Peng and Meng_Red-Haired Barbarians and Foreign Devils

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Unformatted text preview: Volumes published in the Proceedings of the xvth Congress of the International Comparative Literature Association “Literature as Cultural Memory” Volume I: Nation Building Volume 2: Colonizer and Colonized Volume 3: The Conscience of Humankind: Literature and Traumatic Experiences Volume 4: Gendered Memories Volume 5: Genres as Repositores of Cultural Memory Volume 6: Methods For the Study of Literature as Cultural Memory Volume 7: Reconstructing Cultural Memory: Translation, Scripts, Literacy Volume 8: Intercultural Studies Volume 9: Travel Writing and Cultural Memory Ecriture du voyage et mémoire culturelle Volume 10: Images of Westerners in Chinese and Japanese Literature IMAGES OF WESTERNERS IN CHINESE AND JAPANESE LITERATURE EDITED BY HUA MENG AND SUKEHIRO HIRAKAWA Volume 10 of the Proceedings of the xvth Congress of the International Comparative Literature Association “Literature as Cultural Memory” Leiden 1 6-22 August 1 997 Theo D’haen General Editor Amsterdam -— Atlanta, GA 2000 memo 27 Mi’ 20m i T / ; AUTHOR NO. ' >1 Cover design: Antje Postma ISBN 90-420-0750-8 lSBN volumes 1-10: 90-420-0740-0 The paper on which this book is printed meets the requirements of ‘lSO 9706: 1994, information and documentation — Paper for documents — Requirements for performance’. © Editions Rodopi B.V. Amsterdam - Atlanta, GA 2000 Printed in the Netherlands “A General Preface The choice of “Literature as Cultural Memory” as the overall theme for the XVth Congress of the International Comparative Literature Association (ICLA), held in Leiden 16—22 August 1997, draws particular attention to the role literature plays as a repository of culture. In fact, this specific function of literature seems so obvious that it may well lead us to overlook the very complex questions raised. Questions such as: Which cultural phenomena precisely are being preserved in, or through, or by literature? Is literature sometimes, or often, or always a mode of praising tradition, continuity, even permanence? Is this a good thing? Is it on the contrary a reason for indicting literature (and/or the aesthetic in general)? Where is the dividing line between cultural memory and cultural heritage? Or: both literature and memory have a complicated relationship to the past, both select and edit what they register; both change and distort, in ways that are comparable as well as totally different, what they report on. If literature and memory, each in its own way, act like this, then what kind of “truth” is being preserved by their combination, by a memory that is also literature? Moreover, literature not only preserves culture, it also is itself part of culture, and even creates culture. The general congress theme allowed for the study of literature in relation to both recent and more remote sociocultural developments around the globe as well as in relation to gender and cultural studies. The XVth ICLA Congress, attended by some 600 delegates from 52 countries around the globe, addressed the general congress theme, and the questions raised by it, in eight sections, each with parallel sessions, as well as a number of workshops and round tables. The present volumes contain the selected proceedings from these eight sections, as well as from two workshops held during the congress. Adresses by plenary speakers have been incorporated in relevant volumes. Financial support for the Congress was provided by the Netherlands Graduate School for Literary Studies (OSL), the ICLA, the Faculty of Letters of Leiden University, Leiden University, the Research School CNWS, School of Asian, African, and Amerindian Studies at Leiden, the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, the Gulbenkian Le Congres a regu de l’aide financiere de I’Ecole de Recherche Néerlandaise d’Etudes Littéraires, l’Association Internationale de Littéra- ture Comparée, la Faculté des Sciences Humaines de l’Université de Leiden, l’Université de Leiden, l’Ecole de Recherche CNWS, l’Institut d’Etudes Asiatiques, Africaines, et Amérindiennes a Leiden, l’Académie Royale des Sciences des Pays~Bas, la Fondation GulbenkianmCommission Nationale pour les Commémorations des Découvertes Portugaises, 1a Librairie Kooyker at Leiden, l’Ambassade de France aux Pays-Bas, l’Asso- ciation d’Etudes Canadiennes aux Pays-Bas, le Leids UniversiteitsFonds, et la Brigham Young University. La Faculté des Sciences Humaines de l’Université de Leiden a donné son support financier pendant les stades préliminaires de la redaction des Actes. Merci 51 tons. Je voudrajs ici aussi remercier Elly van Winden, responsable du stade préliminajre de la redaction, et spécialement Rudi Horemans, qui, de sa maniére inimitable, a minutieusement préparé tous les volumes des Actes pour la presse. J ’ai en la bonne fortune d’avoir pu passer la période de preparation finale des presents volumes au Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social Sciences, un Institut de l’Académie Royale des Sciences des Pays—Bas. Je suis tres reconnaissant au recteur de l’Institut ainsi qu’a son personnel pour tous les bon soins que j’aj recus. Theo D’haen Rédacteur-en-chef des Actes de AILC ’97 Leiden Responsable général du XVe Congres de l’AILC a Leiden Table of Contents /Table des mati‘eres Hua Meng Preface 9 — 13 Part One: Images of Westerners in Chinese Literature Zhaorong Peng The Image of the “Red-Haired Barbarian" in Chinese Official and Popular Discourse 17 — 23 Hua Meng The Chinese Genesis of the Term “Foreign Devil" 25 - 37 Jiaming Han The Image of the West in A Dream of Red Mansions 39 - 52 Xiaohong Xia Madame Roland in China: The Reception and Reinterpretaticn of a Popular Literary Image 53 - 73 Xiangyu Liu and Hailiang Ma Byronism in Lu Xun 75 - 84 Peng Luo Young Westerners in the Writings of Chinese Scholars 85 - 93 Xiaoyi Zhou Oscar Wilde: An Image of Artistic Self-Fashioning in Modern China, 1909-1949 95 - 113 Rumin Wen The Image of Westerners in the Gaze of Cultural Criticism 115 - 121 Raoul David Findeisen Non vi Ieggemmo avante Or Memory Transformed: the Shaping of Western Authors and their Partnerships as Models for a New Literature in China (1911-49) 123 -137 Hengda Yang and Peng Chen Images of Westerners in the Chinese Novel since the 19805 139 - 148 464'» The Image of the “Red-Haired Barbarian” In Chinese Official and Popular Discourse There are two fundamental prerequisites for the formation of an image: the image itself and the perspective of others. Both mutually act on the imaginal text, and every image has its own rules of formation. The first is embodied in the changeability of the object, in other words “the art in growing.” The second rule is embodied in the field of vision centred on the perceiving self. It is said that the first “Yellow Emperor” in ancient China had “four faces” which governed each of the four directions. A passage in the Analects records Confucius talking about this with his follower Zigong: Zigong asked, “Do you think it is true that Yellow Emperor had four faces?” Confucius answered, “Yes. It was natural for the Yellow Emperor to have four faces, for he divided himself into four parts and made them four persons to govern the four directions.”1 “Four face” had two meanings——face and direction—that extended to Chinese particular system of direction of “one point, four sides”. It meant that the respective governor in the East, West, South and North all centered on the Emperor. From which are derived the words for China: Zhong Guo, Zhong Hua, Zhong Zhou. Beings inside the “one point” were 1 “Shizi”, quoted in Taiping yu Ian, Vol. 7. Volume 10 17 The Image of the "Red-Haired Barbarian" in Chinese Official and Popular Discourse superior to those from the “four sides.” And from this the special terms for the various border tribes of ancient China are derived: the Eastern Yi, the Western Kong, the Southern Man and the Northern Di. They were considered not human beings but “animals”.2 This system of classification may seem somewhat archaic, but from it came the subsequent dichotomy between “Chinese” and “Barbarian.” Indeed, similar binary concepts are common in cultural history. The English saying, “All roads lead to Rome” is Eurocenteric. As Clifford Geertz has declared, “Culture is a map”.3 Texts and cultural artifacts can act as maps that show us where cultures locate themselves in relation to other cultures. The text I will examine in this paper is “Redhair Fan.” According to the Shuo wen jie zi, fan is an animal whose image can be found in inscriptions on oracle bones or tortoise shells of the Shang Dynasty. It was classified as belonging to the same class of beings as the “barbarian” Yi, Rong, Man and Di. Combined the characters fan and yi came to mean “uncivilized barbarians.” Han Chinese came to regards themselves as unquestionably superior to other types. Moreover, barbarians were subdivided into two grades: “tamed fan” and “wild fan”. Thus three ranks of humans came into being.4 When Westerners first came to China, they were called “red-haired Fan” because of their strange physical features. Sometimes they were also cursed in folktales as “Fan devils” because of their believed savageness and cruelty. Even today there old people in southern China’s Fujian province tell stories about the red-haired Fan devouring children. Similarly, an historical accounts says, “the Frenchmen stayed long and would not leave. They robbed travelers and even ate children”.5 Gu Yanwu also mentions this in his Moon Hill Chats.G The “red-haired Fan” was a term common in both Fujian and Guangdong provinces, where coastal m Erya. Geertz, Clifford, The Interpretation of Culture, Chapter I (New York, Basic Books,1973). Alain Peyrefitte, L’empire immobile ou. la choc des Inc/ides, tram. Wang Guoqin el (11, (Beijing: Sauliau Publishing House) 1993, p38. in “Fuo langji zlmau", in Ming shi. Tia/L xiajuu guo li hing sllu, Vol. 119, (Qiugjiajing shiliunian fuwenge juzhenbanben) p.54. 18 Literature as Cultural Memory 3% Zhaorong Peng ports and trade led to extensive contact with Westerners. As I have said, the value of an image does not derive from itself alone but from the perceiver’s interpretation of the image. The principal objectives of Westerners coming to China were to trade, colonize and convert. When the first colonizers arrived in China, however, they found a political system more powerful than their own. Even before this, pioneering travelers such as Marco Polo and Matteo Ricci brought back to Europe much knowledge about Chinese civilization. Many of these early travelers to China returned to Europe full of praise for it. During the eighteenth century the vogue for Chinese culture and artifacts reached a peak. Luis’s tutor once had such sentence: “Sancle Confuci ora pro nobis”.7 But in the late Ming Dynasty and especially during the Qing Dynasty, China’s rulers shunned contact with the outside world. Thus, when the Qing emperor Qianlong received the British diplomatic corps who offered him birthday gifts, he replied, “I don’t need anything from others. Please take back the gifts and hurry back”.8 During the Ming Dynasty, China began to acquire some knowledge about the West. There were two important factors that encouraged this increasing familiarity. Firstly, sea trade became a channel for business and cultural exchange between East and West. Trade ports and cities along China’s southern coast flourished. Secondly, European colonialists began to inundate China. The Dutch and Portuguese came first, followed by the Spanish, British and French. Yet China’s rulers afraid of accompanying trade with social or cultural contact; and at any sign of trouble with Westerners, they banned maritime trade for a long period. In spite of this, Westerners continued to arrive in China, and there were ever more opportunities for ordinary people to get to know them. It was not until the Ming Dynasty that ordinary people began to have any contact with Westerners. It is likely that the earliest use of the term “red- haired Fan” was provoked by contact with Dutch traders. During the Ming Dynasty, Chinese people did not know much about the Dutch. Contempo— rary records did not contain any detailed record of their presence. The Historical Records of the Ming states that, “During the reigns of Yonghe L’cmpil'e immobile ou le choc des Ina/ides , op.ci.l., pp. 30-31. Ibi(l., p. 5. Volume 10 19 The Image of the "Red—Haired Barbarian” in Chinese Official and Popular Discourse and Xuan De, Zheng He led his fleets on a journey to some Western countries, but he did not find the country of Holland”? The earliest record of the arrival of Dutch on China’s coast describes how in September, 1601, “foreigners on two ships arrived in the harbor of Xiang Shanao. The locals did not know where they were from and called them ‘red—haired devils.’ These ‘red—haired devils’ had red hair, beards and round eyes.” Zhang Xie also states that, “The red—haired Fan said that they were from ‘Holland’ which is located near France. He said that they had never been to China. The reason why they were called ‘red—haired Fan’ was that they had deep- set eyes, long noses, and red hair and beards”.10 Subsequently, as other Western nationalities arrived in China, they appeared so much alike that Chinese people couldn’t distinguish between them; “red-haired Fan” came to be the common term for them. The significance of any text changes along with changes in the system of social values. This is the first rule of any image: plasticity If the name of “red—haired Fan” was the result traditional forms of thought—— “one point four sides”——the presence of Westerners brought additional new associations to the term. China’s feudal and agrarian civilization could not compete with the capitalist and maritime dynamism of Western civilization. In his study Europe and China, CF. Hudson quotes one European: “The Westerner is the owner of the world’s seas”.11 The colonialists achieved their ends through gunboats and trade. Joseph Li writes: “China’s naval force was the most powerful in the world during the years 1100-1450".12 But it dramatically lagged behind the West sharply in the Qing Dynasty. In trade and commerce, there were also major disparities between China and the West. The historian Alain Peyrefitte observes that whereas in Western nations business and commerce was aprestigious calling, Chinese merchants were ranked lowest under the influence of feudal hierarchy and traditional culture.13 Liu Yingsheng, Siluwen/Lua-Haishangiuan (Zhejiang People’s Publisher: 1995), p.276. 1" Ibid., p. 277. ll . . . C.F.Hudson, Europe and China: A Survey of Their Relations from the Earliest Times lo 1800, tram. Wang Zunzhong (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,1995), p. 15. 12 . . . .. . . Quoted in Sun Guaiigqi, Hag/(111g)iaotorzgyuwenmz/ig (Haiyang Publisher, 1993), p. 4. l3 . - . . . Alain Peyrefitte, L’empzre immobile ou le choc des mondes, ap.cit., pp. 526-527. 20 Literature as Cultural Memory Zhaorong Peng The historical shift in the image of Westerners was a complicated, multi-faceted process. It was mainly reflected in three aspects: official documents, folk-tales, and scholarly opinions. As Western powers came to dominate China, “red—haired Fan” lost its original meaning. Instead of being the subservient race, “red-haired Fan” became the dominant party. More and more official documents no longer used the term “barbarian” for Westerners and instead used the more neutral term, “foreigner”. This shift is illustrated in the official documents of Qianlong. For instance, “Westerner” (“xi yang ren”), “Western merchant” (“yang hang”) and “barbarian trader” (“yi shang”) were used in imperial regulations that dealt with Western traders. ‘4 One imperial edict commented, “China is the master of the world, how dare the Westerners (xi yang) treat us so disrespectfully and arrogantly. We have no reason to tolerate them”.15 The response in the populace at large was quite different, especially along the southeast coast of China. Fujian and Guangdong provinces had originally belonged to the area of the “southern barbarians”. They were at some distance from the dominant cultural traditions of the central plains of China and had the advantage of convenient sea trade. “People along the Fujian coast made their living by maritime commerce”.16 What is more, they “went to foreign countries and communicated privately with them”.17 Through mixing with foreigners, people in the coastal communi- ties of southern China came to identify the “barbarian” image with their own ethnic identity and their own material interests. Thus, official and folk identity, and official and folk perception of the image of Westerners, differed sharply.18 The court’s policy of banning maritime trade was first to prevent foreigners from invading China, second to stop local people from becoming pirates, and the last to guard against popular collusion with foreigners. So there were significant differences in the image of the “barbarian” between the imperial court’s/and local society in southern China. The influence of western culture, particularly Christianity, on the H Sun Guangqi, I'Iaiyangjiaotongyuwen"Ling, op.cit., p. 372. 15 Alain Peyreiitte, L’empire immobile ou la choc des mondes, op.cit., p. 587. 16 Su Shi, “Lungaolijinzouzhuang”, in The Complete Works of Dorlgpo, Vol. 56. ’7 Mingyongleshilu, Vol. 12. 18 See Zhuang Jinghui, Haiwayiaotongshyiya/yiu, (Xiamen: Xiamen University Press, 1996), p.313. Volume 10 21 The lmage of the “Red-Haired Barbarian" in Chinese Official and Popular Discourse southeast coast was stronger than that on the central plains of China.” The phenomenon of “synthetic Confucianist”, a combination of folk Confucianism with streams of belief from Western Christian missionary teaching, is illustrated by the burial practices and tombs of local residents along the coast.20 Chinese scholars had a deeply contradictory perception of Western— ers. Firstly, they recognized the decline of the dynasty and the necessity of opening and learning from the West. The scholar Liang Qichao made a penetrating analysis of the roots of China’s stagnation: “China has been a united country since ancient times. Surrounded by barbarian countries, China would rather prevent what is harmful than promote what is beneficial. It would rather yearn for peace than fear for threats...It has kept out the outside world so as to prevent enemies from invading. It has been this way for ages”.2‘ Another famous thinker, Wei Yuan, mocked the rulers, “They know nothing but enlarging China. They do not know how large the world is”.22 But on the other hand, many scholars embraced a narrow, feudal patriotism in response to the threat of the West. They declared that they “would rather see the nation destroyed than change their way of life”.23 The dual impulses of China’s educated class explain why they perceived the West in such contradictory and unstable ways. The well— known “Westernization Faction” promoted learning Western knowledge.24 Yet some scholars studying abroad remained attached to traditional values and textual strategies in their reception of Western culture and values. 19 . . . . . . . .. .. . See L111 Jmshui, “Giulio Alem zal quanzhou de Jiaoyou yu chuanjiao huodong”, m IIaiiiaos/Liyalijiu, No. 1, 1994. 20 Archeologists found out many tombstones in south Fujian area. These tombstones showed that Christianity, Buddhism & Taoism merged into an organic whole then. The pointed arch—shaped Headstone for “Fan Chengxiang" was a good example, at its center, a carved “Hua Gai"(canopy as over an imperial carriage) was supported by a cross, between the “Hua Gai” and the cross a male angel with Wusha Mao (the symbol of an official power) was seated. Liang Qichao, “Bianfatongyi, Lunbubianfazhihai”, Yinbingshiheji. Wei Yuan, S/zengwuji, Vol. 12 (The World Publisher, 1936). The World since 1500: A Global History, tran. Wu Xiangyi...
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