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Marx%20and%20Engels

Marx%20and%20Engels - Z3 Manifesto of the Communist Party...

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Unformatted text preview: Z3 Manifesto of the Communist Party KARL MARX AND FRIEDRICH ENGELS Europe in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries changed clrmnaiicolhr with the onset of industrialization and the phenomenal growth of cities. ll 7117c some writers saw great promise of abundance andfi‘eedoni in these changes, the reality/or mil» lions ofpeoplc was increased labor and grinding pooerfy. Karl Marx (18184883) was one offhe nineteenth century '5 most articulate critics oft/1c disparin herniecn possibiliry and reality. Here he and his collaborator, Friedrich Engels, explain the reasons/or rhis in [his pamphlet written/or Belgian workers. 1. BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS1 The history of all hitherto existing society2 is the historwglassmiggles. Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild—nwsterll and journeyman. in a word, oppressor and oppressed. stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, 110W hidden. now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary re—(‘onstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes. 1. By bourgeoisie is meant the class olmodern Capitalists. owners oi'thc means ol'social pro- duction and employers oi‘wage-labonr. By proletariat, the class of modern wage-Iahourers who. having no means of production ol'Lheir own. are reduced to selling their lill.|()U1"—]JOWGI" in order to live. [Engels English edizion (M18881 2. That is, all written history. In 1847. the prehistory ot'socieiy, the social organisation exist. ing‘ previous to recorded history, was all but unknown. Since then, Haxthausen discovered common ownership ol’land in Russia. Maui-er proved it to he the social foundation from which all Teutonic races started in history, and by and by Village communities were found to he, or to have been the primitive form of society everywhere from lndia to Ireland. The inner organ isation oi‘this primitive Communistic society was laid bare, in its typical form, by Morgan'5 Crowning discovery ot'the true nature ot'theg'ens and its relation to the tribe. With the disso- lution ot'these primaeval communities society begins to be differentiated into separate and finally antagonistic classes. I have attempted to retrace this process ot'dissolution in: “DEF Ursprung der Familie, des l’rivateieenthums and des Staats" l The Origin ol'i‘thomilv. 1’.“in Properrv and the Store], 2nd edition. Stuttgart 1886. lEne‘els, English edition of 1888] 3. Guild—masten that is, a full member of a guild. a master within. not a head of a {wild [Engels English edition (21'18881 218 Manifesto of the Communist Party I 219 In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journey—men, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations. The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones. Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive feature: ithas simplified the class antagonisms: Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile-«camps, into two great classes directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Prgletariat. From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of the bourgeoisie were developed. The discovery of America, the rounding of thegQapeJ opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East—Indian and Chinese markets, the colonisation of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the revolutionary , element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development. The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production was monopolised by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed for the growing wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. The guild—masters were pushed on one side by the manufacturing middleglass; dim 'sion ofla_bgir between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face oLdivision of labour in each sin le . Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even manufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam and machineilrtefllu- tWon. The place of manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the place of the industrial middle class, by industrial millionaires, the leaders of whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois. odern industry has establmfhfltliwgdd;market, for which the discovery of America paved the wayiThis market has given an immense development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land. This development has, in its turn, reacted on the extension of industry; and in proportio_h as indus- try, commerce, navigation,vrgilyvvaysextended, in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed into the background every class handed down from the Middle Ages. We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of a long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange. 220 l KARL MARX and FRIEDRICH ENGELS Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a cor— responding political advance of that class. An oppressed class under the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governing association in the mediae— val commune;4 here independent urban republic (as in Italy and Germany), there taxable “third estate" of the monarchy (as in France), afterwards, in the period of manufacture proper, serving either the semi—feudal or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, corner-stone of the great monarchies in general, the bourgeoisie has at last, since the estab- lishment of Modern Industry and of the world-market, conquered for itself, in the modern representative State, exclusive political sway. The executive of the modern State is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole ourgeoisie. .r‘- m7 {(1% «v ~~1 The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part. m—ourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his “natural superiors,” and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked selfjignterest, than callous “cash payment.” It has drownedkt‘hexmbst heavenly—ecstasies of religious fer- vour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that -single, unconscionable freedom—Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation. The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honoured and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage-labourers. The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation. The bourgeoisie has discldsedhow it came to pass that the brutal display of vigour in the Middle Ages, which Reactionists so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has been the first to show what man’s activity can bring about. It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former Exoduses of nations and crusades. 4. “Commune” was the name taken, in France, by the nascent towns even before they had conquered from their feudal lords and masters local self-government and political rights as the “Third Estate.” Generally speaking, for the economical development of the bourgeoisie, England is here taken as the typical country; for its political development, France. [Engels English edition 0f1888] This was the name given their urban communities by the townsmen of Italy and France. after they had purchased or wrested their initial rights of self-government from their feudal lords. [Engels, German edition of 18.90] Manifesto of the Communist Party I 221 The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising the instru- ments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society. Conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered form, was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant revolutionisin of roduction, uninter— rupted disturbance of all social conditioWita— ~_s_ tipn distinguishthe bour eois e och from all earlier .All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses, his real conditions of life, and his rela- tions with his kind. The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connexions everywhere. The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world—market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under the feet of indus~ try the national ground on which it stood. All old-established national indus- tries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilised nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw mater- ial, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose prod— ucts are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the productions of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter—dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of indi— vidual nations become common property. National one—sidedness and narrow- mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature. The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of produc- tion, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilisation. The cheap prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians’ intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitu— late. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilisation into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world after its own image. The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population as com- pared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population 222 l KARL MARX and FRIEDRICH ENGELS from the idiocy of rural life. Just as it has made the country dependent on the towns, so it has made barbarian and semi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilised ones, nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West. The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state of the population, of the means of production, and of property. It has agglom— erated population, centralised means of production, and has concentrated property in a few hands. The necessary consequence of this was political cen- tralisation. Independent, or but loosely connected provinces, with separate interests, laws, governments and systems of taxation, became lumped together into one nation, with one government, one code of laws, one national class- interest, one frontier and one customs—tariff. The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together. Subjection of N ature’s forces to man, machinery, appli— cation of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam-navigation, railways. electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents for cultivation, canalisation of rivers, whole populations conjured out of the ground—what earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labour? We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose founda- tion the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society. At a cer- tain stage in the development of these means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged, the feudal organisation of agriculture and manufacturing industry, in one word, the feu- dal relations of property became no longer compatible with the already devel— oped productive forces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder. Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted to it, and by the economical and political sway of the bourgeois class. A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern bourgeois society with its relations of production, of exchange and of property, a soci- ety that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer, who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. For many a decade past the his- tory of industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern pro— ductive forces against modern conditions of production, against the property relations that are the conditions for the existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule. It is enough to mention the commercial crises that by their periodical return put on its trial, each time more threateningly, the existence of the entire bourgeois society. In these crises a great part not only of the existing products, but also of the previously created productive forces, are periodically destroyed. In these crises there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier Manifesto of the Communist Party I 223 epochs, would have seemed an absurdity—the epidemic of over-production. Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if a famine, a universal war of devastation had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed; and why? Because there is too much civilisation, too much means of subsis— tence, too much industry, too much commerce. The productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the condi- tions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of bourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bour- geoisie get over these crises? On the one hand by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented. The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself. But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons— the modern working class—the proletarians. In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in the same pro- portion is the proletariat, the modern working class, developed~a class of labourers, who live only so long as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labour increases capital. These labourers, who must sell them— selves piece-meal, are a commodity, like every other article of commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition, to all the fluc- tuations of the market. Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of labour, the work of the proletarians has lost all individual character, and consequently, all charm for the workman. He becomes an appendage of the machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and most easily acquired knack, that is required of him. Hence, the cost of production of a workman is restricted, almost entirely, to the means of subsistence that he requires for his mainte— nance, and for the propagation of his race. But the price of a commodity, and therefore also of labour,5 is equal to its cost of production. In proportion, therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage decreases. Nay more, in proportion as the use of machinery and division of labour increases, in the same proportion the burden of toil also increases, whether by prolon— gation of the working hours, by increase of the work exacted in a given time or by increased speed of the machinery, etc. 5. Subsequently Marx pointed out that the worker sells not his labour but his labour power. 224 l KARL MARX and FRIEDRICH ENGELS Modern industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal mas— ter into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses of labourers, crowded into the factory, are organised like soldiers. As privates of the indus— trial army they are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of offi— cers and sergeants. Not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois State; they are daily and hourly enslaved by the machine, by the over—looker, and, above all, by the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly this despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, the more hateful and the more embittering it is. The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual labour, in other words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the more is the labour of men superseded by that of women. Differences of age and sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working class. All are instruments of labour, more or less expensive to use, according to their age and sex. No sooner is the exploitation of the labourer by the manufacturer, so far, at an end, that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon by the other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker, etc. The lower strata of the middle class—the small tradespeople, shopkeep- ers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and peasants—all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because their diminutive cap- ital does not suffice for the scale on which Modern Industry is carried on, ...
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