You've reached the end of your free preview.
Want to read all 596 pages?
Unformatted text preview: Discussion Section Manual HI 1073
United States History
1877 to Present Fall 2018 Chapter 1 – Reconstruction and Expansion, Assimilation and Exclusion 1. U. S. Constitution, Amendments XII, XIV, and XV 2. Frederick Douglass Assesses Reconstruction (1880) 3. Sharecropping Contract (1879) 4. 1890 Mississippi Constitution 5. Louisiana’s “Grandfather Plan” (1898) 6. Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) 7. A Red Record (1895) 8. Atlanta Exposition Address (1895) 9. Of Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others (1903) 10. The Chinese Exclusion Act (1882) 11. An Italian Immigrant’s Experience (1902) 12. Chief Joseph’s Story (1879) 13. The Indians Must Be Assimilated 14. Life on the Prairie Farms (1893) 15. The Significance of the Frontier in American History 16. An American Woman Travels West (1886) 16a. Historians Confront the Past: Professor Anne E. Marshall, “Kentucky’s Separate Coach Law and African American Response, 1892-‐1900,” printed with permission of the Register of the Kentucky Historical Society, Vol. 98, No. 3 (Summer 2000). Chapter 2 -‐ Industrialization and its Discontents 17. The Gospel of Wealth (1889) 18. Mark Twain Satirizes the Battle Hymn Of the Republic (1900) 19. Preamble to the Constitution of the Knights of Labor (1878) 20. The Pullman Strike (1894) 21. Preamble of the Industrial Workers of the World (1905) 22. The Principles of Scientific Management (1911) 23. Studies of Factory Life: Among the Women (1888) 24. Upton Sinclair’s The Jungle (1906) 25. How the Other Half Lives (1890) 26. The New South (1886) 27. People’s (Populist) Party National Platform (1892) 28. Cross of Gold Speech (1896) 28a. Historians Confront the Past: Professor James C. Giesen, “’The Truth About the Boll Weevil: The Nature of Planter 2 Power in the Mississippi Delta,” printed with permission of Environmental History 14 (October 2009): 683-‐704. Chapter 3 -‐ The Progressive Era 29. Sherman Anti-‐Trust Act (1890) 30. The Shame of the Cities (1903) 31. The Church and the Social Crisis (1907) 32. The Democratic Schoolroom (1900) 33. Club Work of Colored Women (1901) 34. Twenty Years at Hull House (1910) 35. Margaret Sanger and Birth Control (1917) 36. The Report of the Country Life Commission (1909) 37. The Fight for Conservation (1910) 38. The Effect of the Ballot on Mothers (1890) 39. The Effect of Women on Government (1898) 40. Why Women Should Vote (1910) 41. Theodore Roosevelt’s New Nationalism (1910) 42. Woodrow Wilson’s New Freedom (1913) 43. Socialist Party Platform (1912) 43a. Historians Confront the Past: Professor Mark Hersey, “Hints and Suggestions to Farmers: George Washington Carver and Rural Conservation in the South,” Printed with permission of Environmental History 11 (April 2006): 239-‐
268. Chapter 4 -‐ The United States Becomes a World Power 44. The Influence of Sea Power upon History (1890) 45. Platt Amendment (1903) 46. Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine (1904) 47. President Wilson’s War Message to Congress (1917) 48. Senator Robert M. La Follette Voices his Dissent (1917) 49. Propaganda and War 50. The Fourteen Points (1918) 51. Sen. Lodge’s Reservations to the League of Nations (1919) 52. Black Soldiers Return Home (1919) 53. The Occupation of Haiti (1920) 3 Chapter 5 -‐ The Interwar Years 54. 55.
65. Opposing Positions on a Proposed Equal Rights Bill (1922) The Impact of the Automobile (1922) The Scopes Trial (1925) Immigration Restriction (1924) Alain Locke on “The New Negro” Franklin D. Roosevelt’s First Inaugural Address (1933) The Civilian Conservation Corps The Federal Arts Project Share the Wealth Plan Social Security Act (1935) NLRB v. Jones & Laughlin Steel (1937) Republican and Democratic Platforms (1936) 65a. Historians Confront the Past: Professor Alison Collis Greene, “The Faith of the ‘flotsam and jetsam’,” Journal of Southern Religion 13 (2011): Click Here Chapter 6 -‐ World War II 66. The Atlantic Charter (1941) 67. The America First Committee 68. Randolph’s Call to March on Washington (1941) 69. FDR Creates the Committee on Fair Employment Practice (1941) 70. Japanese-‐American Evacuation and Internment 71. President Roosevelt’s War Message to the Congress (1941) 72. General MacArthur's Radio Message (1944) 73. The G.I. Bill of Rights (1944) 74. The Yalta Accords (1945) 75. The Franck Report on Nuclear Weaponry (1945) 76. Pres. Truman on Potsdam and the Atomic Bomb (1945) 76a. Historians Confront the Past: Professor Jason Morgan Ward, “‘No Jap Crow’: Japanese Americans Encounter the World War II South” Printed with the permission of The Journal of Southern History 50, No. 1, (February 2007): 75-‐
104. Chapter 7 -‐ The Cold War Era 4 77. George F. Kennan’s “Long Telegram” (1946) 78. The Truman Doctrine (1947) 79. Truman on the Federal Employee Loyalty Program (1947) 80. Ronald Reagan Testifies On Communists in Hollywood (1947) 81. Senator McCarthy Warns of Communist Infiltration (1950) 82. National Security Policy Council Paper (NSC-‐68) (1950) 83. John Foster Dulles on Massive Retaliation (1954) 84. Eisenhower Warns of a Military-‐Industrial Complex (1961) 84a. Historians Confront the Past: Professor Richard V. Damms, “In Search of ‘Some Big, Imaginative Plan’: the Eisenhower Administration and American Strategy in the Middle East After Suez,” printed with permission from Simon C. Smith, ed., Reassessing Suez 1956: New Perspectives on the Crisis and Its Aftermath (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2008), 179-‐
94. Chapter 8 -‐ Rights and Resistance 85. Truman’s Civil Rights Message to the Congress (1948) 86. Brown v. Board of Education (1954) 87. The Southern Manifesto (1956) 88. Malcolm X’s “Message to the Grassroots” (1963) 89. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 90. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 91. President’s Commission on the Status of Women (1963) 92. National Organization for Women Statement of Purpose (1966) 93. Equal Rights Amendment (1972) 94. Roe v. Wade (1973) 94a. Historians Confront the Past: Professor Michael Vinson Williams, “The Struggle for Black Citizenship: Medgar Wiley Evers and the Fight for Civil Rights in Mississippi,” in The Civil Rights Movement in Mississippi, edited by Ted Ownby, 59-‐89. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2013. Printed with permission from the University Press of Mississippi. Chapter 9 – The Great Society, Vietnam, and the
Crisis of Confidence 95. Lyndon Johnson Promotes The Great Society (1964)
96. The Gulf of Tonkin Resolution (1964) 5 97. Senator Ernest Gruening Dissents (1964) 98. Johnson Explains U.S. Involvement in Vietnam (1965) 99. “We Refuse to Serve” (1967) 100. The Student Non-‐Violent Coordinating Committee on Vietnam (1967) 101. President Johnson’s Address to the Nation Announcing Steps to Limit the Vietnam War and Reporting His Decision Not to Seek Reelection (1968) 102. Nixon’s “Silent Majority” Speech (1969) 103. The Watergate Smoking Gun (1972) 104. Jimmy Carter on the Energy Crisis (1977) Chapter 10 -‐ The Rise of Conservatism and the Post-‐Cold War Order 105.
115. Why the New Right is Winning (1981) Reagan’s “Evil Empire” Speech (1983) Jesse Jackson’s 1984 Democratic Convention Speech Iran-‐Contra Affair (1987) George H. W. Bush and the New World Order (1991) Republican Contract with America (1994) Bill Clinton Endorses the Welfare Reform Act (1996) Articles of Impeachment Against Clinton (1999) Bush v. Gore (2000) 337 George W. Bush’s Second Inaugural Address (2005) Barack Obama, “A More Perfect Union,” (2008) 6 Chapter 1 Reconstruction and Expansion, Assimilation and Exclusion In the six decades following the Civil War, racial and ethnic conflict swept the country. From battles over citizenship and civil rights in the South to the violent rivalry between white settlers and Native Americans in the West, racial resentments and fears profoundly shaped public opinion and government policy. In the South, state legislatures launched successful campaigns to segregate and disfranchise African Americans with the blessing of the U.S. Supreme Court. In the West, the government promoted a policy of Indian assimilation. Worldwide industrialization resulted in the massive movement of people, as immigrants traveled between nations and migrants moved from farms to cities. Immigrants to America faced a variety of challenges, including outright resistance based on racial and cultural fears. Nativist groups successfully pressured Congress to restrict immigration, particularly by those considered culturally incompatible or racially inferior. Meanwhile, African Americans, Native Americans, and Asian and European immigrants struggled to impro7ve their economic, social, and political status in a nation that promised liberty and equality. 7 1. U.S. Constitution, Amendments, XIII, XIV, XV The Constitutional Amendments that followed the Civil War
settled the issue of slavery by making it illegal everywhere in
the United States, established the criteria for citizenship, and
expanded the franchise to include all male citizens. U.S. Constitution, Amendment XIII (Ratified December 6, 1865) Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. U.S. Constitution, Amendment XIV (Ratified July 9, 1868) Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States, and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-‐President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-‐one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of 8 representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-‐one years of age in such State. Section 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-‐President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two-‐thirds of each House remove such disability. Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized, by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be held illegal and void. Section 5. The Congress shall have the power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. U.S. Constitution, Amendment XV (Ratified February 2, 1870) Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous conditions of servitude-‐ Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. 2. Frederick Douglass Assesses the Mistakes of Reconstruction (1880) In this document, former slave and civil rights leader 9 Frederick Douglass considered the results of Reconstruction. How stands the case with the recently-‐emancipated millions of colored people in our own country? What is their condition today? What is their relation to the people who formerly held them as slaves? These are important questions, and they are such as trouble the minds of thoughtful men of all colors, at home and abroad. By law, by the Constitution of the United States, slavery has no existence in our country. The legal form has been abolished. By the law and the Constitution, the Negro is a man and a citizen, and has all the rights and liberties guaranteed to any other variety of the human family, residing in the United States. He has a country, a flag, and a government, and may legally claim full and complete protection under the laws. It was the ruling wish, intention, and purpose of the loyal people, after rebellion was suppressed, to have an end to the entire cause of that calamity by forever putting away the system of slavery and all its incidents. In pursuance of this idea, the Negro was made free, made a citizen, made eligible to hold office, to be a juryman, a legislator, and a magistrate. To this end, several amendments to the Constitution were proposed, recommended, and adopted. They are now a part of the supreme law of the land, binding alike upon every state and territory of the United States, north and south. Briefly, this is our legal and theoretical condition. This is our condition on paper and parchment. If only from the national statute book we were left to learn the true condition of the colored race, the result would be altogether creditable to the American people .... We have gone still further. We have laid the heavy hand of the Constitution upon the matchless meanness of caste, as well as upon the hell-‐black crime of slavery. We have declared before all the world that there shall be no denial of rights on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. The advantage gained in this respect is immense. It is a great thing to have the supreme law of the land on the side of justice and liberty. It is the line up to which the nation is destined to march-‐the law to which the nation's life must
ultimately conform. It is a great principle, up to which we may educate the people, and to this extent its value exceeds all speech. 10 But today, in most of the southern states, the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments are virtually nullified. The rights which they were intended to guarantee are denied and held in contempt. The citizenship granted in the fourteenth amendment is practically a mockery, and the right to vote, provided for in the fifteenth amendment, is literally stamped out in face of government. The old master class is today triumphant, and the newly enfranchised class in a condition but little above that in which they were found before the rebellion. Do you ask me how, after all that has been done, this state of things has been made possible? I will tell you. Our reconstruction measures were radically defective. They left the former slave completely in the power of the old master, the loyal citizen in the hands of the disloyal rebel against the government. Wise, grand, and comprehensive in scope and design as were the reconstruction measures, high and honorable as were the intensions of the statesmen by whom they were framed and adopted, time and experience, which try all things, have demonstrated that they did not successfully meet the case. In the hurry and confusion of the hour, and the eager desire to have the Union restored, there was more care for the sublime superstructure of the republic than for the solid foundations upon which it could alone be upheld. To the freedmen was given the machinery of liberty, but there was denied to them the steam to put it in motion. They were given the uniform of soldiers, but no arms; they were called citizens, but left subjects; they were called free, but left almost slaves. The old master class was not deprived of the power of life and death, which was the soul of the relation of master and slave. They could not, of course, sell their former slaves, but they retained the power to starve them to death, and wherever this power is held there is the power of slavery .... The Negro today ... is in a thralldom grievous and intolerable, compelled to work for whatever his employer is pleased to pay him, swindled out of his hard earnings by money orders redeemed in stores, compelled to pay the price of an acre of ground for its use during a single year, to pay four times more than a fair price for a pound of bacon and to be kept upon the narrowest margin between life and starvation. Much complaint has been made that the freedmen have shown so little ability to take care of themselves since their emancipation. Men have 11 marvelled that they have made so little progress. I question the justice of this complaint. It is neither reasonable, nor in any sense just. To me the wonder is, not that the freedmen have made so little progress, but, rather, that they have made so much-‐not that they have been standing still, but that they have been able to stand at all. We have only to reflect for a moment upon the situation in which these people found themselves when liberated. Consider their ignorance, their poverty, their destitution, and their absolute dependence upon the very class by which they had been held in bondage for centuries, a class whose every sentiment was averse to their freedom, and we shall be prepared to marvel that they have, under the circumstances, done so well. ... When the serfs of Russia were emancipated, they were given three acres of ground upon which they could live and make a living. But not so when our slaves were emancipated. They were sent away empty-‐handed, without money, without friends, and without a foot of land upon which to stand. Old and young, sick and well, were turned loose to the open sky, naked to their enemies. The old slave quarter that had before sheltered them and the fields that had yielded them corn were now denied them.... Taking all the circumstances into consideration, the colored people have no reason to despair. We still live, and while there is life there is hope. The fact that we have endured wrongs and hardships which would have destroyed any other race, and have increased in numbers and public consideration, ought to strengthen our faith in ourselves and our future. Let us, then, wherever we are, whether at the North or at the South, resolutely struggle on in the belief that there is a better day coming, and that we, by patience, industry, uprightness, and economy may hasten that better day. 3. Sharecropping Contract (1879) Sharecropping emerged in the wake of the Civil War as a compromise of sorts between cash-‐poor cotton planters eager 12 to re-‐establish a malleable but dependable agricultural labor force and freedmen, who proved unwilling to work under conditions that approximated their experience as slaves. In the event, contracts such as the one below favored the planters and merchants who furnished the capital and land, all but ensuring that African American tenant farmers would remain poor, effectively locked into a system of perpetual debt. Agreement between Landlord and Sharecropper This agreement, made and entered into this 18th day of January, 1879, between Solid South, of the first part, and John Dawson, of...
View Full Document
- Fall '15