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Unformatted text preview: 1m; Paar III surrvev RESEAHCl-i Reasons. C. E. and [5. PL. Wirth. 1W5.“Fo— lice Community Relations Units: A National Sunre'y."_l'ounrni of Serial Issues 51 :2?-33. Rich. W 1939. Coleman Young and De- trait Mine. Detroit: Wayne State Uni- versity Press. Saltzsteirt. G. H. 1959. “Black Mayors and Police Policies."_.|'uitrrtel at" Politics 51:525—14. Seaglion. R. and [L G. Condon. 1930. "Determinants of Attitudes toward City I:"Iolice.’r Criminology 11435—94. li't-chumanI I]. and l3. GruEnbetg. lEITZ. “Dissatisfaction with lCity Services: Is Race an Important Factor?" Pp. 3139—92 in Home .rlm‘I Pnit'n'n' in Urban Social}; edited by H. Hahn. Beverly Hills: Sage. Schuman. H. and S. Presser. 1931. Questions and Answers in Atrima'c Smileys. New 1It'ork: Academic Press. Skogan. W. I99I . “The Impact. of' Routine Encounters with the Police."r Presented at the annual meetian of the Ameri— can Society of lCriminology. San Francisco. Smith. I". E. altd R. D. Hawkins. 1W3. “Vic— tintization.Types of Citizen—Police Contacts and Attitudes toward the Po— lice." Law and Son'rty Review 8:135—52. Thomas, C. 1W. and Hyn‘iatl. 197T. “Perceptions of Crime. Fear of DISCUSSION 1. What was the purpose of the study? 1What. were the primaryr is— sues under examination? 2. Briefly summarize the sampling procedure. How were subj ects se— lected for the study? Victimization and Public Perceptions of Police Petfotniauee."jeutmri 43]" Pc- lt'rr Science and Administration 52305-11 US. Bureau of tlte Census. Census after- Htpnietr'un. 1940. 195i}, 19m, 19m. I931], I990. 1|llfi'tshing'trtn. DC: LIE. Government Printing Dilice. US. Department ofjustice. Bureau ofjus— tice Statistics. 1992. Lau- Etybrtement Monogram“ and Arlitrr'rtiflmlit'r Statistics. 1.999. Computer file. Ann htbot: ' InteralJitiversity Consortium for Po— : litical and Social Research. WllsoitJ. Q. 193'2. “The Police in the Ghetto." Pp. 51—9l'l in The Police and the Conrrntrtrif].rr edited by I15. I. Garmirc. J. Rubin. and _|. Q. Wilson. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Wurdoek. CJ. W‘Sl. "Neighborhood Racial Transition: Ft Study of the Role l or White Flight.” Urban Alias; Quar— : truly IT:?5—39. Zatnhle. E. and 1-”. Pinnesley. 1933". “Some Determinants of Public Attitudes to— ward the Police.”_fotrrnal Police Sri- ' rarer.- n'trrl' Administration 15:235-911. Zanna, M. P1,]. W Olson, and R. H. Faaio. 1934}. "Attitude—Behavior Consis— tency: An Individual Difference Per- spective."_ieumel at" Personality end Serial Mythology 33:432—411. QUESTIONS . 3. What additional data would have '. been useful to support and strengthen the conclusions of the I study? I 4. As discussed by the authors, what are the implications of the study? 5 Heavy Metal Music Preference. Delinquent Friends. Social Control. and Delinquency SIMON |. SINGER MURRAY LEVINE SUSYAN JDU COMMENTARY by Simon Singer [ first had the idea to look at the relationship between delinquency and music prefierence after reading a New anieer article in 1931’: about Los fingeles subun- han gangs. Within that excellent article by the journalist William Barich {1936}. [ saw a clearlyr articulated hypothesis. I didn't need to go much further than that to develop a theory about the possible efi'ects of music on delinquency. It so happened that the next year ] was asked it" I wished to do a'“needs as— sessment" for a large suburban community. There was New York State agency money available to conduct a survey for which I was given discretion as to hove to define the proposed assessment. I “noted not only to meet the agency’s goal of evaluating the concerns and intctests of the town's youth,but also to assess the extent to which youth were involved in a variety of delinquent behaviors. The idea of linking music preference to self—reported delinquency through the sunrtry technique came about when we needed to figure out an incentive that would lead to the participation of youth in the survey. We received a good deal on music coupons from a major retail record store in the area. To close the deal with the record store. we asked that the store cashiers record the actual music that was purchased on the returned incentive coupon. The survey also asked music preference. and we felt that along with actual music purchase Snun‘rJo-Ilr-rni LII Remote in Crime anti Din-m 1I.I'o| .30. Not 5. August 199.3.pp SIT-329. G 1993- 595: I’ubllrallous. Inc. Repeia'rbed by permission nl'ls'age I‘uhlritatinnl.ln.c. '11": article It a substantial revision of a paper originally presented at due 1990 annual Inert- iugs ol'lhe hmen'un Socials- ol'firiminology. Baltimore. We that-ll: italic-rt Agnew. Mishall Farrell.=nl:l Limo—'1 Lewis For their helpful count-uncut: em earlier version: chi-it's ar- TieIe.Dilett correspondence: to Simon II. Singer. Dem-mnth offiunukigg. SUNY—bulralt}, DUHSMNY [4261}. ‘ 11“ PART III SURVEY RESEARCH would provide an unobtrusive measure that would malse the article a little more convincing. The turn step in the analysis showed that the main cfl’ect of heavy metal preference after conn'olling for other important variables was significant. It was. However. we hypothesized interaction effects based not only on what Barich proposed but also on the excellent worlt of Keith Koo {1935}. Roe‘s study pointed to the need for the use of multivariate techniques of analysis to tease out the possible relationship between music preference and attachments to school and parents. This we were able to do using the techniques that fiiken and West [199]} recommended in their book on testing interactions with mul— tiple regression. We found it quite useful to present the interaction effects as they suggest by showing how the mean level of delinquency changed at each level of interactions. filthough the article started outwith a simple idea,it is important that it be considered in the broader context of subcultural theories of delinquency and crime. More is needed than just expressed attitudes anti values to uncover the various subcultures that are hypothesized to contribute to high rates of delin— quency. The indirect indicators of subcultuml aiiiliat'ion an: the measures that can best further our understanding of delinquency and crime. Subcultural the— ory can profit more from looking at the representations of culture in the form of its various artifacts, which include not only music but styles of dress and behavior. We would like to see more research that takes into account what goes on in the daily lives of youth. Not only do schools classify youth. but youth classify d1emselves and they seem to do so with regard to music preference. Hov.r strongly they identify with various forms of music is a critical part of how they see themselves. Part of what is heard is heard for its entertainment value alone, and would bear little significance except for the fact that it is associated with other factors that attract youth to a particular kind of music. The fact that we were able to show that the relationship between heavy metal and delinquency is not direct would support those who argue that youth should feel free to hear any kind of music they want. Music alone is not enough to make someone delinquent according to our data. More research is needed on the cultural artifacts of our society and the delinquent conduct of its youth. Such data are not easy to obtain and require us to think creatively about their measurement and analysis. It is important to go beyond any simple explanation for delinquent behavior, and to apply the advanced methodological tools of eriminological research to understanding the complex causes of delinquency and crime. ABSTRACT The authors examined the relationship her-Wen a preference for heavy metal music among a large sample of suburban high SCl'lflfll YUM—h [N = "315} and delinquency. cuntnalling for parental and school—related sari- ables,as Isvell as delinquent associations.Thcy Found support for the hyped-i— esis that heavy metal has an effect on delinquency when parental 130an is CHAPTER 5 HEAW METAL MUSIC PREFERENCE AND DELINQUENCY 1 11 low: Hm. they ibund no support for the hypothesized interaction be— [ween a prefemsce for heavy metal and delinquent peers. Contrary to ex- pectat-ions. those students with better school marks and a preference for heavy metal music hail highEr amounts of self—reported delinquency The sounds of “heavy metal" lay along the fringe of contemporary musical preferences. Heavy metal is distinguished from lighter forms of melt and roll the extremely loud clashing of electrical sreel guitars and by lyrics with an itn— agety of violence. flccording to Gross’s (199th detailed review. heavy metal music expresses a culture of power. violence. and fittahsm. Ht‘ notes Motlcy Criie's song “Live "lilli'ire:1 which calls women whores, speaks of smashing women’s faces, and going for l'l'lt‘jllgulfll'.l Gross further relates a Judas Priest's hit album “Defenders of the Faith." which warns that '“rising from the dark— ness where Hell hath no mercy and the screams of vengeance echo on forever. only those who keep the faith shall escape the wrath of me Mctallian”’* tip. 123}. Furthermore, lGross’s uontepresentative sampling of heavy metal music also includes the unpublished lyrics “ ‘Elessed are the melted. cursed art: the weak: " and “ ‘Your God is dead and now you die, Satan rules at last‘ " (p. 124]. Heavy metal. as a cultural artifact, is not just communicated in lyrical form. It is also contained in distinct patterns of dress. For instance, some fans display a tunic lightning bolt. borrowed from the heavy metal group ACEDC's album covers, Nazi Schntz Staffel and swastika designs. skeletons anti death heads [Gross [9913, p. 1.25}. Moreover, some of the behavior of heavy metal perform— ers communicates particular norms of conduct. its part of their Puriormellctf. heavy metal stats, at; titties. will dramatize bizarre forms of behavior. r51. Widely publicized example is when Ozzy Osbourne allegedly hit the head of a hat in the middle of a concert and then received rabies shots afterwards (Enrich 1986}. Although the act of biting a bat might be purely theatrical, it can be considered entertainment only by particular segments of society. Sinularly, there are actual acts of violence reported among heavy metal fans. In numerous concert tours. heavy metal means heavy security, particularly in the wake of high rates of arrest and physical injuries among those attending the concert: {Montgomery 1992). The security precautions that are required at heavy metal concerts are surely much greater than those required at the phil- harmonic or ballet. It seems obvious that a proportion of youth present at heavy metal concerts is different in their personal taste and behavior front youth at— tending the symphony. Moreover, parental concern about heavy metal has let.l to attempts to require parental permission to purchase certain types of music that are considered offensive {sec firnttt 1991.). I "Defender-i offlir Faith" by GTipuns-rfl. HdthL-“K. IJownmgfl WIH Eli-ll .i'liptil. Music hits-'Crewglrn LthEboaty-trre Ll:l.l.a"GL'arEI‘bt‘ Luis'tll Rights controlled and aniflmd by EM[ .I'lptil Music lucid." Rights Rmnflflnternatimal Copyright Secured-“Used by Permission. 1 1: rant III suevrv ssssaacu HEAVY METAL AHD DELINQUEHCY Although each generation seems to complain about the music of its youth,we know little about the relationship between popular forms of youth culture and deviant forms of behavior {Newman 19913}. There are several possible ways to view the possible edema of heavy metal on delinquency. First. there are those who advocate some form of music censorship based on the argument that heavy metal is directly related to delinquent behavior. Like the viewing of vie-- lent television shows and movies. exposure to heavy metal is believed to intro— duce and reinforce deviant values and behaviors. This view of heavy metal ignores the possible effects of other important determinants of delinquency. Indeed, a recent analysis by Arnett {1991} found that heavy metal listeners are already alienated youth whose reckless behavior is little affected by their music preference. Arnett {1991] further reported that youth listened to heavy metal when they were angry, and the music had the etfcct of making them less angry (p. 93}. If anger is associated with delinquent behavior [Agnew 1935}, then heavy metal music should produce a lower rate of delinquent behavior. In— deed, flrnett concludes that, contrary to what might be suggested by those who wish to ban heavy metal music, "it would seem more appropriate to advocate subscribing to heavy metal music tbr adolescents who show evidence of a propensity for aggression" {1951], p. ‘34}. Thus a preference for heavy metal may even reduce delinquent behavior. In contrast to viewing the delinquent behavior of youth as either height— cried or sttppressed by their preference for heavy metal, a more complex model would consider the elitism of music in interaction with other indicators of delinquency. Heavy metal may be related to delinquent behavior in interaction with social control and peer group affiliations. The influence of social control and culture is emphasized in liarich's analysis of violent delinquency among suburban youth. Based on the interviews with Los Angcles suburban gang members and gang womerlearich {193$} suggests that heavy metal lyrics in.- crease the hkr-liltood of delinquent behavior among naive youth and youth low in parental attachment and coma Pin intelligent kid might be able to react to heavy metal as theater, but a dull or confused kid took its messages seriously. If a kid had no parental guid— ance, no filter between hitn and the music, its anthems. however bizarre, hunted into his brain with all the power of gospel. {Iiarich 1936, p. 102:] Thus Barich's hypothesized interaction between music and delinquency stresses that contemporary forms of youth culture affect the emerging pattern of sub— urban delinquency. but only among youth low in parental attachment and con— trol. Those youth who are weak in intelligence. according to Barich, are more likely to take the words of heavy metal music seriously injustifiying their delin— quent behavior. The specific and interactive effects of culture on delinquency are further specified in the research literature on subcultures and delinquency Subcultural theory stresses that deviant values and norms are supported in the context of CHAPTER 5 HEAVY METAL MUSIC PREFERENCE AND DELIN'DUEMCY 113 adolescent groups. In Maeza‘s {1964} view, the dynamic aspects of a subculture are more important than the static vision of subcultures presented in theories that are directed towards explaining lower-class delinquency [Cohen 1955; Clowai-d and Ohlin 19%}. Rather than refer to a "delinquent subculture? be repeatedly emphasizes a “subculture of delinquency" in which peer group in— teractions lead to the contusion acceptance of delinquent behavior. According to Mataa {1964). delinquency becomes “public withiti the confines of more or less provincial groupings" (p. 33}. This group orientation to subcultures of delinquency is extended in the work of fichwendinger and Scliwendinger (1935}. They relate modern—day “consumption patternsi'to contemporary adolescent subcultures. For example, they identify White street—corner youth as “punkers” and “heavy metalers." IGroups of punkcrs and heavy metalers develop collective relationships that fa— cilitate group decisions and at‘Ccptable forms of delinquent behavior {Schwen— dinger and Schwendinger 1935, p. 304}. Similarly, Willis‘s [19?3} ethnographic study of British youth views music as a means of integrating adolescents into a conunon culture. Within this general youth culture, subgroups are united by their taste for particular forms of music Willis 1990). Roe’s {1985} longitudinal survey data also show that music is a vehicle for the expression of adolescent group values and identity (p. sou. Ac— cording to Roe. allegiance to particular youth groups is defined by clothing, hair styles, attitudes, models of behavior, and musical preferences. Thus a subcultural perspective leads us to suggest that patterns of delinquent peer group involvement vary by heavy metal prefer-cuce. Heavy metal music should have no effect on the delinquent behavior of youth who are isolated fi'fllll other delinquent youth. In the words of Sutherland‘s theory of differential ano— ciation, "the principal part of' the learning of crilninal behavior occurs within intimate personal groups" (Shoemaker 1.990, p. 152}. Therefore, heavy metal music should increase delinquent peer identification and delinquent behavior. H Y F O T H E 5 E 5 We can summarize the above discussion on the relationship betvveen heavy tnetal and delinquency in terms of the following hypotheses: i l. A preference for heavy metal leads to higher rates of delinquency among youth. independent of other important indicators of delinquent behavior. This hypothesis reflects the direct-cEects model by predicting that heavy metal increases the likelihood of delinquency independent of delinquent peers. parental. and school controls. It is the hypothesis that is supported by these who favor censoring or restricting access by attaching warning labels to heavy metal music. The direct—efects model is contrary to Arnett’s {199]} suggestion that heavy mots] actually reduces delinquency by providing an outlet for reducing adolescent Frustration and anger. 114 PART III SURVEY RESEARCH 2. A preference for heavy metal leads to higher rates of delinquency among youth low in intelligence and social control. This hypothesis reflects the suggested'interactive effects of hetvy tiietal on delinquency based on liar-ich‘s pass) observations of suburban delinquent gangs. lt stresses that heavy metal is likely to have an effect on delinquent be— havior only for youth weak in parental control and low in intelligence. 3. A. preference for heavy metal leads to higher rates of delinquency among youd't with delinquent friends. This may be termed the subcultural Ittodel because it suggests that delinquent peer associations are organized around music preferences. The hypothesis fiirn ther suggests that a preference for heavy metal creates more delinquent conduct because of increased delinquent associations. This ltypothesis stems from the lit- erature on subcultures of adolescents and their music preferences {Roe 1985'. Schwendinger and Schwendinger 1935; Willis [998‘]. METHDD The Sample In spring 1987, we collected data on the delinquent conduct of 9'05 suburban high school youth. The cotttmunity from which we drew our sample is largely affluent.2 Of the population, 95% was classified as White. It should also be stressed that the vast majority of heavy metal fans are White anti that they are not confined to particular urban or suburban parts of the United States {Gross 1990}. We sampled 1,495 youth in public and private high schools from school board lists. After receiving the consent of the sampled youth and their parents, we were able to complete interviews with THE youth during noninstructional school time. The youth were administered the survey in groups of about 34] students. Based on the demographic characteristics provided by the school districts and Bureau of Census, we are confident that the survey satnple is representative of the town’s senior high school population. The distribution of grade and age in our sample is within 2% of the distribution in the total high school popula— tion. The percentage of boys and girls in the survey is within 1% of the town— ship population. Parental and School-Related Control Measures We measured parental attachments and supervision as reported by youth. Su— pervision was measured by the cotnbincd responses to the questions: “Does your {mother} {father} know who you are with when you are away from home?” The response categories were usually, sometimes, or never {3, 2, 1, re— spectively}. Attachments were measured by questions assessing the youth’s perception of parental trust and identification. We combined responses to the questions: “Does your {mother} {father} trust you?" and “Do you share your CHAPTER 5 HEAVY META]. MUSIC PREFERENCE AND DELINQUENEY 11 5 thoughts and feelings with your {mother} {father}? The alpha for the parental attachment scale is .65. School performance was measured according to self—reported marks (a = 5, F = fl}. Our measure of the importance of school to youth was based on cottt— hitted responses to three questions: "How important is it to you (a) to do well in school, {is} to have high grades, and {cl to complete high school?" {:1 = im- portant, ] = not important}. The alpha for the school importance scale is .69. Delinquent Peers and Heavy Metal Preference We measured delinquent associations by responses to the statement: “My friends rarely get into trouble.” Responses were coded on a 5-point scale [5 = agree. 1 = disagree}. Our measure of preference for heavy metal music was based on responses to the question:“Who is your favorite musical group?" These groups were classi- fied into categories based on a consensus among several knowledgeable tndi— viduals, consisting of a graduate student, the vice president of a large chain of retail record stores, and several of his staff?" Music preference data were coded soon after the survey was administered. Nearly half of all youth (48%] said they preferred musical groups falling into the rock—pop category {e.g., Bonjovi, Genesis, U2. Phil Colli11s}.fin additional 19% preferred “vintage or classic rock" leg. The Who. Rush, The Grateful Dead). Less than 1% said they preferred classical ntusic. nbout 9% preferred heavy metal groups. The heavy metal category included such groups as Iron Maiden, Motley Criie, Mctallica, and ACIDC.‘ Stated music preference predicted the type of music youth purchased. 191.5 an incentive for contpleting the survey, each youth was provided with a coupon re- deemable for a tape or a record in a local chain of stores.5 When the youth pur— chased the record, the cashier coded the albutn or tape cassette the youth selected into specific music categories and placed these on the coupons, which were returned to us. Among the youth who said they preferred heavy metal, about half actually purchased a heavy metal album. If preferences were ran- dorrdy related to purchascs, we would expect only T96 to have purchased a heavy metal album. We use musical preference because we have more complete data than if we relied on actual purchases. We awume that preference is related to actual behavior. although it is quite possible that our heavy tnetal tneasure does not tap the extent to which youth actually listen to heavy metal music. In the following analysis. youth who listed a heavy metal group as their fa— vorite were coded into a heavy metal preference category {I = heavy metal preference,fl = others]. ' Delinquency Our dependent variable, delinquency, was measured by asking youth to indicate if during the past year they had corru'rtitted the following offenses: Stfllcn any- thing by shoplifting or other ways (worth less than $5,between 1:5 and $50. over 35m; purposely damaged or destroyed property that did not belong to them; 115 PART III surtvtv RESEARCH physically injured [not accidentally) or beaten someone up. We asked each youth to estimate how often he or she did each act in the past year on a 4—point scale {Ll—3}, consisting of never, once or unite, 3 to l 1 times. and 12 or more tintes. The sum of points on these five items provided the measurement of delin— queney. The alpha coefficient is .63. ANALYSIS Youth who preferred heavy metal reported significantly more delinquency than other youth [for youth preferring heavy metal music, at = 2.5, SD = .41. it = 46'. for youth preferring non—heavy metal music, a: = 1.3. SD = .07”, n = fit—iii, F = 2.4 p s: .ill]. Among those who preferred heavy metal, 33% reported that they had committed an act of delinquency within the last year. compared to 53% of those who preferred other kinds of music. To test for interactions, we standardized the continuous predictor variables {niken and West lvilltjaccard, ’liirrisi, and Watt 1991)]. By standardizing the predictor variables, the problem of multicollinearity in testing interactions is substantially reduced. For example, the highest correlation coefficient between the standardized variables (including interaction terms) is .39. which is substan— tially less than the correlations for unstandardized interaction terms.We checked the pattern of interactions by regressing delinquency on the raw scores sepa— rately for youth preferring heavy metal altd non-heavy metal music.The pattern and size of coefficients produced virtually identical estimates. so we feel confi- dent in presenting the unstandardiaed coefficients based on standardized values. Also, we examined the pattern of interactions in separate analyses. control— ling for gender and age and type of offense. and fotmd that die results do not differ significantly. Higher order interactions are not presented here to simplify the analysis, but they are available upon request. Furthermore. our hypothesized relationships are not specific to gender or age characteristics. Table l presents the unstandardized regression coed-icienrs and their corre— sponding significant levels for regression models with and without interactions. in the main effects model without interactions. the significant prrthctors of delinquency are school marks. school importance, delinquent friends, and heavy metal preference. Once these variables are entered into the equation, the impor- tance of parental attachment and parental supervision is reduced to below the .05 level of significance. The direction of the estimated eEects is in the expected di— rection; that is.in these data low social control and delinquent associations are din rectly related to delinquency. Although the eflect of heavy metal Profert-fltle is significant in the expected direction. it is not as strong as the effects of delin qIJent friends and school importance. Yet the heavy metal pretereuce Vatiablt: makes a unique and significant contribution to the variance in self—reported delinquency Next we consider, in Table 1, main effecE wid'i interactions. When interac— tion efl'ects are entered, the main effects of heavy metal preference and school marks on delinquency are above the .flS level of significance. fimnng the two— CHAPTER 5 HEAVY METAL MUSIC PREFERENCE AND DEIJNQU ENCY 1 Table 1. Delinquency Regressed on Social control. Delinquent Feet. and Heavy Metal Preterence Variables. With and Withotn Interaction Terms Variable Main Effects With Interaction Parental Attachment =03 -.ttB Parental Supervision —.1a —.tIE- School Marks —.15* —.14 School Importa nee —.2 5** -.2?** Delinquent Friends .5?“ .55“ Heavy Metal Preference .13* .15 Parental Attachment X Metal .tl? Parental supervision X Metal —.23'* School Marks >< Metal .22“ School Importance X Metal .05 Delinquent Friends X Metal .1}? Adjusted a2 .19 .22 note-Standardized client are Mm. 'p 11.01: “p s: .05. ,—_——-——-— way interactions with heavy metal. preference, only parental supervision and school marks are significant in their effects on delinquency. The tiara—way inter— action for heavy metal preference and parental supervision is in the expected di— rection. But the interactive effect of school marks with heavy metal on delinquency is opposite from what was hypothesized. Moreover, contrary to ex— pectations, the interaction between delinquent friends and heavy metal is not sig- nifica nt. This suggests that the effects of delinquent peers on delinquency are the same for those youth who prefer heavy metal and youth preferring other kinds of music. Table 2 displays the standardized eifects of heavy metal preference on delin— quency for one standard deviation above and below the mean. in interpreting the coefficients in Table l.recall that all variables are standardized, with a mean of zero and a standard deviation of one. The coefficients for the “main effects" refer to the effect of each variable on delinquency when all other variables are set at zero or their mean value. When all other variables are set at their mean, heavy metal preference has a standardized effect of .16 on delinquency. The co— efficient for the interaction between heavy metal and parental supervision is :23. This means that for every standard deviation increase in parental supervir sion, the effect of heavy metal preference on delinquency decreases by -.-.23. When parental supervision and all other independent variables are at their mean, the effect of heavy metal on delinquency is .16.When parental supervi-_ sion is one standard deviation above its mean, the effect of heavy tnetal prefer— ence on delinquency decreases to —.il'i' {.113 + —.23). Conversely, when parental control is one standard deviation below its mean, the eifect of heavy metal on delinquency increases to .39 {.16 + .23]. ‘I'III Table 2. Effect of Heal-F's" Metal on Delinquency When Parental Eupervlslon and School Marita Are Set at Va nous Levels Parental supervision Mean — one SD .39 Mean .16 Mean + one 55' —.i2|ITIr School marks Mean - one SD -.tlli Mean .16 Mean + one SD 3!! Although the above pattern of effects for the interaction between parental supervision and heavy metal preference is in the expected direction. this is not the case for school marks. When the variable school marks is one standard de— viation above its mean, the effect of heavy metal on delinquent}r increases to .38. nmong youth who prefer heavy metal. it is not the less intelligent ones who are reporting the most delinquent acts. Rather, youth who prefer heavy metal and have higher rates of delinquency appear to achieve relatively better grades in school. SUMMARY The results of this analysis provide mixed support for the hypothesized interac— tive effects of heavy metal preference. We found support for the main effects of heavy metal preference on delinquency controlling for other important indica— tors. ln partial support of Barich's observation on the relationship between heavy metal and delinquency, we found support for that part of our hypothesis that dealt with parental supervision. Youth who preferred heavy metal music and were low in parental supervision had higher rates of delinquency. However, this was not the case for parental attachment. Moreover. contrary to Barich’s point about intelligence, our data suggest that the rate of delinquency among youth preferring heavy metal was not inversely related to school niatlts. We also found little support for our subcultnral hypothesis in that the effects of delinquent peers were not significantly different for youth by music prefer- ence. The effect of delinquent peers is significant and youth preferring heavy metal music may fall into a delinquent subculture,but it cannot be distinguished with these data from other subcultures that revolve around the cultural artifacts and delinquent behavior of friends. u 1Il'll I I.I1 .a iltnv '| WI: IHL rvruati. Plitl'thNLl: AND [llELlNliliUENIC'fI 1 CONCLUSIDH We may have identified an element that relates an aspect of the tastes or styles of contemporary youth to their delinquent be havint. But with the available data we are unable to determine exactly how the varying elements of youth culture are related to music preferences. Parenthetically, in comparison to other youth in our sample, the few youth who preferred classical music have the lowest mean delinquency score. l-lowever, classical music oriented youth consist of a. much smaller number of youth {a = 7"} precluding any detailed analysis. There seems, however, to be some variation in the music preference ofyouth and their delinquent behavior. lllur multivariate analysis reveals that the direct effects of heavy metal pref— erence are relatiwa small. and that it is important to consider its interaction with measures of social control. The interactive effect of parental supervision was particularly significant. Our finding that the effects of school marks for youth preferring heavy metal on delinquency were in the opposite direction from that of youth preferring non—heavy metal music requires a more complex explanation. [t is possible that heavy metal may attract intelligent youth whose rebellion takes the form of heavy metal music and delinquent behavior. Or. it may he that the better grades reflect a difl'etent academic track for more delin- quent youth who prefer heavy metal. Thus future research on delinquency should further consider die manner in which popular forms of youth culture relate to delinquency. With regard to heavy metal, we have neglected to survey such symbols of heavy metal as dis- played in articles of clothing and jewelry. Questions about how youth see them— selves and others falling into particular adolescent subgroups. such as "punks" and "head hangers," might have more closely specified the nature of delinquent peer group associations. Future research might also further explore the degree to which youth who said that their favorite music group is what we classified as heavy metal actually identify with the lyrics or the styles of particular heavy metal songs and groups. IUlarviotisly, not everyone who listens to heavy metal or wears a tunic lighting holt can he considered a committed heavy metal fan, or even part of a heavy metal subculture. However. music should be viewed as one of the many con— temporary cultural artifacts that can provide insight into youth subcultures and their relationship to delinquency: In a critique of prior empirical tests of subcultural theory based exclusively on surveyed norms and values. Fine and Kleinrnan [19W] stressed the impor~ tance of looking at the interactive and dynamic aspects ofsubcultures. Similarly, Messner {1983, p. lfio} has made this point in arguing that sociological research on homicide should look into music preference to further understand high homicide rates in the South, controlling for the structural characteristics of southern metropolitan areas. More recently, Stack and Gundlach (1992} re— ported .1 relationship between country music and suicide with aggregate level data. find, with individual—level survey data, Hagan (1991} has considered the importance of subculture: of delinquency as predictors of status attaitunent. 12" PART III SUR'IH'E‘I’ RESEARCH Our research is consistent with that of others which has considered the iln— portance of culture in explaining behavior. The more interactive and dynamic aspects of culture need to be examined through a variety of analytical tech— niques. Although the present research considered only the quantity of delin— quent acts. much of the subcultural literatm'e would suggest considering youth subcultures in the context of types of delinquent acts. The efii'cts of heavy metal preference may be greater for drug offenses rather than the common forms of delinquencyr measured in this article. In either case. culture and sub- culture should not be ignored in attempo to understand the more dynamic as— pects of youth and their delinquent behavior. Finally.we wish to emphasize the correlational nature of otlr data and that the findings cannot be used to support music censorship as a means of preventing delinquency. Longitudinal research designs are needed to examine fiarther the causal effects of music on delinquency. Moreover, our data is confined to music preference so we were unable to estimate the possible eli'ects of actuallyr listening to heavy metal music on delinquency. However, the findings do stress the impor— tance of looking at how aspects of culture may influence delinquent behavior. "CITES 1. Originally we had quoted directly from the Motley Criie song. But at the time of publi— cation permission was denied by reprcscittatiws of Morley Criie. Thus we paraphrase the song that Gross quotes. Howcvcr. this illustrates part of the difficulty in publishing research on popular forms of culture. 2. Parents of youth surveyed wcrc asked to indicate their occupational class. Fathers are largely in occupational positions of employers or managers 53%]. The remaining propor— tion are equally divided among employee and self—employed occupational positions. The proportion of unemployed fathers in the survey is n'lit 3. The following music groups urete- classified as "heavy metal“: Mil-'13:: Black Sabbath. Deep Putplc.1)oltken. Iron Maidendudas l’riest. Mahles. Metallica. motley L‘riie. Primitive Urges. Scorpions. 4. We realize that there is seine debate as to classification of heavy metal groups. Such groups can be delineated further into lighter forms of heavy metal fog. lionjovi] and heavy heavy metal (c.g.. Metallica}. We prefer to confine our analysis to what might be considered as heavy heavy metal. Also. current popular heavy metal groups. such as Megadeath. Nuclear Amult. Suicidal Tendencies. and Motorhcatl may not have been pop— ular at the time of the survey. which was conducted in I931 5. Rccfll the survey was completed in 193?. bcflarc the popularity of compact discs. It E F E II E H I: E 5 Agnostic Robert. Fill-5. "A. Revised Strain interpreting lirltn‘irn'ons. Newbury Park. Theory of Delinquency." Split]: Fears Cit: Sage. 54:1 51-“ AmenJefli-ey. 1991.“auoiemnts and Aiken, Leona S. and Stephen G.‘West. 1991. Multiple Regression: 'l'httiifiI and Heavy Metal Music:me the Mouths of Metalheafl." lbw-I'll Em Z'J-z'l'Er-FB. CHAPTER 5 HEAW METAL MUSIC PREFERENCE AND DELINGUENCY Harich. William. tat-ta. "A Reporter at Large: The (Story LIFE.” The New Hailing November 3. pp. sit—1.30. Clotvard. Richard and Lloyd E. Uhlin. 196th. Dclirtquem'y rmrl‘ fjplfl’siflliilt-If.‘ A 'll'teery of Delinquent Critter. New York: Free Prcss. Cohen. Albert K. 1955. llh'll'riqncrtr Boys. New York: Free Press. Fine. rGary A. and Sheryl chinman. 19W. "Rethinking Subculture: .I'lm interac— Lionist Analysis." .elinenrunjoumrnl of Staining}! Bil—Ell. Gross, Robert L. 19911 “Heavy Metal Music: A New Subculture in Ameri— can Soricty."Juirrnal at" .l’uptdur Culture 24:1 ill—ill}. Haanohri. 1991."Dcstiny and Drift: Subculture] Preferences, Status Attain— rtlenlsI and die Risks and Rewards of Youth."Arncrlmrr Steiuitwirrrl Review 56:5Ei'l—81. jaccardJamcs. Robert 'Iiirrisi. and lChoi ii. 1|i'ifan. 199i}. lrrrcnlrrivc Elfin: iir Multiple Regression. Newt-Lily Park, CA:Sage. Marita. David. 1964. Delinquency and Drill. New York: Wiley. Mcasner. Stephen F. 19H}. "Regional and Racial Effects on the Urban Homicide Rate: The Subculture of 1violence Revisited." Arricrt'mrrjtrtmal of Societqu 33:99?“ lflfll. Montgomery. David. 1992. "lnj urics. Ar— rests Vic with Music at Heavy—Meta] Fest." The Brfl'iialo News. july 2ft, sec. Cl . (l 4. Newman, fine-n11: R. lWil. "Popular Cul— ture and Criminaljusticc: A Prelimi— nary Analysisljunrrml qi' fi'n'urr'nal justice 15:2{tl—T‘l. Roe. Keith. 1.985. “Swedish Youth and Music: Listening Patterns and Motiva- tions." Comiiiitnirution Remit-cit 12353—62. lie hwcntlingcr, Herman and Julia 5. Schwendingcr. 1935. Adolescent Sult— titlfllrt's 41ml Delinquency. New 1t'orlst: l’racgcr. Shoemaker. [1]. 1990. ‘l'licurics ui'Dclirr- qlmu'y1An Exmirinutiuir gi' Explanations gi' Delinquent Belles-for. 2nd ed. New York: Oxfonl. Stack. Steven andjim Gundlacli. 1992. "The Effects of Country Music on Suicide." Sta-ial Fem "ll :21 1—13. Willis. Paul. 193%. Hufimc Culture. London: Routledgc. —. Willi. Comiiien Culture. England: Open University. DlSCUSSIDH QUESTIDHS I. What ms the purpose of the study? What was the primary question that the authors wished to address in the study? 2. As discussed by the authors. why might one suspect that preference for certain forms of music might be related to delinquency? 3. Describe the data collection pro— cess. How were the data that were analyzed in the stutiy collected? 4. According to the authors,does lis— tening to heavy metal music leati to. or cause, delinquency? Why or why not? ...
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