sex_tourism

sex_tourism - THE GLOBALIZATION OF SEX TOURISM NANCY A....

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Unformatted text preview: THE GLOBALIZATION OF SEX TOURISM NANCY A. WONDERS RAYMOND MICHALOWSKI [The current era of globalization is characterized by unprecedented movement of material, informa— tion, finance, and bodies across borders. In this ar- ticle, we examine how globalization facilitates the growth of sex tourism, as well] as the particular character of sex tourism in different locales. As others have already detailed (Opperman 1998), “sex tourism” is a protean term that attempts to capture varieties of leisure travel that have as a part of their purpose the purchase of sexual ser- vices. Clearly the concepts of “prostitution” and “tourism” are both central to an analysis of sex tourism, but neither term captures the full mean- ing of sex tourism. “Sex tourism” highlights the convergence between prostitution and tourism, links the global and the local, and draws attention to both the production and consumption of sexual services. The growth in sex tourism over the last two decades is well established (Kempadoo and Doezema 1998; Opperman 1998). In this article, we focus specifically on how the global forces shaping this growth connect the practice of sex work in two disparate cities with globalized sex tourism. . . . Research provides compelling evidence that cities are strategic sites for observing the effects of globalization (Sassen 1998, 2000a, 2000b; Sassen and Roost 1997). In our analysis, we detail the way that the global forces shaping the produc— tion and consumption of sex tourism impact two very different cities: Amsterdam and Havana. We explore the global connections that link sex work in these two cities with the forces associated with globalized sex tourism. Specifically, we argue that global forces impact sex work in both cities through four mediating institutions: (1) the tourism industry, (2) labor markets, (3) the local— ized sex industry, and (4) law and policy. As me- diating institutions in these cities adjusted to the impact of global forces, they created opportunities for sex tourism to flourish. It is important to our analysis that Amster— dam and Havana are very different cities. Many argue that global forces are easily discerned in “global cities” like Amsterdam (Sassen 20003, 1998). Global cities are strategically positioned at the center of the global capitalist system as command points, key locations, and market- places for leading industries, and major sites of production. . . . In contrast, Havana is located in Cuba, one of the last self—identified socialist states in the world. Cuba is a developing island nation struggling to find a foothold in the new global capitalist econ- omy that will enable it to grow economically, while preserving its socialist accomplishments in Source: Nancy A. Wonders and Raymond Michalowski, “Bodies, Borders, and Sex Tourism in a Globalized World: A Tale of Two Cities—Amsterdam and Havana,” Social Problems, vol. 48 (2001), pp. 545*571. © 2001 by The Society for the Study of Social Problems. Reprinted with permission. 199 200 PART EIGHT HETEROSEXUAL DEVIANCE health, education, and social welfare (Dello Buono and Lara 1997). Despite their differences, we illustrate that globalization’s reach is evident in both Amsterdam and Havana. The specific responses to global forces differ, but comparison between these two cities reveals the impact of significant global con— nections on sex work in both locations. SEX TOURISM IN AMSTERDAM, HOLLAND In Amsterdam, the commodification of bodies has been perfected to the level of an art form. The red light district resembles the modern openaair shop- ping mall in the United States. Relatively clean streets, little crime, a neon atmosphere, and win- dows and windows of women to choose from—— every size, shape, and color (though not in equal amounts). The red light district seems designed to be a sex tourist’s Mecca. The range of services for the leisure traveler includes sex clubs, sex shows, lingerie and S&M clothing shops, condomories, and a sprinkling of porno stores. But the charac— ter of Amsterdam’s red light district is different from most other sex tourist locations because it is centered in an historic district between the Dude Kerk (Old Church) and de Waag (an old weighing station)—two of the most spectacular cultural tourist sites in the city—and it is surrounded by an old, well established residential neighborhood. Indeed, walking through the red light district in the daytime is not so different from walk- ing down any other shopping street in the city, though the area takes on a festival atmosphere at night. Crowds of men walk the street, stopping to gaze at the living merchandise in the window. The routine among men is much like the routine observed among women shopping for clothes, with plentiful commentary on the size, shape, color, and cost of the women on display. The smorgasbord of languages rising through the air reveals the international character of those shop- ping for bodies. In describing the Amsterdam scene, it is im- portant to make clear that women sex workers are far from passive in the shopping interaction. On quieter evenings and in the daytime, it is com- mon for women to hover near the doorways of their small window booths, hooting and calling at men to “come here!” in a number of different languages. In an odd role reversal, one male friend commented to me after a walk through the, district that: “I’ve never felt so objectified in my life. I felt like a piece of meat walking through there.” The Tourism Industry . . . It has been well established that tourism, as a global force, has affected all of Western Eu— rope. As Williams and Shaw (1998:20) note, “Europe dominates international movements of tourists. . . . Between 1950 and 1990, the number of international tourists in Europe increased 16 times.” There is strong competition among Euro- pean countries for international tourists, since they tend to spend more money than domestic tourists; additionally, starting in the 1970s, “in— ternational tourism income grew considerably faster than international merchandise trade” mak- ing it a market worth pursuing (Williams and Shaw 1998:36). [Amsterdam] was among the top ten most popular European cities for tourism throughout the 1990s, currently ranking seventh (Dahles 1998). Amsterdam’s positioning as a major tourist destination may be surprising to some. Although the city is filled with tree-studded canals and quaint narrow buildings, it lacks the tourist at— tractions characteristic of other tourist destina- tions in Europe; there is no cathedral, tower, or monument to draw visitors to the city. Yet, as one writer has noted, “foreign tourists have been at- tracted to the Netherlands in increasing numbers” and, within the country, “Amsterdam is over— whelmingly the dominant target for Visitors from abroad. 1.7 million foreigners stayed in the City in 1995, one~third of them from outside Europe” (Finder 1998:307). Dahles (1998:55) argues that: ,)__;‘... . “The. imam: nf Ametm—Aqm no n «amen... 30 WONDERS AND MICHALOWSKI THE GLOBALIZATION OF SEX TOURISM 201 tion is based on two major themes. The first is the image of the city as being dominated by the urban town design of the early modern period. . . . The second is the current popular image of Amster- dam, which was formed in the late 60s and is based on a youth culture of sexual liberation and narcotic indulgence.” Pinder (1998:310) agrees with this assessment and adds that, “The city is renowned for the ready availability of soft drugs, and tolerance has also underpinned the rise of sex tourism as a niche market.” . . . As tourism di- rected toward Amsterdam’s cultural heritage stag— nates, sex tourism plays an increasingly important role in keeping tourism dollars—and related tourism industry jobs—within the city. The Labor Market . . . By the late 1970s and 1980s, the reach of glob- alization became evident within the Netherlands in other ways as well, particularly in Amsterdam. Clearly, one of the most important global forces affecting sex work in the country was migration. Migration to the Netherlands during this period came from several sources. First, there was an influx of migrants from former Dutch colonies, particularly from Suriname and the Caribbean Is- lands. Additionally, like many other European countries, the Netherlands was affected by a surge of migrant guest workers from the Mediterranean area, most of whom were directed toward em- ployment in undesirable, low—paying service sec- tor jobs. Later in the 1980s and 1990s, another grOup of migrants arrived, including those escap— ing economic hardship in South America and Africa and the former Soviet bloc countries (Bru— insma and Meershoek 1999; de Haan 1997). km portantly, most of these migrant populations settled in the major Dutch cities, including Amsterdam. Almost half of the population of Amsterdam now consists of non—native Dutch residents making it, literally, a global city. The presence of relatively large numbers of migrants within the city plays an important role in shaping local labor markets and the current char- acter of the sex trade. For many female migrants, sex work is Virtually the only employment avail- able, particularly given the relatively high unem— ployment rate for ethnic minorities within the Netherlands (de Haan 1997). . . . One estimate put the current number of foreign prostitutes to be ap— proximately 60% of all sex workers in the city (Marshall 1993), and a “repeated count by the Amsterdam police in 1994 and 1995 indicated that about 75% of all prostitutes behind windows in the Red Light District, De Wallen, are foreigners and that 80 percent of all foreign prostitutes are in the country illegally” (Bruinsma and Meershoek 19992107). Localized Sex Work [Over the last two decades there has been] an im— portant shift within the city from a focus on the in- dividual providers of sexual services, “prostitutes,” to a focus on the sex “industry.” . . . [T]his shift is partly . . . a response to the global forces associ— ated with the production and consumption of sex tourism. This shift is reflected in two areas: (1) or— ganizational changes that reflect the growth of sex tourism as an industry and (2) the globalized char- acter of sex tourists and sex workers. In her analysis of prostitution policy in Amster- dam, Brants (1998:627) describes these changes in some detail: As conditions changed and opportunities for mak- ing money from the sex industry increased, ever more power became concentrated in the hands of a few not particularly law abiding citizens. Some of the pimps who had once controlled part of tradi— tional window prostitution now also owned highly lucrative sex clubs and sex theaters. Prostitution had become big business with a huge and partly invisible turnover that was reinvested in gambling halls, sex tourism and more sex clubs. This concentration of economic interests com- bined with consumer interest to create several or- ganizations devoted to supporting sex tourism. Interestingly, some Dutch customers developed an ll 202 PART EIGHT HETEROSEXUAL DEVIANCE organization to support the interests of the clients of prostitution; this organization is called the Men/Women and Prostitution Foundation. Al— though the number of active members in this or- ganization is small (personal conversation with a member), it is symbolically important in legit- imizing the sex industry as an important “indus- try” serving consumer desires. Members write articles that articulate client interests and the so— cial benefits of prostitution (ten Kate 1995) and collaborate with other organizations interested in greater acceptance of prostitution. Another organization that facilitates the sex trade is the Prostitute Information Centre (PIC). The Centre, which is located in the heart of the red—light district, serves as an information service for both tourists and prostitutes. Run by a former prostitute, the goals of the center are diverse—- education around STD and AIDS prevention, in- formation about prices for sex work, courses to prepare newcomers for sex work and information about how and where to sell sexual labor. For the casual tourist, the most amazing aspect of the PIC is its symbolic character and the way that it re- sembles a crossbetween a museum and a sex in- dustry Chamber of Commerce, complete with a sample Window brothel to tour (for an extra fee of course), copies of the local Sex Guide, and post— cards to purchase. A second global force shaping the sex in- dustry in Amsterdam is the wide variety of sex tourists Visiting the city. Currently, the sex in- dustry is amazingly global in character; not just in terms of the providers of sexual services, but also in terms of the consumers. Sex tourists come to Amsterdam from around the world and vary depending, in part, on national holidays. The local Pleasure Guide notes, for example, that Italians are common in August. Although Dutch men are common customers, it appears that the Red Light District exists primarily to fulfill the desires of foreign, male, leisure travelers, often executives conducting business in this global city. Unlike tourists, Dutch consumers of the sex trade can frequent the mostly white women in Window brothels down less known side streets, or they can utilize the listings in the paper and obtain door-to-door service. It is im- portant to appreciate that foreign tourists do not just pay for sex, they pay for accommodations, to eat at nice restaurants, and to attend cultural events. Indeed, the consumer behavior of sex tourists visiting this city helps to ensure that there will be many organized interests facilitat— ing the continuation of sex tourism within the city. Public Policy and Law [Current policy does not appear to be strengthen- ing the hand of sex workers. It appears that the full package of worker’s rights are withheld from pros- titutes for a variety of reasons (Brants 1998; van der Poel 1995).] The presence of drug—addicted prostitutes makes it difficult for those advocating rights for prostitutes to argue for respectability. Perhaps, more importantly, the large and growing pres- ence of non—native Dutch sex workers leads to local hostility toward sex work. One conse— quence of Dutch participation in the global econ— omy is the inability of the state to continue to provide the extensive social welfare benefits it has provided to its citizens since the 1960s (de Haan 1997). . . . Restrictive policies are creeping up everywhere, including in the sex industry. At least one motivation for this greater regulation is to restrict migrant women from engaging in sexual labor. As Raymond (199815) points out, “Third World and Eastern European immigrant women in the Netherlands, Germany, and other regulationist countries lower the prostitution market value of local Dutch and German women. The price of immigrant prostitution is so low that local women’s prices go down, reducing the pimps’ and brothels’ cuts. . . .” To the extent that regulation is designed to keep non-native Dutch women out of sex work, it fosters a two—tiered hierarchy of sex work within the city that leads 3O WONDERS AND MICHALOWSKI THE GLOBALIZATION OF SEX TOURISM 203 to even greater impoverishment and risk for mi— grant women. . . . Significantly, legislation legalizing broth— els was approved by the Dutch Parliament and Senate in 1999 (Brewis and Linstead 2000); this is a radical move in the Netherlands, where sex workers were historically only considered “work— ers” when “self—employed.” Until recently, third party involvement in sex work was considered a crime resulting in the oppression and even en— slavement of sex workers. Some argue that the le— galization of brothels is a first step toward their ultimate regulation, a situation that could improve the working conditions for some sex workers (Brants 1998; Visser 1997). However, it seems that the focus of regulation is increasingly on improv— ing the “merchandising” environment for the sex industry and for consumers, and reducing disrup— tion to local citizens. Currently local officials are attempting to identify who owns the buildings that house window brothels and sex clubs so that some standards can be imposed on facilities where sex is sold. Brothels that pass government inspection would receive special certification, serving as a kind of quality control for sex tourists (Visser 1997). Regulations are growing and include strange new guidelines that limit how long clients can be tied up during purchased sadomasochistic acts. A new “red light district manager” will facilitate the implementation of the new regulations. To many, including de Rood Draad, the rights of sex workers have taken a back burner (Visser 1997). The proliferation of new regulations has caused some to argue that the red light district is becoming “the red tape district” (Reiland 1996:29). . . . [I]t is interesting to note current propos— als to impose price controls on the sex industry. At first glance, this policy appears to be a move toward protecting the wages of sex workers. How- ever, it also serves primarily as a way to discour- age price-cutting by illegal immigrants engaged in the sex trade. . . . This policy is reflective of growing Dutch concern about immigration; like many other European countries under global mi- gration pressures, the Dutch tend to close doors to gainful employment by outsiders rather than open them. SEX TOURISM IN HAVANA, CUBA Havana, like so many other places in the Caribbean, is a sensuous and social city. Warm nights, humid sea breezes laden with the complex perfume of flowers, diesel exhaust, and restaurant odors, music everywhere, bodies unencumbered by layers of cold-weather clothing, and a culture of public interaction that brings tourists and locals into easy contact. This is the context for Havana’s particular soft-sell sex trade. Since the reemer- gence of sex tourism in the 1990s, the following scene has become relatively common in Havana’s tourist districts: A woman, usually decades younger than the object of her immediate interest, approaches a foreign tourist. Brandishing a ciga— rette, she asks for a light, or maybe points to her wrist and asks for the time. The opening gambit leads to other questions: Where are you from? Where are you going? For a walk? Would you like me to walk with you? Have you been to such-and— such disco? Would you like me to take you there? If the mark seems interested, the woman turns the subject to sex, describing the pleasures she can give, often with no mention of price unless the man asks. If they agree to go off to a disco or for a drink, the subject of sex may not even be openly discussed. Instead, both the jinetera [“hustler”] and her mark proceed as if they are on a date. Who knows? Maybe this one will be around for a few days, a week, even a month, providing steady work and freedom from having to continually find new customers. Whether the liaison lasts for a night or a month, the tourist will leave some- thing to be remembered by—maybe money or a few nice new dresses, perhaps some jewelry—— something that makes the sex and the attention provided worth the effort. This is not the hard sell of commodified bodies typical of sex tourism in Amsterdam. This is a more subtle trade. A trade , where local, rather than immigrant women, make 204 PART EIGHT HETEROSEXUAL DEVIANCE themselves available as sex partners and compan- ions to privileged men from North America and Europe who can give them access to the currency of globalization, US. dollars. . . . The Tourism Industry [In the late 19608, the emergence of relatively] af— fordable jet service created a new era of Caribbean island vacations (Patullo 1996: 16). Between 1970 and 1994, the number of stay-over visits to Caribbean islands increased six—fold (Caribbean Tourism Organization 1995). Just as this boom in Caribbean tourism was beginning, the US. em— bargo against Cuba sent Cuban tourism into a steep decline that bottomed out with a mere 15,000 visitors in 1974. From that point forward, however, Cuba began to reorient its development plans to include investments in the tourist indus— try (Mesa—Lago 1981). Although some develop— ment was focused on internal tourism by Cubans, by 1979, foreign tourism had grown to 130,000 stay—over Visits. A decade later, 300,000 foreign tourists Visited the island, more than in any year prior to the Revolution (Triana 1995). Moreover, only 18 percent of these tourists were from Soviet- bloc countries. Forty percent came from Canada, 15 percent from Western Europe, 15 percent from Latin America, and—despite the embargo—«another 12 percent from the United States (Miller and Hen— thorne 199728). The most spectacular growth in Cuban tourism came in the 1990s (Robinson 1998). Dur- ing this period, the Cuban government intensified its investment in tourism as part of a broader search for development strategies that would enable the country to survive in the face of post- Soviet economic and political forces determined by a now—worldwide capitalist market (Castro 1999). Between 1994 and 1999, Cuba doubled the number of hotel rooms from 23,500 to just under 50,000 (Miller and Henthorne 1997298). This translated into a five—fold increase in the number of stay-over Visits from 300,000 in 1989 to an es— timated 1.7 million in 2000. Revenue gains were even greater. Between 1990 and 1998, gross rev— enue from tourism increased seven—fold, from 243 million in 1990 to 1.8 billion, while the share of the country’s GDP contributed by tourism grew from 1.1 percent to 6.9 percent. This growth made Cuba . . . a significant force in Caribbean tourism. At 1.8 billion dollars, Cuba’s tourism earnings for 1998 were second only to the 2.1 billion tourism dollars earned by the Dominican Republic, and well ahead of the Bahamas and Jamaica, which re— spectively earned 1.4 billion and 1.1 billion in tourist revenues (Association of Caribbean States 2001). The Labor Market [As the socialist world crumbled between 1989 and 1993,] Cuba underwent a dramatic reversal of fortune that forced a radical reorganization of eco- nomic life (Azicri 1992; Landau and Starratt 1994). The disappearance of Cuba’s socialist trad- ing partners created what Cuban sociologist Elena Diaz Gonzalez (1997a) characterized as the worst crisis in the history of Cuban socialism. Between 1989 and 1993, the Cuban GDP fell between 35 and 50 percent, importation of Soviet oil declined by 62 percent, overall imports fell by 75 percent, and the domestic manufacture of consumer goods fell by 83 percent (Diaz Gonzalez 1997a; Espinosa 1999). As Cuba struggled to reconstruct its trade and financial relations to meet the hard—currency demands of the new capitalist world order, many Cubans found themselves facing a significantly altered labor market (Eckstein 1997). As in other former socialist bloc countries, the Cuban gov- ernment could no longer provide the extensive employment and social—welfare package it once sought to establish as a universal birthright for all Cubans (Koont 1998; Verdery 1996). By 1999, although Cubans continued to benefit from state subsidies in the areas of food, housing, trans- portation, health—care, and education, many de— sired goods could increasingly only be purchased in dollar stores for prices roughly equivalent to 30 WONDERS AND MICHALOWSKI THE GLOBALIZATION OF SEX TOURISM 205 those found in the United States for the same goods (Michalowski 1998). It was at this very moment that international tourism to Havana began to increase significantly, with a concomi- tant growth in tourist-sector jobs——jobs where it was possible to earn at least some portion of ' one’s salary in hard currency. As a consequence, a growing number of high school and college students in Havana began orienting themselves toward tourist-sector employment rather than state—sector jobs, while some Habaneros [Havana natives] already employed in professional careers abandoned them to work in tourism as well (Ran— dall 1996). The impact of expanding tourism in a city with a shrinking state-sector labor market was also cultural. As youth in Havana were increasingly ex— posed to the growing number of tourist-oriented nightclubs, restaurants, and beachside hotels, and the clothes, jewelry, and the new model rental cars enjoyed by foreign visitors, some began to feel dissatisfied with their own lack of access to these luxuries. Faced with declining returns from rou- tine labor and rising material desires, some Cuban women (and a smaller number of Cuban men) began making themselves sexually available to foreign tourists. By the late 19905, a sex worker in Havana could earn forty dollars for providing one night of sex and companionship—double the monthly salary of a Cuban university professor (Michalowski 1998). While most young Cubans resisted the temptations created by such dispari- ties, enough succumbed to create a pool of avail— able bodies to serve the desires of sex tourists (Diaz Gonzalez 1997b). Localized Sex Work [Although the growth of Havana’s tourist industry resulted in a subsidiary increase in sex tourism to the island, so far, this sex] trade has not become the province of the organized syndicates—whether legal or illegal—that typically control sex work in many other nations. During her fieldwork in Cuba in 1995, O’Connell Davidson (1996:40) observed that there was “no network of brothels, no orga— nized system of bar prostitution: in fact, third party involvement in the organization of prostitution is rare. . . . Most women and girls are prostituting themselves independently and have no contractual obligations to a third party.” Even though the practice of prostituting for sex tourists in Havana is largely independent and entrepreneurial, it is nevertheless embedded in a globalized market for sex services. To compete in a worldwide capitalist marketplace, every local in- dustry needs a global market niche. The sale of what Hochschild (1983) termed “emotional labor” to accompany a sexually commodified body is that niche for many of Havana’s jineteras serving the male tourist trade. For many male sex tourists from Italy, Spain, England, and Canada, the par- ticular attraction of Cuba is their expectation that jineteras will treat them not as customers, but as pseudo-boyfriends. This means acting as a dinner “date” in a restaurants or a dance partner at a disco, serving as a local (and seemingly loving) guide on sightseeing tours, or perhaps spending a few days or even weeks at a seaside resort as bed— mate, playmate, and companion. One Italian sex tourist summarized his attrac— tion to Cuban jinetems by saying he came to Cuba because “the women here are really sweet. They make you feel like they really care. They are al— ways trying to do whatever makes you feel good, not just sex, but everything else too.” A pair of ex— patriate American men currently living in Costa Rica echoed this sentiment: “The Cuban women don’t act like professional whores, ‘here’s the sex, now give me the money.’ They are really kind. They want to spend time with you, be your friend.” As experienced sexual tourists, they be— moaned the growth of sex tourism in Costa Rica because it “ruined” Costa Rican sex workers: “N ow they act just like whores in the States. They just do it for the money and when it’s over, they want to move on tO the next customer. It wasn’t like that in the 60s when there were hardly any tourists. Then they were really nice like the Cuban women are today. Things will probably change 206 PART EIGHT HETEROSEXUAL DEVIANCE here [in Cuba], too. So we thought we’d enjoy it while it lasts.” Another appeal of sex tourism in Havana is its price. In 1999, a sex tourist could spend as little as ten dollars for a quick sexual en— counter, and between thirty and forty dollars for a companion for the entire evening. This means that for between one hundred and two hundred dollars a day, including the meals, the tours, and other “gifts,” European, Canadian, and American men in Havana can spend days or even weeks in the company of young, seemingly-exotic women who appear to be providing them with loving attention, all at a price they can afford. In this way, for a short time, they can enjoy a level of class privilege available only to wealthier men in their home countries. There are several other important elements of the emotional simulacra consumed by sex tourists in Havana that draw them there. . . . One is the op- portunity that sex tourism in Havana provides for men Who are forty, fifty, or older to receive both sex and sexualized companionship from women thirty or more years younger than themselves. This gratifies the Western male sexual ideal of continu- ing access to the bodies of young women, regard- less of one’s own age. Another is the appeal of gaining sexual access to the body of the non—white “other.” In the racialized world of the North Amer— ican and European male sexual fantasy, mixed— race Cuban women provide the ideal, the fetishized combination of the imaginary “hot” Latin and the equally imaginary sexually insa— tiable African (O’Connell Davidson 1996; Sanchez Taylor 2000). Thus, it is little surprise that the majority of the women visibly searching for clients in the tourist areas of Havana in 1999, were typically of the “cafe” or “carmelita” skin tones signifying this highly desired racialized “other.” Public Policy and Law [In 1993, the government legalized the possession of foreign currency, and began allowing] citizens to legally exchange dollars for pesos at banks and government-run, street kiosks known as cadecas. Between 1992 and 1994, the Cuban government promulgated a number of other legal changes that would indirectly help create an infrastructure for sex tourism in Havana. These included: (1) per— mitting the private rental of rooms, apartments, and houses; (2) expanding the arena of self- employment; (3) legalizing the establishment of privately-owned restaurants, colloquially known as paladares; (4) expanding the licensing of pri- vate vehicles as taxi—cabs; and (5) opening “dol- lar” stores Where Cubans could purchase a broad range of items including food, appliances, furni- ture, clothes, jewelry, and many other items for US. currency (Gordon 1997). Structurally, these changes facilitated sex- tourism in several ways. The legalization of the US. dollar meant that sex workers could obtain hard currency payment from foreign clients with— out violation of currency laws, and the opening of dollar stores meant they could spend their earn- ings without having to enter into black market ex- changes. Legalizing the rental of private rooms and houses created new opportunities for com- mercial sexual transaction by eliminating the rules that required tourists to stay in hotels, while prohibiting Cubans from visiting foreigners in their hotel rooms. The legalization of private restaurants provided places where sex workers and tourists could meet and spend non—sex time. Meanwhile, the legalization of private taxis be- came an important conduit through which some cab drivers could help sex tourists find their way to prime locations for meeting sex workers, or work as pimps by directing their fares to specific sex workers. CONCLUSION [The contemporary growth and character of sex tourism is intimately linked to significant global forces. These global forces, which include tour- ism, migration, and commodification, are not just] 3O WONDERS AND MICHALOWSKI THE GLOBALIZATION OF SEX TOURISM 207 abstract concepts; they can be observed within grounded contexts as a variety of local mediat- ing institutions respond to global pressures. In the cases of Amsterdam and Havana, our re- search suggests that global forces have altered particular institutions in these cities in ways that expand the possibilities for sex tourism. Our work supports Sassen’s (1998) View of cities as strategic sites for globalization. . . . At a theoret- ical level, we contend that the global forces of tourism and migration stimulate the production of sex workers, while the increasing commodifi— cation of bodies ensures a steady stream of clients who desire to consume sexual services. Within the cities we analyzed, these global forces find concrete expression at the institutional level, specifically in the changing character of the tourism industries, labor markets, sex work, and laws and policies. REFERENCES As we have described in some detail, in both Amsterdam and Havana, the tourism industry has become a noticeable sector of the local economy as a by—product of efforts by these cities to secure a share of the burgeoning market created by global tourism. This competition is necessitated by a world in which global markets dominate and de- termine local fortunes for countries and cities. Ad— ditionally, in both of the cities we analyzed, labor markets changed in ways that increased the attrac— tiveness and, for some women, the necessity of sex work. This is particularly true among certain pop- ulations of women, such as immigrants in Ams— terdam seeking jobs in an environment hostile to migrant workers, or young Cuban women in Ha- vana for Whom the globalization has meant that they can earn more dollars and go to more exciting places by selling sex and companionship than they can through more routine employment. Association of Caribbean States. 2001. “Statistical data— base.” Available at www.acs~aec.org/Trade/DBase/ DBase_eng/dbaseindex_eng.htm. Azicri, Max. 1992. “The rectification process revisited: Cuba’s defense of traditional Marxism—Leninism.” In Cuba in Transition: Crisis and Transformation, Sandor Halebsky and John M. Kirk, eds, 37~54. Boulder, CO: Westview. Brants, Chrisje. 1998. “The fine art of regulated toler- ance: Prostitution in Amsterdam.” Journal of Law and Society 25, 426211—6235. Brewis, Joanna, and Stephen Linstead. 2000. Sex, Work and Sex Work: Eroticizing Organization. London: Routledge. Bruinsma, Gerben J. N., and Guus Meershoek. 1999. “Organized crime and trafficking in women from Eastern Europe in The Netherlands.” In Illegal Im— migration and Commercial Sex: The New Slave T rade, Phil Williams, ed., 105—118. London: Frank Cass. Caribbean Tourism Organization. 1995. “Statistical report: 1994 edition.” Barbados, WI: Caribbean Tourism Organization. Castro, Fidel. 1993. Quoted in “Villalba.” Cuba y el Tur- ismo. Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales. . 1999. Neoliberal Globalization and the Global Economic Crisis. Havana: Publications Office of the Council of State. Dahles, Heidi. 1998. “Redefining Amsterdam as a tourist destination.” Annals of Tourism Research 25 :55~69. de Haan, Willem. 1997. “Minorities, crime and crimi— nal justice in The Netherlands.” In Minorities, Mi- grants and Crime: Diversity and Similarity across Europe and the United States, Ineke Haen Mar— shall, ed., 198—223. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Dello Buono, Richard A., and Jose Bell Lara, eds. 1997. Carta Cuba: Essays on the Potential and Contra- dictions of Cuban Development. La Habana: FLACSO—Programa Cuba. Diaz Gonzalez, Elena. 1997a. “Introduction.” In Cuba, Impacto de Las Crises en Grupos Vulnerables: Mujet; Familia, Infancia, Elena Diaz, Tania Carmen Leon, Esperanza Fernandez Zegueira, Sofia Perro Mendoza, and Maria del Carmen Abala Argfieller, eds, 3—8. Habana: Universidad de La Habana. ; I It a, l t 3 an. r v! ...
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