Merchants_of_the_Adriatic_Zadars_Trading

Merchants_of_the_Adriatic_Zadars_Trading - Georg Christ...

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Unformatted text preview: Georg Christ, Franz-Julius Morche, Roberto Zaugg Wolfgang Kaiser, Stefan Burkhardt, Alexander D. Beihamlner (eds.) Union in Separation Diasporic Groups and Identities in the Eastern Mediterranean (1100-1800) Viella 646 Fabien Faugeron Catalan quasi-monopoly, the opportunities presented by the Venetian markets but also the hunger for grain of the Barbary Coast, Egypt and Syria created favourable conditions for the Venetian implantation. In fact, the Valier company’s business activity seems globally compatible with the Sicilian economy, more so from the point of View of the Sicilian monarchs and barons than from that of the towns who blamed the foreign exporters for starving them. The letters portray Sicily‘s growing importance in Venetian trade in the second half of the fifteenth century. Despite this. the Venetian “diaspora”, which barely exceeded more than several dozen, was integrated only to a low degree. The example of the Valier brothers clarifies this feature of Venetian expatriate merchant life in light of the strategies adopted by other merchant “nations”, such as the Tuscans who were deeply im_ mersed in Palermo and Messina, or the Genoese. Venice remained the focus of their personal life; their emotional ties 4 their family and permanent residence — were to Venice. Neither Matteo Valier nor his brother, both unmarried, were interested in the advantages that a Sicilian marriage or citizenship could offer. In their exile psychology, Sicilian residence gave the appearance of permanency but it did not extend beyond their youth or years of professional training. The Valier brothers may have made a limited investment in Sicilian society, but their success lay in their ability to effectively target the inner workings of the Sicilian economic apparatus to access the resources they needed for their business. STEPHAN SANDER-FAEs ~ Merchants of the Adriatic: Zadar’s Trading Community around the Mid—Sixteenth Century* 1. Introduction The present contribution focuses on the merchants, spice traders, and busi- nessmen of Zadar (Zara) between the two wars of the “Holy Leagues” against the Ottoman Empire during the 16‘" century.‘ The merchants, spice traders, and retail- ers of central Dalmatia, then part of Venice’s maritime state along the Eastern shores of the Adriatic, are at the centre of the argument. How large was the trad- ing community which lived between the frontiers of both Latin Europe and the Ottoman Empire? Where did these individuals originate from geographically as well as in terms of allegiance? What did they do with the revenues they generated, where did they invest them? The chapter also pays special attention to ensuing questions as regards both their legal as well as social status. For this survey, focused on Zadar and its jurisdiction between 1540 and 1569, the protocol books of fifteen then-present notaries have been analysed.2 The * This article was written and consigned to the editors before the publication of the author’s monograph, Urban Elites of Zadar: Dalmatia and the Venetian Commonwealth, 1540 to 1569 (Rome: Viella, 2013), which is the reason why some references may appear slightly outdated. 1. Given Dalmatia’s history after the demise of the Republic of St. Mark, nationalistic ends often — and on both shores — sought to justify the writing of differing histories of the Adriatic and, with notably few exceptions, only a small number of post-nationalistic approaches to its early modern history exist. Cf. Tomislav Raukar, “Komunalna drustva u Dalmacij i u XIV. stoljeéu [Com- mune Societies in Dalmatia in the 14‘“ century]”, in Studije 0 Dalmaciji u srednjem vijeku [Studies about Dalmatia in the Middle Ages], ed. by Tomislav Raukar (Split: Knjiievni Krug, 2007), pp. 69- 139, here p. 78. Further bibliographical references can be found in Hrvatskapovijest srednjeg vijeka [The History of Croatia in the Middle Ages], ed. by Neven Budak and Tomislav Raukar (Zagreb: Skolska Knjiga, 2006), pp. 428-432. All homonyms quoted directly from the primary sources are spelled as they appear, names in the secondary sources are reproduced as they appear; all toponyms are given in their present form to facilitate finding them on a contemporaly map. 2. The present survey is based upon the protocols of the following individuals, preserved in the Driavni arhiv u Zadru (DAZd, Croatian State Archive), Spisi zadarskih biljezfivika (SZB, Notarial Manuscripts from Zadar): Augustinus Martius (AM, active from 1540-1551), Cor- nelius Constantius (CC, 1567-1569), Daniel Cavalca (DC, 1551-1566), Franciscus Thomaseus (FT, 1548-1561), Gabriel Cernotta (GC, 1562-1564), Horatius de Marchettis (HM, 1567-1569), Johannes a Morea (JM, 1545-1569), Johannes Michael Mazzarellus (JMM, 1540-1554), Mar- cus Aurelius Sonzonius (MAS, 1544-1548), Nicolaus Canali (NC, 1558-1567), Nicolaus Dras— 648 Stephan Sander-Faes sources, preserved in the local branch of the Croatian State Archives, contain a wide variety of notarial instruments.3 In their form, the surveyed notarial acts — procuratorial appointments, real estate transactions, marriage contracts as well as wills and testaments — are comparable to those found elsewhere in Italy and the wider Mediterranean,4 enabling broad comparisons with similar urban societies.5 While the following analysis rests primarily on these unpublished sources, the survey also makes use of two already-published bodies of material, the Com- missiones et Relationes Venetae and the Statuta Iadertina. The former are the relazioni written by Venice’s legates, civilian and military officials serving in her Adriatic dominions.6 The latter is Zadar’s communal statutory body of law, for- mileus (ND, 1540-1566), Petrus de Bassano (PB, 1540-1569), Paulus de Sanctis (PS, 1545- 1551), Simon Budineus (SB, 1556-1565), and Simon Mazzarellus (SM, 1555-1567). Hence DAZd, SZB, and the respective notary’s name(s) are abbreviated. 3. Pregled arhivskimfondova i zbirki republike Hrvatske [Overview of the Archival Col- lections and Manuscripts in the Republic of Croatia], ed. by Josip Kolanovic’, 2 vols. (Zagreb: Hwatski driavni arhiv, 2006-2007), here vol. 1, pp. 881—884. 4. Cf. Branka Grbavac, “Testamentary Bequests of Urban Noblewomen on the Eastern Adriatic Coast in the Fourteenth Century: The Case of Zadar”, in Across the Religious Divide: Women, Property, and Law in the wider Mediterranean, 1300-1800, ed. by Jutta G. Sperling and Shona Kelly Wray (London-New York: Routledge, 2010), pp. 67-80, here p. 68-69, who refers to Milan von Sufflay, Die Dalmatinische Privaturkunde (Vienna: Gerold, 1904), and Linda Guzzetti, Venezianische Vermc'ichtnisse: Die soziale una’ wirtschaftliche Situation von Frauen im Spiegel spiitmittelalterlicher Testamente (Stuttgart-Weimar: Metzler, 1998). For the more technical aspects of the notaries of Venice proper during the 14‘“ and 15‘ll centuries see Maria Pedani Fabris, "Veneta Auctoritate Notarius Storia del Notariato Veneziano, 1514— 1797 (Milan: Giuffre, 1996), especially pp. 1-19. 5. E.g. Diane Owen Hughes, “Domestic Ideals and Social Behavior: Evidence from Medi- eval Genoa”, in The Family in History: Lectures given in Memory of Stephen A. Kaplan under the Auspices of the Department of History at the University ofPennsylvania. ed. by Charles E. Rosenberg (Pittsburgh: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1975), pp. 115-43; Zdenka Janekovic- Romer, Mari/so ili sudenje ljubavi: Braéno—ljubavna priéa srednjovjekovnog Dubrovnika [Marusa or Trial of Love: A Marital Love Story from Medieval Dubrovnik] (Zagreb: Algori- tam, 2008), Ead., Rod i grad: Dubrovacko obite/j odXIlI do XV stoljec'a [Kinship and the City: Dubrovnik‘s Families from the 13‘“ to the 15‘“ Centuries] (Dubrovnik: Hrvatska Akademija Znanosti i Umjetnosti u Zagrebu, 1994); Barisa Krekic, Unequal Rivals: Essays on Relations between Dubrovnik and Venice in the 13’“ and 14”I centuries (Zagreb: Hrvatska Akademija Znanosti i Umjetnosti u Dubrovniku, 2007). On Venice proper start with John Martin and Dennis Romano, “Reconsidering Venice”, in Venice Reconsidered: The History and Civilization of an Italian City State, 1297-] 79 7, ed. by John Martin and Dennis Romano (Baltimore-London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), pp. 1—35; recent studies include Jutta G. Sperling, Convents and the Body Politic in late Renaissance Venice (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), and Mary Laven, Virgins of Venice: Broken Vows and Cloistered Lives in the Renaissance (New York: Viking, 2003). However, the most problematic aspects of recent historiography pertain- ing to Dalmatia’s past is that those (admittedly few) theses and dissertations written by younger scholars are usually published in their mother tongues only, thus inaccessible to most Western historians. The references above can thus be only considered indicative, not all-encompassing. 6. First editions were published by Simeon (or Sime) Ljubic’, one of the most eminent l9"‘-century scholars of medieval Croatia, under the auspices of the Yugoslav Academy of Sci- ences. His work was continued by Grga Novak in the 1960s and 19705. The present survey uses information contained in vols. 1-3 which include reports written by Zadar’s counts and captains Merchants of the Adriatic 649 mally adopted together with the Amendments introduced by the Republic of St. Mark in 1563 and printed in Venice in the subsequent year.7 With the exception of the period from 1358 to 1409,8 most coastal communi- ties of medieval and early modern Dalmatia were under Venetian suzerainty.9 Over the course of the 15''1 century the Republic of St. Mark re-acquired the majority of cities, towns, and their respective jurisdictions, followed by their integration into the larger framework of her maritime possessions in the Eastern Mediterranean.10 In general these urban societies were embedded within the larger administrative, legislative, and structural context of Venice’s dominions in both the Italian Ter- raferma as well as her maritime state, also known as Oltremare or Stato da mar.” The city of Zadar, dubbed “metropoli et chiave di quelly provintia”,'2 became the nominal capital of the Venetian Adriatic dual province encompassing possessions as well as more general overviews by Venetian legates responsible for the entirety of her Adri- atic possessions. Commissiones et Relationes Venetae, ed. by Simeon Ljubic, 3 vols. (Zagreb: Academia Scientiarum et Artium Slavorum Meridionalium, 1876-1880). 7. Written mostly in Latin, some of the amended parts, the so-called Refor/nationes, were drawn up in the 16”'-century Venetian vernacular. The statutes were edited and annotated with a critical apparatus in the late 19905; it also contains references to other editions of communal law compilations in Dalmatia: Zadarski statut sa svim reformacijama odnosno novim urea'bama donesenima do godine I 5 63 [Zadar’s Statute with all the Reformations and new Regulations adopted by the Year 1563], ed. by Josip Kolanovic’ and Mate Kriiman (Zagreb: Matica Hrvat- ska, 1997), especially p. 9-26. 8. On the Hungarian suzerainty cf. Pal Engel, Gyula Kristo, and Andras Kubinyi, Histoire de la Hongarie me’dievale.‘ Des Angevins aux Habsbourgs (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2008), pp. 62-64, and Pal Engel, The Realm ofSt Stephen: A History ofMedieval Hun- gary, 895-1526 (London: Tauris, 2001), pp. 161-167. 9. More recently Gherardo Ortalli, “Beyond the Coast # Venice and the Western Balkans: The Origins of a Long Relationship”, in Balcani occidentali, Adriatico e Venezia fra XIII e XVII! retrain/Der Hewitt-he Balkan, derAdrfm'aum and Venedig (13—18. Jahrhrmdert), ed. by Gherardo Ortalli and Oliver J. Schmitt (Vienna: Verlag der Osterrcichischen Akademie der Wis- senschaften, 2009), pp. 9-25. Only few accounts on Croatian history in Western languages exist and among the most recent is Tomislav Raukar, “Croatia within Europe”, in Croatia and Eu- rope, vol. 2: Culture, Arts and Sciences: Croatia in the late Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. by Ivo Supicici (London: Wilson, 2008), pp. 7-40, but follow also the references given in Grbavac, “Testamentary Bequests”, pp. 67-68. 10. On Venice’s maritime state after the Peace of Turin (1382) see Benjamin Arbel, “Co— lonic d’olu‘cmare”, in Storia di Viwezia, vol. 5: 1i Rinascimento: some ed Econmnia. ed. by Alberto Tenenti and Ugo Tucci (Rome: Enciclopedia Italiana, 1996}, pp. 947-985, and Bernard Doumerc, “Il dominio del mare”, in Storia di Venezia, vol. 5: [I Rinascimento: Societa ed Econo- mia, ed. by Alberto Tenenti and Ugo Tucci (Rome: Enciclopedia Italiana, 1996), pp. 113-180. 1 1. For the legislative aspects of Venetian rule in both her dominion on the terraferma as well as in the stato da mar Gaetano CoZZi, Ambiente veneziano, ambiente veneto.‘ Saggi su politica, s0- cieta, cultura nella Repubblica di Venezia in eta moderna (Venice: Marsilio, 1997), p. 292; on Istria Egidio Ivetic, Oltremare: L’Istria nell'ultimo dominio veneto (Venice: Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, 2000), pp. 21-47; on Dalmatia cf. the introduction in Vjekoslov Mastrovié, Razvoj szrclstm u Dalmacy'i u XIX. .woljec'u [The Development ofthe Juridical System in Dalmatia in the 19'“ century] (Zadar: Jugoslaveuska Akademija Znanosti i Umjetnosti, 1959), pp. 1 HT. 12. Described as such in 1553 by Venice’s syndic, Antonio Diedo, in his report to the Senate; quoted in Commissiones et Relationes Venetae: Tomus 3: Annorum 1553-15 7] , ed. by Simeon Ljubic (Zagreb: Academia Scientiarium etArtium Slavorum Meridionalium, 1880), pp. 1-30, here p. 17. 650 Stephan Sander-Faes in both Dalmatia and Albania.13 Medieval developments along the neighbouring Apennine peninsula conveyed additional cultural, ecclesiastical, legal, linguistic, and social influences whose repercussions could also be felt across the Adriatic. Hence urban societies along both shores bore not only considerable resemblance to each other, but those situated on the oriental littoral mirrored more strongly Ven- ice proper, its social hierarchy, and over-all societal organisation. Leaving aside the Serenissima’s bureaucrats, over the course of the Middle Ages the Dalmatian nobility, too, separated itself from the rest of the general populace by means of legally regulating its privileged descent.l4 Alongside the (coastal)15 aristocracy a variety of administrative, ecclesiastical, intellectual, and mercantile elites existed, often occupying various public offices necessary for the functioning of society’s everyday life. ‘6 2. Zadar and Its Jurisdiction After the Venetian re-acquisition of Zadar and its hinterlands in the wake of the Hungarian succession crisis in 1409, its jurisdiction encompassed the city proper, its suburban settlement, the minor fortified places of Nin (Nona), Novigrad (N ovegradi), and Vrana (Aurana) as well as a number of islands off the coast}7 Ac- cording to contemporary accounts Zadar’s jurisdiction still comprised 37 islands and 85 minor villages after the territorial losses sustained as a consequence of the 13. On the late medieval and early modern Adriatic in general follow Bernard Doumerc, “L’Adriatique du XIII°-XVII° siecle”, in Histoire de l 'Adriatique, ed. by Pierre Cabanes (Paris: Seuil, 2001), pp. 203-311; on Venetian Albania see Oliver J. Schmitt, Das venezianischeAlban- ien, 1392—1479 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2001); on Dalmatia Nada Klaic, Povijjest Hrvata u sred— njem vijeku [History of the Croats in the Middle Ages] (Zagreb: Biblioteka Posebna izdanja, 1990), and Tomislav Raukar, Hrvatsko srednjv'ovjekovlje: Prostor, ljudi, ideje [The Croatian Middle Ages: Spaces, People, Ideas] (Zagreb: Skolska Knjiga, 1997). 14. On the Venetian Serrata Gerhard R6sch, “The Serrata of the Great Council and Venetian Society, 1286-1323”, in Venice Reconsiderea'.‘ The History and Civilization of an Italian City— State, 1297—] 79 7, ed. by John Martin and Dennis Romano (Baltimore-London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), pp. 67-88; for guidance to the historiographical discussions and recent bibliographical references Stanley Chojnacki, “Identity and Ideology in Renaissance Venice: The Third Serrata”, in Venice Reconsiderea’: The History and Civilization of an Italian City-State, 129 7-1 797, ed. by John Martin and Dennis Romano (Baltimore-London: Johns Hopkins Univer- sity Press, 2000), pp. 263-294, and Monique O’Connell, Men of Empire: Power and Communica- tion in Venice is Maritime State (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009), pp. 57—74. 15. The hinterland’s nobles styled and lived much more like the Croatian-Hungarian mag- nates; see Engel, Realm ofSt. Stephen, pp. 83-88, 119-122, 174-181. 16. Cf. Neven Budak, “Urban e’lites in Dalmatia in the 14‘“ and 15‘" Centuries”, in Citta e sisrema adriatico allafine del medioevo: Bilanci degli Studi e prospettive di ricerca, ed. by Michele P. Ghezzo (Venice: Societa Dalmata di Storia Patria, 1998), pp. 181-199, and note 93. 17. On Zadar’s past in general Proslost Zadra [The Past of Zadar], ed. by Dinko Foretic, 3 vols. (Zadar: Narodni list, 1976-1987), ofwhich vols. 1-2 deal with its history prior to 1409, and vol. 3 is of importance in the context ofthe present survey: Tomislav Raukar, lvo Petricioli, Franjo Svelec, and Sime Pericici, Zadar pod mletac‘kmn npmvom. 1409-1797 [Zadar under the Venetian Administration] (Zadar: Narodni List, 1987). Merchants of the Adriatic 65 l Ottoman-Venetian war of 1537-1540.‘8 AdditionaLterritorial losses were sustained as a consequence of the Cyprus War (1570-1573), however, the basic administra- tive organisation, dating back to the Middle Ages, was preserved. '9 One of the con— sequences thereof was the declining importance (and possibilities) for continued agriculture due to increased insecurity outside fortified places, a problematic situation further compounded by the redrawing of the borders in the 1570s.20 After 1409 the Venetians kept the medieval organisation of the mainland in place and focused chiefly on amending those parts of the legal framework of importance to their authority.21 To facilitate the defence of her dominions Venice re-organised the bureaucracy: apart from higher-ranking regional commanders22 these were Zadar’s count (comes/come) as the highest-ranking civilian author- ity and his military commander; the captain (capitaneus), himself assisted by a castellan (castellanus).23 The Venetian officials were assisted by members of both 18. The numbers above are from the report of Venetian legate Giovanni Battista Gius- tiniano from spring of 1553; he wrote of 6,536 souls in the city proper, 5,293 on the islands, and 12,000 on the mainland. See his report in Commissiones et Relationes Venetae: Tomi/s 2: Annorum 1525-1553, ed. by Simeon Ljubic (Zagreb: Academia Scientiarium et Artium Sla- vorum Meridionalium, 1877), pp. 190-272, here p. 198. Prior to the war Zadar’s jurisdiction had been significantly larger and more populous, especially on the mainland, comprising 280 minor villages and a total population “alla somme de anime 24,000” (6,903 in the city proper, 1,148 in the suburbs, 9,109 on the mainland, and 6,859 on the islands) according to the report by Zacharia Vallaresso, dated 10 September 1527, quoted after Commissiones et Relationcs Venetae: Tomus 1: Annorum 1433—1527, ed. by Simeon Ljubic (Zagreb: Academia Scientiarium et Artium Slavorum Meridionalium, 1876), pp. 194-223, here p. 197. 19. Most recently on these border changes Tea Mayhew, Dalmatia between Ottoman and Venetian Rule: Conrado di Zara, 1645-1718 (Rome: Viella, 2008), especially pp. 91-140; Wal- ter Panciera, “‘Tagliare i confini’: La linea di frontiera Soranzo-Ferhat in Dalmazia (1576)”, in Studi storici dedicati a Orazio Cancila, ed. by Antonio Giuffreda, Fabrizio D‘Avenia, and Daniele Palermo, vol. 1 (Palermo: Associazione Mediterranea, 2011), pp. 237-272. 20. Cf. Marina Mocellin, “La citta fortificata di Zara dal XV al XVI sec.”, Atti e Memorie della Societa Dalm...
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