender. Court records from the Jamestown settlement in 1629 describe the case of Thomas Hall, who claimed to be both a man and a woman. Of course, whats considered masculine or feminine has long been a moving target. Our Founding Fathers wouldnt be surprised to see men today with long hair or earrings, but they might be puzzled by women in pants. Transgender opponents have often turned to the Bible for support. Deut. 22:5 says: The woman shall not wear that which pertaineth unto a man, neither shall a man put on a womans garment: for all that do so are abomination unto the Lord thy God. When word leaked in February 2007 that Steve Stanton, the Largo, Florida, city manager for 14 years, was planning to transition to life as a woman, the community erupted. At a public meeting over whether Stanton should be red, one of many critics, Ron Sanders, pastor of the Lighthouse Baptist Church, insisted that Jesus would want him terminated. (Stanton did lose his job and later appeared as Susan Stanton on Capitol Hill to lobby for antidiscrimination laws.) Equating gender change with homosexuality, Sanders says that its an abomination, which means that its utterly disgusting. Not all people of faith would agree. Baptist minister John Nemecek, 56, was surng the Web one weekend in 2003, when his wife was at a baby shower. Desperate for clues to his long-suppressed feelings of femininity, he stumbled across an article about gender-identity disorder on WebMD. The suggested remedy was sex-reassignment surgery something Nemecek soon thought he had to do. Many families can be ripped apart by such drastic changes, but Nemeceks wife of 33 years stuck by him. His employer of 15 years, Spring Arbor University, a faith-based liberal-arts college in Michigan, did not. Nemecek says the school claimed that transgenderism violated its Christian principles, and when it renewed Nemeceks contractby then she was taking hormones and using the name Julieit barred her from dressing as a woman on campus or even wearing earrings. Her workload and pay were cut, too, she says. She led a discrimination claim, which was later settled through mediation. (The university declined to comment on the case.) Nemecek says she has no trouble squaring her gender change and her faith. Actively expressing the feminine in me has helped me grow closer to God, she says. Others have had better luck transitioning. Karen Kopriva, now 49, kept her job teaching high school in Lake Forest, Illinois, when she shaved her beard and made the switch from Ken. When Mark Stumpp, a vice president at Prudential Financial, returned to work as Margaret in 2002, she sent a memo to her colleagues (subject: Me) explaining the change. We all joked about wearing pantyhose and whether my condition was contagious, she says. But when the dust settled, everyone got back to work. Companies like IBM and Kodak now cover trans-related medical care. And 125 Fortune 500 companies now protect transgender employees from job discrimination, up from three in 2000. Discrimination may not be the worst worry for transgender people: they are also at high risk of violence and hate crimes. Perhaps no eld has wrestled more with the issue of gender than sports. There have long been accusations about male athletes trying to pass as women, or womens taking testosterone to gain a competitive edge. In the 1960s, would-be female Olympians were required to undergo genderscreening tests. Essentially, that meant baring all sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 161 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: (Rethinking) Gender | before a panel of doctors who could verify that an athlete had girl parts. That method was soon scrapped in favor of a genetic test. But that quickly led to confusion over a handful of genetic disorders that give typical-looking women chromosomes other than the usual XX. Finally, the International Olympic Committee ditched mandatory lab-based screening, too. We found there is no scientically sound lab-based technique that can differentiate between man and woman, says Arne Ljungqvist, chair of the IOCs medical commission. The IOC recently waded into controversy again: In 2004 it issued regulations allowing transsexual athletes to compete in the Olympics if theyve had sex-reassignment surgery and have taken hormones for two years. After convening a panel of experts, the IOC decided that the surgery and hormones would compensate for any hormonal or muscular advantage a male-to-female transsexual would have. (Female-to-male athletes would be allowed to take testosterone, but only at levels that wouldnt give them a boost.) So far, Ljungqvist doesnt know of any transsexual athletes whove competed. Ironically, Renee Richards, who won a lawsuit in 1977 for the right to play tennis as a woman after her own sex-reassignment surgery, questions the fairness of the IOC rule. She thinks decisions should be made on a case-by-case basis. Richards and other pioneers reect the huge cultural shift over a generation of gender change. Now 70, Richards rejects the term transgender along with all the uidity it conveys. God didnt put us on this earth to have gender diversity, she says. I dont like the kids that are experimenting. I didnt want to be something in between. I didnt want to be trans anything. I wanted to be a man or a woman. But more young people are embracing something we would traditionally consider in between. Because of the expense, invasiveness, and mixed results (especially for women becoming men), only 1,000 to 2,000 Americans each year get sexreassignment surgerya number thats on the rise, says Mara Keisling of the National Center for Transgender Equality. Mykell Miller, a Northwestern University student born female who now DEBRA ROSENBERG 161 considers himself male, hides his breasts under a special compression vest. Though he one day wants to take hormones and get a mastectomy, he cant yet afford it. But that doesnt affect his selfimage. I challenge the idea that all men were born with male bodies, he says. I dont go out of my way to be the biggest, strongest guy. Nowhere is the issue more pressing at the moment than a place that helped give rise to the feminist movement a generation ago: Smith College in Northampton, Massachusetts. Though Smith was one of the original Seven Sisters womens colleges, its students have now taken to calling it a mostly womens college, in part because of a growing number of transmen who decide to become male after theyve enrolled. In 2004, students voted to remove pronouns from the student government constitution as a gesture to transgender students who no longer identied with she or her. (Smith is also one of 70 schools that have antidiscrimination policies protecting transgender students.) For now, anyone who is enrolled at Smith may graduate, but in order to be admitted in the rst place, you must have been born a female. Tobias Davis, class of 03, entered Smith as a woman, but graduated as a transman. When he rst told friends over dinner, I think I might be a boy, they were instantly behind him, saying Great! Have you picked a name yet? Davis passed as male for his junior year abroad in Italy even without taking hormones; he had a mastectomy last fall. Now 25, Davis works at Smith and writes plays about the transgender experience. (His work The Naked I: Monologues From Beyond the Binary is a trans take on The Vagina Monologues.) As kids at ever-younger ages grapple with issues of gender variance, doctors, psychologists, and parents are weighing how to balance immediate desires and long-term ones. Like Jona Rose, many kids begin questioning gender as toddlers, identifying with the other genders toys and clothes. Five times as many boys as girls say their gender doesnt match their biological sex, says Dr. Edgardo Menvielle, a psychiatrist who heads a gender-variance outreach program at Childrens National Medical Center. (Perhaps thats because sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 162 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 162 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society its easier for girls to blend in as tomboys.) Many of these children eventually move on and accept their biological sex, says Menvielle, often when theyre exposed to a disapproving larger world or when theyre inuenced by the hormone surges of puberty. Only about 15 percent continue to show signs of gender-identity problems into adulthood, says Ken Zucker, who heads the Gender Identity Service at the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health in Toronto. In the past, doctors often advised parents to direct their kids into more gender-appropriate clothing and behavior. Zucker still tells parents of unhappy boys to try more-neutral activitiessay, chess club instead of football. But now the thinking is that kids should lead the way. If a child persists in wanting to be the other gender, doctors may prescribe hormone blockers to keep puberty at bay. (Blockers have no permanent effects.) But theyre also increasingly willing to take more lasting steps: Isaak Brown (who started life as Liza) began taking male hormones at 16; at 17 he had a mastectomy. READING For parents like Colleen Vincente, 44, following a childs lead seems only natural. Her second child, M. (Vincente asked to use an initial to protect the childs privacy), was born female. But as soon as she could talk, she insisted on wearing boys clothes. Though M. had plenty of dolls, she gravitated toward the boy things and soon wanted to shave off all her hair. We went along with that, says Vincente. We gured it was a phase. One day, when she was 2-1/2, M. overheard her parents talking about her using female pronouns. He said, NoIm a him. You need to call me him, Vincente recalls. We were shocked. In his California preschool, M. continued to insist he was a boy and decided to change his name. Vincente and her husband, John, consulted a therapist, who conrmed their instincts to let M. guide them. Now 9, M. lives as a boy and most people have no idea he was born otherwise. The most important thing is to realize this is who your child is, Vincente says. Thats a big step for a family, but could be an even bigger one for the rest of the world. 25 Masculinities and Globalization R. W. Connell (1999) [In this article] I offer a framework for thinking about masculinities as a feature of world society and for thinking about mens gender practices in terms of the global structure and dynamics of gender. . . . THE WORLD GENDER ORDER Masculinities do not rst exist and then come into contact with femininities; they are produced together, in the process that constitutes a gender order. Accordingly, to understand the masculini- ties on a world scale, we must rst have a concept of the globalization of gender. This is one of the most difcult points in current gender analysis because the very conception is counterintuitive. We are so accustomed to thinking of gender as the attribute of an individual, even as an unusually intimate attribute, that it requires a considerable wrench to think of gender on the vast scale of global society. Most relevant discussions, such as the literature on women and development, fudge the issue. They treat the entities that extend internationally (markets, corporations, intergovernmental programs, etc.) as ungendered in sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 163 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Masculinities and Globalization | principlebut affecting unequally gendered recipients of aid in practice, because of bad policies. Such conceptions reproduce the familiar liberal-feminist view of the state as in principle gender-neutral, though empirically dominated by men. But if we recognize that very large scale institutions such as the state are themselves gendered, in quite precise and speciable ways (Connell 1990), and if we recognize that international relations, international trade, and global markets are inherently an arena of gender formation and gender politics (Enloe 1990), then we can recognize the existence of a world gender order. The term can be dened as the structure of relationships that interconnect the gender regimes of institutions, and the gender orders of local society, on a world scale. That is, however, only a denition. The substantive questions remain: what is the shape of that structure, how tightly are its elements linked, how has it arisen historically, what is its trajectory into the future? Current business and media talk about globalization pictures a homogenizing process sweeping across the world, driven by new technologies, producing vast unfettered global markets in which all participate on equal terms. This is a misleading image. As Hirst and Thompson (1996) show, the global economy is highly unequal and the current degree of homogenization is often overestimated. Multinational corporations based in the three major economic powers (the United States, European Union, and Japan) are the major economic actors worldwide. The structure bears the marks of its history. Modern global society was historically produced, as Wallerstein (1974) argued, by the economic and political expansion of European states from the fteenth century on and by the creation of colonial empires. It is in this process that we nd the roots of the modern world gender order. Imperialism was, from the start, a gendered process. Its rst phase, colonial conquest and settlement, was carried out by gender-segregated forces, and it resulted in massive disruption of indigenous gender orders. In its second phase, the stabilization of colonial societies, new gender R. W. CONNELL 163 divisions of labor were produced in plantation economies and colonial cities, while gender ideologies were linked with racial hierarchies and the cultural defense of empire. The third phase, marked by political decolonization, economic neo- colonialism, and the current growth of world markets and structures of nancial control, has seen gender divisions of labor remade on a massive scale in the global factory (Fuentes and Ehrenreich 1983), as well as the spread of gendered violence alongside Western military technology. The result of this history is a partially integrated, highly unequal and turbulent world society, in which gender relations are partly but unevenly linked on a global scale. The unevenness becomes clear when different substructures of gender (Connell 1987; Walby 1990) are examined separately. [These substructures include:] The Division of Labor. A characteristic feature of colonial and neocolonial economies was the restructuring of local production systems to produce a male wage workerfemale domestic worker couple (Mies 1986). This need not produce a housewife in the Western suburban sense, for instance, where the wage work involved migration to plantations or mines (Moodie 1994). But it has generally produced the identication of masculinity with the public realm and the money economy and of femininity with domesticity, which is a core feature of the modern European gender system (Holter 1997). Power Relations. The colonial and postcolonial world has tended to break down purdah systems of patriarchy in the name of modernization, if not of womens emancipation (Kandiyoti 1994). At the same time, the creation of a westernized public realm has seen the growth of large-scale organizations in the form of the state and corporations, which in the great majority of cases are culturally masculinized and controlled by men. In comprador capitalism, however, the power of local elites depends on their relations with the metropolitan powers, so the hegemonic masculinities of neocolonial societies are uneasily poised between local and global cultures. sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 164 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 164 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society Emotional Relations. Both religious and cultural missionary activity has corroded indigenous homosexual and cross-gender practice, such as the Native American berdache and the Chinese passion of the cut sleeve (Hinsch 1990). Recently developed Western models of romantic heterosexual love as the basis for marriage and of gay identity as the main alternative have now circulated globallythough as Altman (1996) observes, they do not simply displace indigenous models, but interact with them in extremely complex ways. Symbolization. Mass media, especially electronic media, in most parts of the world follow North American and European models and relay a great deal of metropolitan content; gender imagery is an important part of what is circulated. A striking example is the reproduction of a North American imagery of femininity by Xuxa, the blonde television superstar in Brazil (Simpson 1993). In counterpoint, exotic gender imagery has been used in the marketing strategies of newly industrializing countries (e.g., airline advertising from Southeast Asia)a tactic based on the long-standing combination of the exotic and the erotic in the colonial imagination (Jolly 1997). Clearly, the world gender order is not simply an extension of a traditional European-American gender order. That gender order was changed by colonialism, and elements from other cultures now circulate globally. Yet in no sense do they mix on equal terms, to produce a United Colours of Benetton gender order. The culture and institutions of the North Atlantic countries are hegemonic within the emergent world system. This is crucial for understanding the kinds of masculinities produced within it. THE REPOSITIONING OF MEN AND THE RECONSTITUTION OF MASCULINITIES The positioning of men and the constitution of masculinities may be analyzed at any of the levels at which gender practice is congured: in relation to the body, in personal life, and in collective social practice. At each level, we need to consider how the processes of globalization inuence congurations of gender. Mens bodies are positioned in the gender order, and enter the gender process, through body-reexive practices in which bodies are both objects and agents (Connell 1995)including sexuality, violence, and labor. The conditions of such practice include where one is and who is available for interaction. So it is a fact of considerable importance for gender relations that the global social order distributes and redistributes bodies, through migration, and through political controls over movement and interaction. The creation of empire was the original elite migration, though in certain cases mass migration followed. Through settler colonialism, something close to the gender order of Western Europe was reassembled in North America and in Australia. Labor migration within the colonial systems was a means by which gender practices were spread, but also a means by which they were reconstructed, since labor migration was itself a gendered processas we have seen in relation to the gender division of labor. Migration from the colonized world to the metropole became (except for Japan) a mass process in the decades after World War II. There is also migration within the periphery, such as the creation of a very large immigrant labor force, mostly from other Muslim countries, in the oil-producing Gulf states. These relocations of bodies create the possibility of hybridization in gender imagery, sexuality, and other forms of practice. The movement is not always toward synthesis, however, as the race/ ethnic hierarchies of colonialism have been recreated in new contexts, including the politics of the metropole. Ethnic and racial conict has been growing in importance in recent years, and as Klein (1997) and Tillner (1997) argue, this is a fruitful context for the production of masculinities oriented toward domination and violence. Even without the context of violence, there can be an intimate interweaving of the formation of masculinity with the formation of ethnic identity, as seen in the study by Poynting, Noble, and Tabar (1997) of Lebanese youths in the Anglo-dominant culture of Australia. sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 165 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Masculinities and Globalization | At the level of personal life as well as in relation to bodies, the making of masculinities is shaped by global forces. In some cases, the link is indirect, such as the working-class Australian men caught in a situation of structural unemployment (Connell 1995), which arises from Australias changing position in the global economy. In other cases, the link is obvious, such as the executives of multinational corporations and the nancial sector servicing international trade. The requirements of a career in international business set up strong pressures on domestic life: almost all multinational executives are men, and the assumption in business magazines and advertising directed toward them is that they will have dependent wives running their homes and bringing up their children. At the level of collective practice, masculinities are reconstituted by the remaking of gender meanings and the reshaping of the institutional contexts of practice. Let us consider each in turn. The growth of global mass media, especially electronic media, is an obvious vector for the globalization of gender. Popular entertainment circulates stereotyped gender images, deliberately made attractive for marketing purposes. International news media are also controlled or strongly inuenced from the metropole and circulate Western denitions of authoritative masculinity, criminality, desirable femininity, and so on. But there are limits to the power of global mass communications. Some local centers of mass entertainment differ from the Hollywood model, such as the Indian popular lm industry centered in Bombay. Further, media research emphasizes that audiences are highly selective in their reception of media messages, and we must allow for popular recognition of the fantasy in mass entertainment. Just as economic globalization can be exaggerated, the creation of a global culture is a more turbulent and uneven process than is often assumed (Featherstone 1995). More important, I would argue, is a process that began long before electronic media existed, the export of institutions. Gendered institutions not only circulate denitions of masculinity (and femininity), as sex role theory notes. The R. W. CONNELL 165 functioning of gendered institutions, creating specic conditions for social practice, calls into existence specic patterns of practice. Thus, certain patterns of collective violence are embedded in the organization and culture of a Western-style army, which are different from the patterns of precolonial violence. Certain patterns of calculative egocentrism are embedded in the working of a stock market; certain patterns of rule following and domination are embedded in a bureaucracy. Now, the colonial and postcolonial world saw the installation in the periphery, on a very large scale, of a range of institutions on the North Atlantic model: armies, states, bureaucracies, corporations, capital markets, labor markets, schools, law courts, transport systems. These are gendered institutions and their functioning has directly reconstituted masculinities in the periphery. This has not necessarily meant photocopies of European masculinities. Rather, pressures for change are set up that are inherent in the institutional form. To the extent that particular institutions become dominant in world society, the patterns of masculinity embedded in them may become global standards. Masculine dress is an interesting indicator: almost every political leader in the world now wears the uniform of the Western business executive. The more common pattern, however, is not the complete displacement of local patterns but the articulation of the local gender order with the gender regime of global-model institutions. Case studies such as Hollways (1994) account of bureaucracy in Tanzania illustrate the point; there, domestic patriarchy articulated with masculine authority in the state in ways that subverted the governments formal commitment to equal opportunity for women. We should not expect the overall structure of gender relations on a world scale simply to mirror patterns known on the smaller scale. In the most vital of respects, there is continuity. The world gender order is unquestionably patriarchal, in the sense that it privileges men over women. There is a patriarchal dividend for men arising from unequal wages, unequal labor force participation, and a highly unequal structure of ownership, as well as cultural and sexual privileging. This has sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 166 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 166 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society been extensively documented by feminist work on womens situation globally (e.g., Taylor 1985), though its implications for masculinity have mostly been ignored. The conditions thus exist for the production of a hegemonic masculinity on a world scale, that is to say, a dominant form of masculinity that embodies, organizes, and legitimates mens domination in the gender order as a whole. The conditions of globalization, which involve the interaction of many local gender orders, certainly multiply the forms of masculinity in the global gender order. At the same time, the specic shape of globalization, concentrating economic and cultural power on an unprecedented scale, provides new resources for dominance by particular groups of men. This dominance may become institutionalized in a pattern of masculinity that becomes, to some degree, standardized across localities. I will call such patterns globalizing masculinities, and it is among them, rather than narrowly within the metropole, that we are likely to nd candidates for hegemony in the world gender order. ... MASCULINITIES OF POSTCOLONIALISM AND NEOLIBERALISM ... With the collapse of Soviet communism, the decline of postcolonial socialism, and the ascendancy of the new right in Europe and North America, world politics is more and more organized around the needs of transnational capital and the creation of global markets. The neoliberal agenda has little to say, explicitly, about gender: it speaks a gender-neutral language of markets, individuals, and choice. But the world in which neoliberalism is ascendant is still a gendered world, and neoliberalism has an implicit gender politics. The individual of neoliberal theory has in general the attributes and interests of a male entrepreneur, the attack on the welfare state generally weakens the position of women, while the increasingly unregulated power of transnational corporations places strategic power in the hands of particular groups of men. It is not surprising, then, that the installation of capitalism in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union has been accompanied by a reassertion of dominating masculinities and, in some situations, a sharp worsening in the social position of women. We might propose, then, that the hegemonic form of masculinity in the current world gender order is the masculinity associated with those who control its dominant institutions: the business executives who operate in global markets, and the political executives who interact (and in many contexts, merge) with them. I will call this transnational business masculinity. This is not readily available for ethnographic study, but we can get some clues to its character from its reections in management literature, business journalism, and corporate self-promotion, and from studies of local business elites (e.g., Donaldson 1997). As a rst approximation, I would suggest this is a masculinity marked by increasing egocentrism, very conditional loyalties (even to the corporation), and a declining sense of responsibility for others (except for purposes of image making). Gee, Hull and Lankshear (1996), studying recent management textbooks, note the peculiar construction of the executive in fast capitalism as a person with no permanent commitments, except (in effect) to the idea of accumulation itself. Transnational business masculinity is characterized by a limited technical rationality (management theory), which is increasingly separate from science. Transnational business masculinity differs from traditional bourgeois masculinity by its increasingly libertarian sexuality, with a growing tendency to commodify relations with women. Hotels catering to businessmen in most parts of the world now routinely offer pornographic videos, and in some parts of the world, there is a welldeveloped prostitution industry catering for international businessmen. Transnational business masculinity does not require bodily force, since the patriarchal dividend on which it rests is accumulated by impersonal, institutional means. But corporations increasingly use the exemplary bodies of elite sportsmen as a marketing tool (note the phenomenal growth of corporate sponsorship sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 167 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Masculinities and Globalization | of sport in the last generation) and indirectly as a means of legitimation for the whole gender order. MASCULINITY POLITICS ON A WORLD SCALE Recognizing global society as an arena of masculinity formation allows us to pose new questions about masculinity politics. What social dynamics in the global arena give rise to masculinity politics, and what shape does global masculinity politics take? The gradual creation of a world gender order has meant many local instabilities of gender. Gender instability is a familiar theme of poststructuralist theory, but this school of thought takes as a universal condition a situation that is historically specic. Instabilities range from the disruption of mens local cultural dominance as women move into the public realm and higher education, through the disruption of sexual identities that produced queer politics in the metropole, to the shifts in the urban intelligentsia that produced the new sensitive man and other images of gender change. One response to such instabilities, on the part of groups whose power is challenged but still dominant, is to reafrm local gender orthodoxies and hierarchies. A masculine fundamentalism is, accordingly, a common response in gender politics at present. A soft version, searching for an essential masculinity among myths and symbols, is offered by the mythopoetic mens movement in the United States and by the religious revivalists of the Promise Keepers (Messner 1997). A much harder version is found, in that country, in the right-wing militia movement brought to world attention by the Oklahoma City bombing (Gibson 1994), and in contemporary Afghanistan, if we can trust Western media reports, in the militant misogyny of the Talibaan. It is no coincidence that in the two latter cases, hardline masculine fundamentalism goes together with a marked anti-internationalism. The world systemrightly enoughis seen as the source of pollution and disruption. Not that the emerging global order is a hotbed of gender progressivism. Indeed, the neoliberal agenda for the reform of national and interna- R. W. CONNELL 167 tional economics involves closing down historic possibilities for gender reform. I have noted how it subverts the gender compromise represented by the metropolitan welfare state. It has also undermined the progressive-liberal agendas of sex role reform represented by afrmative action programs, antidiscrimination provisions, child care services, and the like. Right-wing parties and governments have been persistently cutting such programs, in the name of either individual liberties or global competitiveness. Through these means, the patriarchal dividend to men is defended or restored, without an explicit masculinity politics in the form of a mobilization of men. Within the arenas of international relations, the international state, multinational corporations, and global markets, there is nevertheless a deployment of masculinities and a reasonably clear hegemony. The transnational business masculinity described above has had only one major competitor for hegemony in recent decades, the rigid, control-oriented masculinity of the military, and the military-style bureaucratic dictatorships of Stalinism. With the collapse of Stalinism and the end of the cold war, Big Brother (Orwells famous parody of this form of masculinity) is a fading threat, and the more exible, calculative, egocentric masculinity of the fast capitalist entrepreneur holds the world stage. We must, however, recall two important conclusions of the ethnographic moment in masculinity research: that different forms of masculinity exist together and that hegemony is constantly subject to challenge. These are possibilities in the global arena too. Transnational business masculinity is not completely homogeneous; variations of it are embedded in different parts of the world system, which may not be completely compatible. We may distinguish a Confucian variant, based in East Asia, with a stronger commitment to hierarchy and social consensus, from a secularized Christian variant, based in North America, with more hedonism and individualism and greater tolerance for social conict. In certain arenas, there is already conict between the business and political leaderships embodying these forms of masculinity: initially over human rights versus Asian sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 168 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: 168 CHAPTER 3 | Learning Gender in a Diverse Society values, and more recently over the extent of trade and investment liberalization. If these are contenders for hegemony, there is also the possibility of opposition to hegemony. The global circulation of gay identity (Altman 1996) is an important indication that nonhegemonic masculinities may operate in global arenas, and may even nd a certain political articulation, in this case around human rights and AIDS prevention. REFERENCES Altman, Dennis. 1996. Rupture or continuity? The internationalisation of gay identities. Social Text 48 (3): 7794. Connell, R. W. 1987. Gender and power. Cambridge, MA: Polity. . 1990. The state, gender and sexual politics: Theory and appraisal. Theory and Society 19:50744. . 1995. Masculinities. Cambridge, MA: Polity. Donaldson, Mike. 1997. Growing up very rich: The masculinity of the hegemonic. Paper presented at the conference Masculinities: Renegotiating Genders, June, University of Wollongong, Australia. Enloe, Cynthia. 1990. Bananas, beaches and bases: Making feminist sense of international politics. Berkeley: University of California Press. Featherstone, Mike. 1995. Undoing culture: Globalization, postmodernism and identity. London: Sage. Fuentes, Annette, and Barbara Ehrenreich. 1983. Women in the global factory. Boston: South End. Gee, James Paul, Glynda Hall, and Colin Lankshear. 1996. The new work order: Behind the language of the new capitalism. Sydney: Allen & Unwin. Gibson, J. William. 1994. Warrior dreams: Paramilitary culture in post-Vietnam America. New York: Hill and Wang. Hinsch, Bret. 1990. Passions of the cut sleeve: The male homosexual tradition in China. Berkeley: University of California Press. Hirst, Paul, and Grahame Thompson. 1996. Globalization in question: The international economy and the possibilities of governance. Cambridge, MA: Polity. Hollway, Wendy. 1994. Separation, integration and difference: Contradictions in a gender regime. In Power/gender: Social relations in theory and practice, edited by H. Lorraine Radtke and Henderikus Stam, 24769. London: Sage. Holter, Oystein Gullvag. 1997. Gender, patriarchy and capitalism: A social forms analysis. Ph.D. diss., University of Oslo, Faculty of Social Science. Jolly, Margaret. 1997. From point Venus to Bali Hai: Eroticism and exoticism in representations of the Pacic. In Sites of desire, economies of pleasure: Sexualities in Asia and the Pacic, edited by Lenore Manderson and Margaret Jolly, 99122. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Kandiyoti, Deniz. 1994. The paradoxes of masculinity: Some thoughts on segregated societies. In Dislocating masculinity: Comparative ethnographies, edited by Andrea Cornwall and Nancy Lindisfarne, 197213. London: Routledge. Klein, Uta. 1997. Our best boys: The making of masculinity in Israeli society. Paper presented at UNESCO expert group meeting on Male Roles and Masculinities in the Perspectives of a Culture of Peace, September, Oslo. Messner, Michael A. 1997. The politics of masculinities: Men in movements. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Mies, Maria. 1986. Patriarchy and accumulation on a world scale: Women in the international division of labour. London: Zed. Moodie, T. Dunbar. 1994. Going for gold: Men, mines, and migration. Johannesburg: Witwatersand University Press. Poynting, S., G. Noble, and P. Tabar. 1997. Intersections of masculinity and ethnicity: A study of male Lebanese immigrant youth in Western Sydney. Paper presented at the conference Masculinities: Renegotiating Genders, June, University of Wollongong, Australia. Simpson, Amelia. 1993. Xuxa: The mega-marketing of a gender, race and modernity. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Taylor, Debbie. 1985. Women: An analysis. In Women: A world report, 198. London: Methuen. Tillner, Georg. 1997. Masculinity and xenophobia. Paper presented at UNESCO meeting on Male Roles and Masculinities in the Perspective of a Culture of Peace, September, Oslo. Walby, Sylvia. 1990. Theorizing patriarchy. Oxford, U.K.: Blackwell. Wallerstein, Immanuel. 1974. The modern worldsystem: Capitalist agriculture and the origins of the European world-economy in the sixteenth century. New York: Academic Press. sha12281_ch03_124-169 07/03/2008 1:04 pm Page 169 pinnacle 201:MHSF054:mhsha4:sha4ch03: Suggestions for Further Reading DISCUSSION QUESTIONS FOR CHAPTER 3 1. How do notions of sex and gender take shape within a cultural context? In what ways has your cultural context shaped your notions of sex and gender? 2. How would you describe the dominant notions of masculinity and femininity in U.S. society? How do these dominant notions help maintain systems of inequality? 3. How do people learn to do gender? Can you think of ways youve learned to do gender? From what sources did you learn to do gender? 4. How does gender ranking reinforce sexism? 5. How is the experience of sexism shaped by the conuences of other systems of oppression? SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING Bornstein, Kate. My Gender Workbook. New York: Routledge, 1998. Boylan, Jennifer Finney. Shes Not There: A Life in Two Genders. New York: Broadway, 2003. Browne, Jude, ed. The Future of Gender. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Butler, Judith. Undoing Gender. New York: Routledge, 2004. Fausto-Sterling, Anne. Sexing the Body: Gender Politics and the Construction of Sexuality. New York: Basic Books, 2000. Feinberg, Leslie. Transgender Warriors. Boston: Beacon, 1996. Green, Eileen, Virtual Gender: Technology, Consumption and Identity. London: Taylor & Francis, 2007. Howey, Noelle. Dress Codes: Of Three GirlhoodsMy Mothers, My Fathers, and Mine. New York: St. Martins Press, 2002. Roughgarden, Joan. Evolutions Rainbow: Diversity, Gender, and Sexuality in Nature and People. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004. 169

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6.5 Study the BMWs Dream Factory and Culture case (p. 550) and answer the fouraccompanying questions.1) How would you describe the culture at BMW?BMW has a family type of working culture, which can be described as an entrepreneurialwork culture. Anoth
American Intl. University - ECON - 201
6.6 Study ROWE Program at Best Buy case (p. 553) and answer the four accompanyingquestions.1) What approach to organizational change does the ROWE program illustrate?The ROWE model seems to adopt the concept of having a nontraditional workplace. Theru
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6.7 Study the Whole Foods Market case (p. 555), and answer the five accompanying questions.1) Describe John Mackeys personality. How does his personality impact his running of WholeFoods?John Mackey is very emotionally stable. He is very passionate abo
American Intl. University - ECON - 201
6.8 Study the Road to Hell case (p. 559), and answer the seven accompanying questions.1) What were Bakers intentions in the conversation with Rennalls? Were they fulfilled or not,and why?Bakers intentions were to acknowledge Rennalls for being a great
American Intl. University - ECON - 201
6.9 Study the How Personal Can Ethics Get? case (p. 562) and answer the two accompanyingquestions.1) What ethical dilemmas are facing Valerie?Valerie is facing several ethical concepts and dilemmas. Her dilemma is completely related toethical decision
American Intl. University - ECON - 201
6.10 Summarize the most important concepts you have learned from this course inOrganizational Behavior.I have learned that I have a moderate degree of self-efficacy, and that I am a very goodcommunicator among my co-workers. I learned that I believe th
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR - 251
CalculusIn-Class Assignment #5(3.1+3.2)Name_KEY_Complete all of the following problems. Show work when appropriate.1) When f is defined by f ( x ) = x , find a sothat f ( a) is three times the value of f (2) .f ( x ) = x1 / 21f ( x) = x -1 / 22
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Problem 4.3Page 93You Win!You Lose!5 Inconclusive!Roll1234567891011121314151617181920=RANDBETWEEN(1,6) =RANDBETWEEN(1,6) =C7+D7Die1Die2Total1315661526461261334316242426641623646656=IF(O
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR - 251
Matrix LectureThis stuff works with LINEARSYSTEMS OF EQUATIONSProb 12.1 a) pg 348AB132-2133-210.10.510.2-0.5-2.50.20.401-0.1-0.21103423420517073-14A Inverse0.166667 0.261905 0.02381-0.16667 -0.11905 0.2619050.
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR - 251
Prob 16.22Pg 503diameter, feet, d =velocity, ft/sec, v =thickness of insulation, feet, t =density, lbm/ft3 rho, (given) =oil flow, w lbm/hrPumping Power, P =Heat Loss, Btu/hr, Q =Pumping cost, Cp =Cost of Insulation, dollars, Ci =of Energy Lost
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13.1Page 38613.1 a)delta x =x54.543.532.521.51delta x =x54.84.64.44.243.83.63.43.232.82.62.42.221.81.61.41.210.5f(x)12591.1256442.8752715.62583.37510.2f(x)125110.59297.33685.18474.0886454.87246.656
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StateAlaskaRegional LocationNorthwestCaliforniaSouthwestColoradoSouthwestFloridaSouthIowaMidwestMissouriMidwestNew YorkNortheastNorth CarolinaSouthNorth DakotaMidwestPennsylvaniaNortheastRhode IslandNortheastTexasSouthwestVirgini
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MANCHESTER COMMUNITY COLLEGEPhysics 222, Calculus-Based Physics IIAnswers to Final Exam Practice-ProblemsKey: CW Clockwise . CCW Counterclockwise.TyqExmgFigure 1:1. a) Refer to Figure 1.b) 0.779 C.c) Positive.2. Refer to the textbook.3. a) 8
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR - 251
PHY* 222Project-ProblemsPhysics 222 ProjectsStatements of the ProblemsForm a group with two to three members and choose one of the following projects. The goalsof these projects are (i) to understand and explain the role of circuit elements such as r
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR - 251
Solutions to HomeworkSection 1.1 #1, 7, 13, 17, 19-22, 23, 251.7.Since the system is inconsistent, the solution set is empty.Inconsistent System!13.17. Row reduce the augmented matrix of the corresponding system:The third equation in the system is
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR - 251
Solutions to HomeworkSection 1.2 #1, 3, 7, 11, 13, 17, 19, 211. Study Guide:To check whether a matrix is in echelon form, ask these questions:(i).Is every nonzero row above the all-zero rows (if any)?Matrix (c) fails this test, so it is NOT in echel
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR - 251
Solutions to HomeworkSection 1.3 #1, 3, 7, 9, 11, 13, 17, 19, 231.3.7.9.11. To be handed in.13. To be handed in.17. Answers will vary. Any weights on v1 and v2 are allowed. Here are some example answers:19. To be handed in.23. Will be discussed
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR - 251
Solutions to HomeworkSection 1.4 #1, 5, 7, 9, 13, 19, 231. Undefined the number of columns of A must equal the number of entries of x.5.7.9. Vector Equation:Matrix Equation:13. The vector u is in the plane spanned by the columns of A if and only if
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR - 251
B rown U niversity School o f Engineering ENGN0030: I ntroduction t o Engineering Homework 3 Solutions Due: Thursday October 6 By 10:20 in Lecture o rBy 4:00pm delivered t o Stephanie Gesualdi on1 . (Prob. 5.27) The airplane's weight is W7 thf l
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR - 251
Classwork Activity #1Given the following system of linear equations:cfw_Write the augmented matrix for this system.Use elementary row operations to reducethe matrix TO THE POINT WHEREYOU CAN DETERMINE IF THEMATRIX REPRESENTS ACONSISTENT OR INCONSI
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR - 251
Classwork Activity Sections 1.3 & 1.41. Given the following vectors:Determine if[][]is a linear combination ofThat is, can we find weights,,[][].such that[][][][]Solving this vector equation can be done using an augmented matrix:
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR,PHYS, - 251,221
CalculusIn-Class Assignment #7Name_KEY_Complete all of the following problems. Show work when appropriate.1. If f ( x ) = (2 + 3 x ) , find f ( 4 ) ( x ) .3f ! ( x ) = 4 (2 + 3 x ) ( 3)4= 12(2 + 3 x )f ( x ) = 3 xe x5.[f ! ( x ) = 3 xe x (2 x
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR,PHYS, - 251,221
CalculusIn-Class Assignment #8(3.5)Name_KEY_Complete all of the following problems. Show work when appropriate.1) Use the Quotient Rule to prove thatd1#[cot x ] = ! csc 2 x . Hint: & cot x =$!dxtan x "%d ' cos x $ sin x(! sin x) ! cos x(cos
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR,PHYS, - 251,221
CalculusIn-Class Assignment #9(3.7)Name_KEY_Complete all of the following problems. Show work when appropriate.1) If f is continuous for all x and2 x 2 ! 5 x ! 12f ( x) =, x " 4,x!4determine the value of f (4).f ( x) =(2 x + 3)( x ! 4)x!4f (
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR,PHYS, - 251,221
CalculusIn-Class Assignment #10(3.6)Name_Complete all of the following problems. Show work when appropriate.Find the derivative of the following.Find the Derivative of the following.1) h ( x ) = ln(2 x 2 + 1)4xh( x) = 22x +1f ( x ) = 2 arcsin(
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR,PHYS, - 251,221
CalculusIn-Class Assignment #11(3.9)Name_KEY_Complete all of the following problems. Show work when appropriate.1) Given the piecewise function4 - bx 2 , - 1 < x 2f ( x) = 2< x< 4abx,with a and b as nonzero constants, whatare all possible value
Central Connecticut State University - ENGR,PHYS, - 251,221
CalculusIn-Class Assignment #12(3.10)Name_KEY_Complete all of the following problems. Show work when appropriate.For problems 1+2 use the following information:Let f be a function with f (1) = 4 such that for allpoints (x, y) on the graph of f the