Geertz-Notes to Cockfight

Geertz-Notes to Cockfight - Chapter 15"DEEP PLAY Notes...

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Unformatted text preview: Chapter 15 "DEEP PLAY: Notes on the Balinese INTERPRETATION * 0 F CULTURES Reprinted. with perm'wssi ooooo m: m Myth, Symbol, and Culture ——---—-— SELECTED ESSAYS BY I Clifford Géeftz Borin Boo/ear, Ina, Puélixbem NEW YORK A Chapter I 5 / Deep Play: 7 Notes on the I Balinese Cockfight 7 its“: The Raid Early in April of 1958, my wife and I arrived, malarial and diffident, in a Balinese village we intended, as anthropologists, to study. A small place, about five hundred people, and relatively remote, it was its own world. We were intruders, professional ones, and the‘villagers dealt with us as Balinese seem always to deal with people not part of their life who yet press themselves upon them: as though we were not there. For them, and to a degree for ourselves, we were nonpersons, specters, invisible men. We moved into an extended family compound (that had been ar- ranged before through the provincial government) belonging to one of the four major factions in village life. But except for our landlord and the village chief, whose cousin and brother-in—law he was, everyone ig- nored us in a way only a Balinese can do. As we wandered around, un- certain, wistful, eager to please, people seemed to look right through us with a gaze focused several yards behind us on some more actual stone or tree. Almost nobody greeted us; but nobody scowled or said anything unpleasant to us either, which would have been almost as satisfactory. Notes on the Balinese Cockfight r 413 If we ventured to approach someone (something one is powerfully in- . hibited from doing in such an atmosphere), he moved, negligently but definitely, away. If, seated or leaning against a wall, we had him trapped, he said nothing at all, or mumbled what for the Balinese is the ultimate nonwor —“yes." The indifference, of course, was studied; the villagers were watching every move we made, and they had an enor- mous amount of quite accurate information about who we were and what we were going to be doing. But they acted as if we simply did not exist, which, in fact, as this behavior was designed to inform us, we did not, or anyway not yet. This is, as I say, general in Bali. Everywhere else I have been in In-- donesia, and more latterly in Morocco, when l have gone into a new village, people have poured out from all sides to take a very close look at me, and, often an'all-too-probing feel as well. In Balinese villages, at least those away from the tourist circuit, nothing happens at all. People go on pounding, chatting, making offerings, staring into space, carrying baskets about while one drifts around feeling vaguely disembodied. And the same thing is true on the individual level. When you first meet a Ba— linese, he seems virtually not to relate to you at all; he is, in the term Gregory Bateson and Margaret Mead made famous, “away.” 1 Then— in a day, a week, a month (with some people the magic moment never comes)-—he decides, for reasons 1 have never quite been _ able to fathom, that you are real, and then he becomes a warm, gay, sensitive, sympathetic, though, being Balinese, always precisely controlled, per- son. You have crossed, somehow, some moral or metaphysical shadow line. Though you are not exactly taken as a Balinese (one has to be born to that), you are at least regarded as a human being rather than a cloud or a gust of wind. The whole complexion of your relationship dramatically changes to, in the majority of cases, a gentle, almost affec— tionate one—a low-keyed, rather playful, rather mannered, rather be— mUSed geniality. ' My wife and I were still very much in the gust—of—wind stage, a most frustrating, and even, as you soon begin to doubt whether you are really real after all, unnerving one, when, ten days or so after our arrival, a large cockfight was held in the public square to raise money for a new school. Now, a few special occasions aside, eockfights are illegal in Bali 16., Bateson and M. Mead, Balinese Character: A Photographic Analysis (New York, 1942), p. 68. 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Not only were we no longer invisible, we were suddenly the center of all attention, the object of a great outpouring of warmth, interest, and most especially, amusement. Everyone in the village knew we had fled like everyone else. They asked us about it again and again (I must have told the story, small detail by small detail, fifty times by the end of the clay), gently, affectionately, but quite insistently teasing us: “Why didn’t you just stand there and tell the police who you were?” “Why didn‘t you just say you were only watching and not betting?” “Were you really afraid of those little guns?” As always, kinesthetically minded and, even when fleeing for their lives (or, as happened eight years later, surrender- ing them), the world’s most poised people, they gleefully mimicked, also over and over again, our graceless style of running and what they claimed were our panic-stricken facial expressions. But above all, everyone was extremely pleased and even more surprised that we had not simply “pulled out our papers" (they knew about those too) and as- serted our Distinguished Visitor status, but had instead demonstrated our solidarity with what were now our covillagers. (What we had ac- tually demonstrated was our cowardice, but there is fellowship in that too.) Even the Brahmana priest, an old, grave, halfway—to—heaven type who because of its associations with the underworld would never be in- volved, even distantly, in a cockfight, and was difficult to approach even to other Balinese, had us called into his courtyard to ask us about what had happened, chuckling happily at the sheer extraordinariness of it all. In Bali, to be teased is to be accepted. It was the turning point so far as our relationship to the community was concerned, and we were quite literally “in.” The whole village opened up to us, probably more than it ever would have otherwise (I might actually never have gotten to that priest, and our accidental host became one of my best informants), and certainly very much faster. Getting caught, or almost caught, in a vice raid is perhaps not a very generalizable recipe for achieving that myste- rious necessity of anthropological field work, rapport, but for me it worked very well. it led to a sudden and unusually complete acceptance into a society extremely difficult for outsiders to penetrate. It gave me the kind of immediate, inside-view grasp of an aspect of “peasant men— tality” that anthropologists not fortunate enough to flee headlong with their subjects from armed authorities normally do not get. And, perhaps most important of all, for the other things might have come in other ways, it put me very quickly on to a combination emotional explosion, Notes on the Balinese Cockfight 417 status war, and philosophical drama of central significance to the society whose inner nature I desired to understand. By the time I left [had spent about as much time looking into cockfights as into witchcraft, irri- gation, caste, or marriage. Of Cocks and Men _ Bali, mainly because it is Bali, is a well-studied place. Its mythology, art, ritual, social organization, patterns of child rearing, forms of law, even styles of trance, have all been microscopically examined for traces of that elusive substance Jane Belo called “The Balinese Temper.” 2 But, aside from a few passing remarks, the cockfight has barely been noticed, although as a popular obsession of consuming power it is at least as important a revelation of what being a Balinese “is really like" as these more celebrated phenomena.3 As much of America surfaces in a ball park, on a golf links, at a race track, or around a poker table, much of Bali surfaces in a cock ring. For it is only apparently cocks that are fighting there. Actually, it is men. To anyone who has been in Bali any length of time, the deep psycho- logical identification of Balinese men with their cocks is unmistakable. The double entendre here is deliberate. It works in exactly the same way in Balinese as it does in English, even to producing the same tired jokes, strained puns, and uninventive Obscenities. Bateson and Mead have even suggested that, in line with the Balinese conception of the body as a setof separately animated parts, cocks are viewed as detacha— ble, self-operating-penises, ambulant genitals with a life of their own.4 2}. Belo, "The Balinese Temper,“ in Traditional Balinese Culture, ed. 3. Halo (New York. 1970) (originally published in 1935), pp. 85—l 10. 3The best discussion of cockfighting is again Bateson and Mead's Balinese Character, pp. 24—25, 140; but it, too, is general and abbreviated. 41bid., pp. 25—26. The cockfight is unusual within Balinese culture in being a single-sex public activity from which the other sex is totally and expressly ex- cluded. Sexual differentiation is culturally extremely played down in Bali and most activities. formal and informal, involve the participation of men and women on equal ground, commonly as linked couples. From religion, to politics, to eco- nomics, to kinship, to dress. Bali is a rather "unisex" society, a fact both its cus- toms and its symbolism clearly express. Even in contexrs where women do not in fact play much of a role—music, painting, certain agricultural activities—their absence, which is only relative in any case, is more a mere matter of fact than 91111-121111u2 s2 p9p12391 101112119q K112 19u1232 001s1m91- 99901123 9111 111121111112 :9111219 u2u1n11 10 ‘fl11291sK11d219111 p112 7 ‘111210111 11129119111992 ‘11019191101 199.11p 9111 92 1312391 999111123 9111 121.111 10—99110 91211991111111 910111 1911121 pUE—SU01SSQJCIXQ 0912 912-59111 ‘sm191 .u21d099V 111 1110 11.1111 089 912111 9119199191211 9111 ‘1199 S‘JQUMO 119111 10 su011291111132111 10 911019991dxa 9110q111£s 9.12 911909 12111 911.11 91 11 113110111 -12 991129961 ‘19A9m011 ‘911019119111111 9111191». 9991 911.109 9211 9991111210 9111, “112219 31909 112 9191111,, 'Su1p991 19111ou2 1onpuoa .10 ‘111211 191110112 91113 ‘9329 19111002 910111 01 1119.11 911 92 1120111 01 p950 ‘sp12pu21s 9990112131 Kq 01991101955112 111211111 -10 9110b 2 ‘p101p1121 11111 “#12219 11909 1.02 1,, '1119111 111111 911111 10 1111101112 912u1p10u1 U2 ‘99A199u19111 01 0812 1nq ‘19p1s1110 H2 01 £1110 1011 901995 121191 puads op 19112 1129 ‘u19111 1111M K2912 11111 51911109 1011 9211 991191111 113110111 00199211 99011111 111101201 fiu1u11911m19110 9111 ‘990111 u9A9 p112 ‘u19111'1111m 9,111 9111 10 150111 puads 1129 ‘10191 9111 10 99099 1219111 9111 111 152191111109 112 ‘9)1909 101 00199211 2 9211 011111 02111 V '1u2119191u 13110111211) 2 10 0011 -21111991109 p91u1nb9 9111 [111M 911211 101 p9199dsu1 9.12 119111 0112 ‘p932992111 9391 119111 p112 ‘p91111u111 smds 119111 ‘p99991p 98211111111 1191.11 ‘paddom 912 91111109 119111, '09110 92 1110q2 19111 11909 921111 2 .101 p02 ‘p91112q 9.12 511121111 110111111 111 91101110 pu2 ‘919111011 ‘9111911 1211191119111 ‘191291 p1d91 10 uo11212d91d 121u01119199 9w2s 9111 u1 139111211 912 129111 '1111ds 1119111 9.1113 01 999mm 119111 1111 11112 911290 119111 umop p911ms 91'19dc19d p93 1911191 Kq 19u19)1 121111112 9111 01 p919110 p112 ‘11 129 01 311108 912 su2111n11 919111 u911m s1 11 112111 9129 910111 .121 1111111 9911119111111 101 1191119 ‘9212111 111190111 91 119111111 1nq 991109111 12np1A1pu1 01 3111p10992 1211111911109 991121 11911111 ‘191p 12199119 2 1391 9.12 K9111, '9p2119 111.12 uns 10 991121211 1111111111d0 9111 11121111201 01 92 09 1n0q2 111119013911 13910111 ‘99329 191191.11 111 1d9>1 9.12 991909 3111111311 ‘9A11 9111092] 91.11 91911111 991nso1909 11911211413111 9111 1125930011 9111 111 '121111u2 112 519.1901 9.19M 11 113110111 92 1.11111 01 990.192 p9ss2d 11 311111211 1901' 112111 1911121 ‘11 pu1119q 992111 111 121109 01 pun012 30110111 Aq 211121190 1110 ‘91111m 2 101 1-1909 99919 9110911109 1111111 ((2111 91111 91131911 11191 u2111 2 ‘p11q 191110112 101 1991 2 198 01 ‘119111 11112 MON 1.11232 11 111129 01 911101 511.1 p.121“ -01 11 30111210111111 ‘1111d9 911 991101 01 1919001 9‘10q11819u 2 19111282 1110 11 fiu1119nd 111121191199 1912119112 11111111 919111291 911 30111101 ‘9891 s11 1191113119119 01 1111101) pu2 dn 11111193 11 Supunoq ‘91131111 9111 1199m19q 11 3111131011 ‘9pu211 9111 u1 1919001 2 9.1211 111m 1119111 10 910111 10 1121.1 ‘u0111921 dn 9991111 191211101 919191110119 ‘umop 911111 119111 111 p201 9111 311012 10 139119 11901109 9111 111 K1191 30012an 0901 9991111251 10 @018 2 99s 1105 19119119111111 11011 -d10$q2—119s £111me pm; u011211111p2 11121 10 91n1x1u1 2 111111 1119111 12 801 6117 11131121003 999u112g 9111 110 591014 . 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