Garcia Chicana feminism

Garcia Chicana feminism - Feminism as a Social Move ment...

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Unformatted text preview: Feminism as a Social Move ment 565 Rodrique, Jessie M. 1990. “ The Black Community and the Birth Control Movement.” In Unequal Sisters.'A il/Iulzz'cuz Feminist Theory: From lyiargin to Center. tural Reader in US. [Women’s History, edited by Ellen Boston: South End Press. Carol DuBois and Vicki L. Ruiz. New York and London Hunter, Charlayne. 1970. “Many Blacks Wary of ‘Women’s Routledge. Liberation’ Movement in the US." New York Times Ross, Loretta]. 1993. “African-American Women and Abor- (November 17): B1. tion: 1800‘1970.” In Theoriezng Black Feminisms: he \. 1983. “Coalition Politics: Turning the Century.” In Visionary Pragmatism of Black Women, edited by Stanhe Home Girls:A Black FeministAnthology, edited by Barbara M. James and Abena P A. BuSia London and New York Smith. New York: Kitchen Table/ Women ot'Color Press. Routledge Joseph, Gloria I and Jill Lewis 1981 Common Dzflerences Conflicts in Black and White Fe ' . Smith, Barbara. 1979. “Notes for Yet ' minist Perspectives. Garden ' ' City, NY: Anchor Books. Up?” King, Deborah H. 1988. “ ' Smith, Fredi A. 1970. sciousness: The Conte Signs 14:1 (Autumn). Rochelle Group men of the Black Panthers ” Daily Defender (January 24). Spelman, Elizabeth V. 1982. “Theories of Race and Klein, Ethel. 1987. “The Diffusion of Consciousness in the ender/ The Erasure ofBlack Women.” Quests/1 Feminist 990; hooks 1984; United States and Europe.” In The Wbmen’s [Movements of Quarterly 5:4: 36—62. £ij 1981; King the United States and Western Europe: Consciousness, Polit— hird ’ ith 1979; Spelman ical Opportunity and Public Polio ' ‘ . 65. The Negro Family: The Case for National Action. ' ponse to Inequality: Black overnment Printing Office. am Allen Papers, onsin. An Argument for anon as a Revolutionary Force.” hology, edited by Toni Cade Bam— Position paper issued by Third World Women’s Alliance bara York and Scarborough, Ontario: Mentor Books Cambridge Mass. Soc1al Action Files State Historical ,1; To Be Black The il/Iilztant. 1969. “Panther Sisters on Women’s Libera— Society, Madison, Wisconsm Anthology, edited tion.” 1969. Unsigned article (September: 9—10). New American oraga, Cherrie, and ' 4 Black Woman’5 Files, State Historical Society, Madison, by Radical Wh ’ ite, E. Frances. 1984. ‘ ' T he Black Woman: ices of Black . Feminism." RadicalAmerica 18:2—3: 7—25. '. . “ e Black Woman Thinks about Wright, Margaret. 1972. “I Want the Right to Be Black and omen’s Lib.” New York Times Magazine (August 22). Me.” In Black women in White America: A Documentary 1bara. New York: Murray, Pauli. 1975. “The Liberation of Black Women.” In istory, edited by Gerda Lerner New York Vintage 0men:A Feminist Perspective, edited by Jo Freeman Palo 00ks. o Feminist Move- Alto: Mayfield Publishin Company ,n, Newton, Huey P 1970 “ ton. 1967. Black c Women’s Libera— 2rica. New York: ' . Reprint from Black fig 1 Panther 5:8 (August 21). Women’s ' ' flan? New York: Files, ' 5 and the Nation- napoli's: Indiana loots of Wbmefl R Jordan (aka Vilma ' Sanchez), 1966—1971. Joan Jordan Papers, State Histori- D zscourse znd the New Left cal Society, Madison, Wisconsin. i 1968. “Poor Black Women,” manuscript. JoanJordan A L M A M . G A R C I A .‘nter: The Imp“? Papers, State Historical Society, Madison, Wisconsin. ‘rica. New York: 0 inson, Patricia and the Men nt Vernon/New Rochelle Group. 1970a. “PoorBlack W0 ’ ,m, Whose HI 1 {istory 0f (the v Activism an " ment developed in the United States that addressed : thology, edited by Toni Cade (Bambara). the s ecific issues York and Scar orough, Ontario: Mentor Books p ya“ and Gen \. 1970b ‘ Statement on Btr l< and Londo “houth: K710” 1997. How Long? ' Empoweme. ‘ v ' range ofissues: social ZbZ-[nghm New York justice equality, educational reforms, ‘c self—determination f0 566 CHAPTER VIII: CHANGING OUR WORLD communities in the United States.1 Various strug- gles evolved within the Chicano movement: the United Farmworkers’ unionization efforts;2 the New Mexico Land Grant movement;3 the Colorado— based Crusade for Justiceg“ the Chicano student movement;5 and the Raza Unida Party.6 ORIGINS OF CHI CANA FEMINISM Rowbotham argues that women may develop a fem— inist consciousness as a result of their experiences with sexism in revolutionary struggles or mass social movements.7 Chicana feminists began the search for a “room of their own” by assessing their participation within the Chicano movement. Their feminist consciousness emerged from a struggle for equality with Chicano men and from a reassess- ment of the role of the family as a means of resis- tance to oppressive societal conditions. Historically, as well as during the 1960s and 1970s, the Chicano family represented a source of cultural and political resistance to the various types of discrimination experienced in the American soci- ety.8 At the cultural level, the movement empha- sized the need to safeguard the value of family loyalty. At the political level, the Chicano movement used the family as a strategic organizational tool for protest activities. As women began to question their traditional female roles,9 dramatic changes in the structure of Chicano families occurred. Thus, a Chicana femi- nist movement originated from the nationalist Chicano struggle: Rowbotham refers to such a feminist movement as “a colony within a colony.”10 But as the Chicano movement developed during the 1970s, Chicana feminists began to draw up their own political agenda and entered into a dialogue with the movement that explicitly re- flected their struggles to secure a room of their own within it. CHICANA FEMINISM AND CULTURAL NATIONALISM During the 1960s and 1970s, Chicana feminists responded to the criticism that Chicano cultural nationalism and feminism were irreconcilable. Cultural nationalism represented a major, but not monolithic, component of the Chicano movement. It emphasized cultural pride, resistance, and survival within an Anglo—dominated nation-state. Thus, cul— tural nationalism shaped the political direction of the Chicano social protest movement. Sharing ideological roots with Black cultural nationalism, Chicanismo, as Chicano cultural nationalism became known, advocated a movement of cultural renaissance and resistance within Chicano commu— nities throughout the United States. Chicanismo emphasized Mexican cultural pride as a source of political unity and strength capable of mobilizing Chicanos as an oppositional political group within the dominant American political landscape. Thus, Chicanismo provided a framework for the devel— opment of a collective ethnic consciousness—the essence of any nationalist ideology—that chal- lenged the ideological hegemony of Anglo America. Moreover, Chicano cultural nationalism situated the sociohistorical experiences of Chicanos within a theoretical model of internal colonialism. Chicano communities were analyzed as ethnic “nations” existing under direct exploitation by the dominant society. “Nationalism, therefore, was to be the common denominator for uniting all Mexican Americans and making possible effective political mobilization.”11 One source of ideological disagreement between Chicana feminism and this cultural nationalist ide- ology was cultural survival. Many Chicana femi- nists believed that a focus on cultural survival did not acknowledge the need to alter male—female rela- tions within Chicano communities. For example, Chicana feminists criticized the notion of the “ideal Chicana” that glorified Chicanas as strong, long- suffering women who had endured and kept Chicano culture and the family intact. To Chicana feminists, this concept represented an obstacle to the redefinition of gender roles. Nieto Gomez stated: Some Chicanas are praised as they emulate the sanctified example set by [the Virgin] Mary. The woman par excellence is mother and wife. She is to love and support her husband and to nurture and teach her children. Thus, may she gain fulfillment as a woman. For a Chicana bent upon fulfillment of I - «‘ mun“.-. Chicano movement. .istance, and survival ion—state. Thus, cul- )olitical direction of novement. Sharing 'ultural nationalism, ultural nationalism lovement of cultural in Chicano commu— States. Chicanismo pride as a source of pable of mobilizing )litical group within al landscape. Thus, work for the devel- consciousness—the leology—that chal- y of Anglo America. iationalism situated 3f Chicanos within a olonialism. Chicano is ethnic “nations” on by the dominant >re, was to be the niting all Mexican ile effective political sagreement between tural nationalist ide- lany Chicana femi- :ultural survival did er male—female rela- 1ities. For example, ' notion of the “ideal 13s as strong, long- endured and kept 7 r intact. T0 Chicana her personhood, this restricted perspective of her role as a woman is not only inadequate but crippling. 12 Chicana feminists were also skeptical about the cul- tural nationalist interpretation of machismo. Such an interpretation viewed machismo as an ideologi— cal tool used by the dominant Anglo society to justify the inequalities experienced by Chicanos. According to this interpretation, the relationship between Chicanos and the larger society was that of an internal colony dominated and exploited by the capitalist economy.13 Machismo, like other cultural traits, was blamed by Anglos for blocking Chicanos from succeeding in the American society. In reality, the economic structure and colony—like exploitation were to blame. Some Chicana feminists agreed with this analy— sis of machismo, asserting that a mutually rein- forcing relationship existed between internal colonialism and the development of the myth of machismo. According to Sosa Riddell, machismo was a myth “propagated by subjugators and colonizers, which created damaging stereotypes of Mexican/Chicano males.”14 As a type of social control imposed by the dominant society me myth of machismo distorted gender relations within Chicano communities, creating stereotypes of Chicanas as passive and docile women. As Nieto concluded: “Although the term ‘machismo’ is cor- rectly denounced by all because it stereotypes the Latin man . . . it does a great disservice to both men and women. Chicano and Chicana alike must be free to seek their own individual fulfillment.”15 Some Chicana feminists criticized the myth of machismo used by the dominant society to legiti— rtmate racial inequality, but others moved beyond 'i this level of analysis to distinguish between the , machismo that oppressed both men and women and the sexism in Chicano communities in general, and the Chicano movement in particular, that op— ressed Chicana women.16 According to Vidal, the as they emulate the . e Virgin] Mary. The ier and wife. She is to i and to nurture and y she gain fulfillme [it upon fulfillment rigins of a Chicana feminist consciousness were rompted by the sexist attitudes and behavior of Chicano males, which constituted a “serious obsta— le to women anxious to play a role in the struggle \ Feminism as a Social A/Iovemem 567 Furthermore, many Chicana feminists disagreed with the cultural nationalist view that machismo could be a positive value within a Chicano cultural value system. They challenged the notion that machismo was a source of masculine pride for Chicanos and therefore a defense mechanism against the dominant society’s racism. Chicana fem— inists called for changes in the ideologies responsible for distorting relations between women and men. One such change was to modify the cultural nation- alist position that looked upon machismo as a source of cultural pride. Chicana feminists called for a focus on the uni— versal aspects of sexism that shape gender relations in both Anglo and Chicano culture. Although they acknowledged the economic exploitation of all Chi— canos, they outlined die double exploitation experi— enced by Chicanas. Sosa Riddell concluded: “It was when Chicanas began to seek work outside of the family groups that sexism became a key factor of oppression along with racism.”18 Francisca Flores summarized some of the consequences of sexism: It is not surprising that more and more Chicanas are forced to go to work in order to supplement the family income. The children are farmed out to a relative to baby-sit with them, and since these women are employed in the lower income jobs, the extra pressure placed on them can become unbearable.19 CHICANA FEMINISM AND FEMINIS T BAI TING The systematic analysis by Chicana feminists of the impact of racism and sexism on Chicanas within American society and, above all, within the Chicano the political unity of the Chicano movement. But Marta Cotera, a leading voice of Chicana feminism, pointed out: The aggregate cultural values we [Chicanas] share can also work to our benefit if we choose to scruti- nize our cultural traditions, isolate the positive attributes and interpret them for the benefit of women. It’s unreal that Hispanas have been brow— beaten for so long about our so—called conservative (meaning reactionary) culture. It’s also unreal that 568 CHAPTER VIII: CHANGING OUR WORLD we have let men interpret culture only as those practices and attitudes that determine who does the dishes around the house. \We as women also have the right to interpret and define the philosophical and religious traditions beneficial to us within our culture, and which we have inherited as our tradi— tion. To do this, we must become both conversant with our history and philosophical evolution, and analytical about the institutional and behavioral manifestations of the same.20 Such Chicana feminists were attacked for develop- ing a “divisive ideology”—a feminist ideology that was frequently viewed as a threat to the Chicano movement as a whole. As Chicana feminists exam— ined their roles as women activists within the Chicano movement, an ideological split developed. One group saw itself as “loyalists” who believed that the Chicano movement did not have to deal with sexual inequities because Chicano men as well as Chicano women experienced racial oppres— sion. According to Nieto Gomez, who was not a loyalist, their belief was that if men oppress women, it is not the men’s fault but rather that of the system.21 Even if such a problem existed, and they did not believe that it did, the loyalists maintained that such a matter would best be resolved internally, within the Chicano movement. They denounced the formation of a separate Chicana feminist movement on the grounds that it was a politically dangerous strategy, perhaps Anglo—inspired. Such a movement would undermine the unity of the Chicano move— ment by raising an issue that was not seen as central. Loyalists viewed racism as the most important issue within the Chicano movement. Nieto Gomez quotes one such loyalist: I am concerned with the direction that the Chicanas are taking in the movement. The words such as liberation, sexism, male chauvinism, etc., were prevalent. The terms mentioned above plus the theme of individualism is a concept of the An- glo society; terms prevalent in the Anglo women’s movement. The familia has always been our strength in our culture. But it seems evident. . . that you [Chicana feminists] are not concerned with the familia, but are influenced by the Anglo woman’s movement.22 Chicana feminists were also accused of under- mining the values associated with Chicano culture. Loyalists saw the Chicana feminist movement as an “anti-family, anti—cultural, anti—man and therefore an anti-Chicano movement.”23 Feminism was, above all, believed to be an individualistic search for identity that detracted from the Chicano move— ment’s “real” issues, such as racism. Nieto Gomez quotes a loyalist: “And since when does a Chicana need identity? If you are a real Chicana then no one regardless of the degrees needs to tell you about it. The only ones who need identity are the vendidas, the falsas, and the opportunists.”24 The ideological conflicts between Chicana femi— nists and loyalists persisted throughout the 1970s, exacerbated during various Chicana conferences. At times, such confrontations served to increase Chicana feminist activity that challenged the loyal- ists’ attacks, yet these attacks also served to suppress feminist activities. Chicana feminists as well as Chicana feminist les- bians continued to be labeled vendidas, or “sellouts.” Chicana loyalists continued to View Chicana femi- nism as associated not only with melting into white society but, more seriously, with dividing the Chicano movement. Similarly, many Chicano males were convinced that Chicana feminism was a divi— sive ideology incompatible with Chicano cultural nationalism. Nieto Gomez said that “[with] respect to [the] Chicana feminist, their credibility is reduced when they are associated with [feminism] and white women.” She added that as a result, Chicana femi- nists often faced harassment and ostracism within the Chicano movement.25 Similarly, Cotera stated that Chicanas “are suspected of assimilating into the feminist ideology of an alien [white] culture that g actively seeks our cultural domination.”26 Chicana feminists responded quickly and often vehemently to such charges. Flores answered, in an editorial, that birth control, abortion, and sex edu-. cation are not merely “white issues.” Reacting t0 the accusation that feminists were responsible f the “betrayal of [Chicano] culture and heritage _ Flores said, “Our culture hell”—a phrase tha became a dramatic slogan of the Chicana femi movement.27 o accused of under— rith Chicano culture. inist movement as an i—man and therefore “23 Feminism was, Vidualistic search for the Chicano move— acism. Nieto Gomez /hen does a Chicana Chicana then no one s to tell you about it. ity are the vendidas, S.7924 tween Chicana femi- roughout the 1970s, thicana conferences. ; served to increase :hallenged the loyal- ;0 served to suppress Chicana feminist les- ndz'das, or “sellouts.” view Chicana femi- h melting into white with dividing the nany Chicano males emiriism was a divi- th Chicano cultural that “[with] respect :redibility is reduced feminism] and white esult, Chicana femi- nd ostracism within .ilarly, Cotera stated 'assimilating into the [white] culture that , nation.”26 d quickly and often ares answered, in an )rtion, and sex edu— ssues.” Reacting to vere responsible for lture and heritage,” :ll”—a phrase that 1e Chicana femini Chicana feminists’ defensc throughout the 19703 against those declaring that a feminist movement was divisive for the Chicano movement was to re— gender inequality.” Furthermore, Chicana femi— nists argued that the resistance tha tered reflected the existence of sexis Chicano males and the antifeminist t they encoun— m on the part of movement, concluded that Chicanas “involved in discussing and applying the women’s question have been ostracized, isolated and ignored.” She argued that “in organizations where cultural nationalism is extremely strong, Chicana feminists experience intense harassment and ostracism.”30 Black and Asian American women also faced s as they pursued feminist issues in their own com— munities. Indeed, as their participation in collective efforts to end racial oppression increased, so did their confrontations with sexism.“ evere criticism CHICANA FEMINISTS AND WHITE FEMINIS T S inists were critical of the patriarchal tendencies within the Chicano cultural nationalist movement, their feminist writings reveal a constant focus on the racism on their daily lives, as well as on the role of a modified nationalist response as a form of resis— nature and consequences of Chicana feminist movement was “different primarily because we are [racrally] oppressed people. ”32 In addition, Chicana ' ' ' feminists who believed women of color, a coalitio would be highly unlikely.33 concluded: “We must have ‘ plight and certainly we cannot blame our men for the oppression of the women.”34 Chicana feminists adopted an analysis that began with race as a critical variable in interpreting the experiences of Chicano communities in the United States. They expanded this analysis by iden— tifying gender as a variable interconnected with race in analyzing the specific daily life circumstances of Chicanas in Chicano communities. They did not View women’s struggles as secondary to the nation— alist movement but argued instea race and gender as m sion.35 Thus, Chicana limits of an exclusively d for an analysis of ultiple sources of oppres— feminism went beyond the racial theory of oppression 570 CHAPTER VIII: CHANGING OUR WORLD that tended to overlook gender and also beyond the limits of a theory of oppression based exclusively on gender that tended to overlook race. A second factor preventing an alliance between Chicana feminists and white feminists was the middle-Class orientation of white feminists. Throughout the 19703 Chicana feminists viewed me white feminist movement as a middle-class movement.36 In contrast, they viewed the Chicano movement in general as a working—class movement. They repeatedly made reference to the difference, and many began their works with a section dissoci- ating themselves from the “women’s liberation movement” Chicana feminists as activists in the broader Chicano movement identified as major struggles the farmworkers’ movement, welfare rights, undocumented workers, and prisoners’ rights. Such issues were seen as far removed from the demands of the white feminist movement, and Chicana feminists could not get white feminist or- ganizations to deal with them.37 White feminist organizations were also accused of being exclusionary, patronizing, or racist in their dealings with Chicanas and other women of color. Cotera states: Minority women could fill volumes with examples of put—downs, put—ons, and out-and-out racism shown to them by the leadership in the [white feminist] movement. There are three major prob- lem areas in the minority—majority relationship in the movement: (1) paternalism or maternalism, (2) extremely limited opportunities for minority women . . ., (3) outright discrimination against mi— nority women in the movement.38 Chicana feminists continued to stress the impor— tance of developing autonomous feminist organiza— tions that would address the struggles of Chicanas as members of an ethnic minority and as women. Rather than attempt to overcome the obstacles to coalition—building between Chicana feminists and white feminists, Chicanas called for autonomous feminist organizations for all women of color.39 Chicana feminists believed that sisterhood was indeed powerful but only to the extent that racial and class differences were understood and, above all, respected. Nieto concludes: “The Chicana must demand that dignity and respect within the women’s rights movement which allows her to practice femi— nism within the context of her own culture. . . . Her approaches to feminism must be drawn from her own world.”40 CHI CANA FEMINISM: AN EVOLVING FUTURE Chicana feminists, like Black, Asian American, and Native American feminists, experience specific life conditions that are distinct from those of white fem— inists. Socioeconomic and cultural differences in Chicano communities directly shaped the develop- ment of Chicana feminism and the relationship between Chicana feminists and feminists of other racial and ethnic groups, including white feminists. Future dialogue among all feminists will require a shared understanding of the existing differences as well as of the similarities. Like other women of color, Chicana feminists must address issues that specifically affect them as women of color. In addi— tion, Chicana feminists must address issues that have particular impact on Chicano communities, such as poverty, limited opportunities for higher education, high school dropouts, health care, bilin- gual education, immigration reform, prison reform, welfare, and recently, United States policies in Cen- tral America. At the academic level, an increasing number of Chicana feminists continue to join in a collective effort to carry on the feminist legacy inherited from the 1970s. In June 1982 a group of Chicana acade- mics organized the national feminist organiza- tion Nlujeres Activas en Letras y Cambio Social ‘r (MALCS) in order to build a support network for '" Chicana professors, undergraduates, and graduate students. The organization’s major goal is to fight the race, class, and gender oppression facing Chicanas in institutions of higher education. In addition, MALCS aim to bridge the gap between academic work and the Chicano community. In 1984 the national conference of the National Association for Chicano Studies (NACS), held Austin, Texas, adopted the theme “Vbces d8 Mujer” in response to demands from the Chic p Caucus. As a result, for the first time since .i _ mm”. is , . hm [he womerfs to practice femi— culture. . . . Her drawn from her In American, and ience specific life [086 of white fem- ral differences in aped the develop- l the relationship feminists of other lg white feminists. lists will require a ting differences as other women of tddress issues that ,1 of color. In addi- ddress issues that :ano communities, tunities for higher , health care, bilin— )rm, prison reform, ites policies in Cen— creasing number 0f join in a collective gacy inherited from is y Cambi support network for luates, and graduate: iajor goal is to figh I oppression f2“?1 tigher education. I ige the gap betwe ‘ to community I rence of the Nam lies (NACS)> held: [heme “Voces ldS from the chm? 3 first time Since“? founding in 1972, the NACS national conference addressed the issue of women. Compared with past conferences, a large number of Chicanas partici— pated by presenting their research and chairing and moderating panels. A plenary session addressed the gender inequality in higher education and within NACS. And at the business meeting, sexism within NACS was again seriously debated because it con~ tinues to be one of the “unsettled issues” of concern to Chicana feminists. A significant outcome of the conference was that its published proceedings that year were the first to be devoted to Chicanas and Mexicanas.41 Chicana feminists continue to raise critical is— sues concerning the nature of the oppression expe— rienced by Chicanas and other women of color. They, like African American, Asian American, and Native American feminists, focus on the conse- quences of the intersection of race, class, and gender in the daily lives of women in American society. Chicana feminists have adopted a theoret- Chicana feminists have emphasized that Chi— canas have made few gains in comparison to white men and women, as well as Chicano men, in terms of labor-force participation, income, education lev- els, rates of poverty, and other socioeconomic status indicators. Over the past forty years, Chicanas have Tmade only small occupational moves from low—pay nskilled jobs to higher-pay skilled and semiprofes— rsional employment. Studies indicate that about 6 percent remain occupationally segregated in uch low-paying jobs as sales, clerical, service, and r actory work. Further, Chicanas experience major ocial-structural constraints that limit their upward 7 oclal mobility.43 Less than 15 percent of all ,hicanas have entered the occupational ranks of tofessionals, educational administrators, and busi— CSS managers. In addition, Chicano families had Chicano schooling, the pe ' cational attainment are de role of race, class, , as well as all Latinas, have shockingly high dropout rates, with the not surprising consequence that Chicanas are scarce in the halls of academe.44 Ac- cording to one of the few studies on Chicanas in high— er education, “of all the major population groups, Mexican American females are the poorest and the most underrepresented in higher education. ”45 Despite the limited numbers of Chicana acade— mics, Chicana feminist discourse has developed within the academy as Chicana feminists have entered into specific dialogues with other feminists. Chicanas have criticized feminist scholarship for the exclusionary practices that have resulted from the discipline’s limited attention to differences among women relating to race, ethnicity, class, and sexual preference.46 Interestingly, Chicana femi- nists are also critical of Chicano studies and ethnic studies scholarship, which have too often lacked a systematic gender analysis.47 As a result, Chicana feminist discourse is integrating the experiences of Chicanas within these academic disciplines. Chi— cana feminist scholars advocate restructuring the academy in order to integrate the “new knowledge” about women,48 in this case, Chicanas. Indeed, Chicana feminist scholarship “came of age” in the 1990s, with publication of a variety of anthologies written by and about Chicanas.49 fields of Chicano studies, ethnic studies, and women’s studies. Indeed, many of them argue that their writings are creating a separate, interdiscipli- nary field: Chicana studies. Sociologist Denise Segura reflects on the differ— ent approaches found among Chicana feminist scholars: There are several types of Chicana scholarship. One type tries to connect research on Chicanas to mainstream frameworks in the respective fields, another type tries to develop an understanding of the status and oppression of Chicanas, using feminist frameworks as points of departure; another 572 CHAPTER VIII: CHANGING OUR WORLD type, connected to postmodernist frameworks, tries to get away from all mainstream thought. It begins with Chicanas as a point of departure and builds from there an understanding of their uniqueness as well as their commonalities with other oppressed peoples in this society.50 In their study of Chicana feminism among Chicanas in higher education and Chicana white- collar workers, Pesquera and Segura found that Chicana feminism is not ideologically monolithic. Pesquera and Segura documented the emergence of ideologically divergent strands of Chicana feminism based on the social positioning of specific groups of Chicanas.51 A future task for Chicana feminist scholars will be to explore further the dynamic interaction of cross—cutting memberships based on class, education, sexual orientation, and other criti— cal variables in order to understand better the con‘ tinued development of Chicana feminist discourse in the twenty-first century. Chicana scholars are truly moving in new direc— tions. Chicana feminist writings represent the accu— mulated maturity of an intellectual tradition rooted in the political activism of the 19603. Nevertheless, Chicana feminists, like other feminist women of color, continue to join their intellectual discourse with their political activism. Indeed, each informs the other. Pesquera and Segura succinctly charac- terize the major underlying force of Chicana femi— nist discourse as a Chicana critique of cultural, political and economic conditions in the United States. It is influenced by the tradition of advocacy scholarship, which chal— lenges the claims of objectivity and links research to community concerns and social change. It is driven by a passion to place the Chicana, as speaking sub— ject, at the center of intellectual discourse.52 The voices of Chicana feminists will continue to resonate as the next century approaches. Their struggles and triumphs will continue to shape the ideological direction of American feminism and future generations of feminists. [1997] NOTES 1. Mario Barrera, “The Study of Politics and the Chicano,” Aztlan 5 (1976): 9-26; Carlos Munoz, Jr, “The Politics 2 6 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. of Protest and Liberation: A Case Study of Repression and Cooptation,” Aztlan 5 (1974): 119—141; Armando Navarro, “The Evolution of Chicano Politics,” Aztlan 5 (1974): 57—84. .John Dunne, Delano: The Story of the California Grape Strike (New York: Straus, 1967); Sam Kushner, Long Road to Delano (New York: International, 1975); Eugene Nelson, Hztelga: The First 100 Days (Delano, CA: Farm Workers Press, 1966). . Peter Nabokov, Tijerina and the Courthouse Raid (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1969). . Tony Castro, Chicano Power (New York: Saturday Review Press, 1974): Matt Meier and Feliciano Rivera, The Chicanos (New York: Hill & Wang, 1972). . F. Chris Garcia and Rudolpho 0. de la Garza, The Chicano Political Experience (North Scituate, MA: Duxbury, 1977). .John Shockley, Chicano Revolt in a Texas Town (South Bend: University of Notre Dame Press, 1974). . Sheila Rowbotham, Wbmen, Resistance and Revolution: A History of [Women and Revolution in the [Modern Wirld (New York: Vintage. 1974). . Maxine Baca Zinn, “Political Familism: Toward Sex Role Equality in Chicano Families,” Aztlan 6 (1977): 13—27. . Ibid. Rowbotham, W/omen, Resistance and Revolution, p. 206. Carlos Munoz, Jr., Ybuth, Identity, Power: The Chicano [Movement (New York: Verso, 1989), p. 77. Ibid., p. 4. Tomas Almaguer, “Historical Notes on Chicano Oppres— sion,” Aztlan 5 (1974): 27-56; Mario Barrera, Race and Class in the Southwest (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1979). Adaliiza Sosa Riddell, “Chicanas en el Movimiento,” Aztlan 5 (1974): 159. Nieto Gomez, “Chicanas Identify,” p. 4. Henri Chavez, “The Chicanas,” Regeneracion 1 (1971): 14; Marta Cotera, The Chicana Feminist (Austin, TX: Austin Information Systems Development, 1977) ; Marta Cotera, “Feminism: the Chicana and Anglo Versions: An Historical Analysis,” in Twice a Minority: [Mexican American Women, ed. Margarita Melville (St. Louis, MO: C. V Mosby, 1980), pp. 217—234; Adelaida Del Castillo, “La Vision Chicana,” La Genre 8 (1974): p. 8; Evelina Marquez and Margarita Ramirez, “Women’s Task Is to Gain Liberation,” in Essays on La Nlujer, ed. Rosaura Sanchez and Rosa Martinez Cruz (Los Angeles: UCLA Chicano Studies Center, 1977), pp. 188—194; Riddell, “Chicanas en el Movimiento”, Maxine Baca Zinn, “Chicanas: Power and Control in the Domestic Sphere,” De Colores 2 no. 3, (1975): 19—31. Mirta Vidal, “New Voice of La Raza: Chicanas Speak Out,” International Socialist Review 32 (1971): 8. Riddell, “Chicanas en el Movimiento,” p. 159. Francisca Flores, “Conference of Mexican Women: Un Remolina,” Regeneracion, no. 1 (1971): 4. Cotera, The Chicano Feminist, p. 9. Anna Gomez Nieto, “La Feminista,” Encuentro Rememl 1 (1973): 34—47, It p. 35. Ibid. Ibid. ...
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Garcia Chicana feminism - Feminism as a Social Move ment...

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