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Unformatted text preview: AND DEBATES IN AMERICAN HISTORY AND GOVERNMENT V o l.   2 ,   1 8 6 5 - 2 0 0 9 T his collection of documents presents American history from 1865 to 2009 as a series of 14 chronologically arranged topics. For each of these, a selection of documents recreates a debate over a particular issue critical to understanding the topic and the corresponding period in American history. Taken together, the debates highlight enduring issues and themes in American life, such as the effort to balance freedom and equality as well as liberty and order; the struggle for inclusion and full participation of African-Americans, women, and working people; the conflict over how America should organize its economy and what role government should have in American economic life; and the argument over how America should use its power in the world. T his volume and its companion, which covers American history to 1865, are part of an ongoing series of document volumes produced by the Ashbrook Center at Ashland University. he Ashbrook Center restores and strengthens the capacities of the American people for constitutional self-government. Ashbrook teaches students and teachers across our country what America is and what she represents in the long history of the world. Offering a variety of programs and resources, Ashbrook is the nation’s largest university-based educator in the enduring principles and practice of free government. David Tucker is a Senior Fellow at the Ashbrook Center. ISBN 978-1-878802-40-8 David Tucker 9 781878 802408 Selected and Introduced by T Documents and Debates in American History and Government: Vol. 2, 1865-2009 DOCUMENTS DOCUMENTS AND DEBATES IN AMERICAN HISTORY AND GOVERNMENT V o l.   2 ,   1 8 6 5 - 2 0 0 9 Selected and Introduced by David Tucker Documents and Debates in American History and Government: Vol. 2, 1865-2009 Documents and Debates in American History and Government: Vol. 2, 1865-2009 Selected and Introduced by David Tucker Ashbrook Press © 2018 Ashbrook Center, Ashland University Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Documents and Debates in American History and Government: Vol. 2, 1865-2009; Selected and Introduced by David Tucker p. cm. Includes Index 1. United States – Politics and government. ISBN 978-1-878802-43-9 (pbk.) Cover images, above the title, left to right: Franklin D. Roosevelt portrait [ca. 1941]. Library of Congress, LC-USW33-042784-ZC. Col. Ely S. Parker, photographed by Mathew Brady. National Archives, ID 528267. Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm announcing her candidacy for presidential nomination, photographed by Thomas J. O’Halloran. Library of Congress, LC-U9-25383-33. Frederick Douglass, photographed by George Francis Schreiber on April 26, 1870. Library of Congress, LC-USZ62-15887. President Ronald Reagan interviewing with journalists at the Williamsburg Economic Summit on May 31, 1983. Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, C15025-24. Cover image, below the title: “The Wealth of the Nation” by Seymour Fogel Ashbrook Center at Ashland University 401 College Avenue Ashland, Ohio 44805 About the Ashbrook Center The Ashbrook Center restores and strengthens the capacities of the American people for constitutional self-government. Ashbrook teaches students and teachers across our country what America is and what she represents in the long history of the world. Offering a variety of resources and programs, Ashbrook is the largest university-based educator in the enduring principles and practice of free government. Dedicated in 1983 by President Ronald Reagan, the Ashbrook Center is governed by its own board and responsible for raising all of the funds necessary for its many programs. Visit us online at Ashbrook.org, ReligionInAmerica.org, and 50coredocs.org. TeachingAmericanHistory.org, Contents Introduction .................................................................................................. i 16. Reconstructing the South .................................................................. 1 17. Reconstructing the West: Grant’s Peace Policy ....................... 20 18. Urban Growth: The Pullman Strike ............................................ 36 19. The Progressive Era: Eugenics...................................................... 54 20. Progressive Foreign Policy: The Philippines ............................ 68 21. What Caused the Great Depression? .......................................... 86 22. The New Deal: Social Security ................................................... 104 23. The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb ................................... 117 24. Containment and the Truman Doctrine.................................. 133 25. Internal Security and Civil Liberties.......................................... 159 26. The Civil Rights Act, 1964 ........................................................... 178 27. The Equal Rights Amendment ................................................... 195 28. Political Economy at the End of the 20th Century ................. 209 29. America and the World ................................................................. 226 Appendices .............................................................................................. 239 Appendix A: Declaration of Independence .................................... 241 Appendix B: Constitution of the United States of America ...... 245 i Introduction This collection of documents presents American history from 1865 to 2009 as a series of 14 topics. For each of these, a selection of documents recreates a debate over a particular issue critical to understanding the topic and the corresponding period in American history. Taken together, the debates highlight enduring issues and themes in American life, such as the effort to balance freedom and equality as well as liberty and order; the struggle for inclusion and full participation of African Americans, women, and working people; the conflict over how America should organize its economy and what role government should have in American economic life; and the argument over how America should use its power in the world. Each chapter has an introduction that provides necessary context and three sets of study questions. The first set (A) covers the documents in the chapter; the second (B), other documents in the volume; and the third (C)), documents in the companion volume. Each of the documents is annotated with footnotes that provide biographical information on document authors and identify obscure words, events or individuals. This volume and its companion, which covers American history to 1865, are part of an ongoing series of document volumes produced by the Ashbrook Center at Ashland University. When the series is complete, it will be comprehensive, and also authoritative, because it will present America’s story in the words of those who wrote it – America’s presidents, labor leaders, farmers, philosophers, industrialists, politicians, workers, explorers, religious leaders, judges, soldiers; its slaveholders and abolitionists; its expansionists and isolationists; its reformers and stand-patters; its strict and broad constructionists; its hard-eyed realists and visionary utopians – all united in their commitment to equality and liberty, yet all also divided often by their different understandings of these most fundamental American ideas. The documents are about all this – the still unfinished American experiment with self-government. David Tucker selected the documents for this volume with the help of Dennis Boman, Rob McDonald, John Moser, Lucas Morel, Sean Sculley, Sarah Morgan Smith, Jace Weaver, and Scott Yenor. Tucker excerpted the documents, annotated them, and wrote the introductions and study questions A and B. Chapter 22 draws from The Great Depression and the New Deal: Core Documents, edited by John Moser. Sarah Morgan Smith was the volume’s General Editor and wrote study questions C. Ellen Tucker did the copyediting. Lisa Ormiston oversaw production. Ali Brosky provided all sorts of help, including getting ii permissions and organizing the work of the interns who supported the project. Ashbrook interns who assisted with transcription and research include: Madeleine Emholtz, Martha Sorah, Dennis Cerney, McKenzie Jones, Caroline Toth, Sabrina Maristela, Brennan Kunkel, Nick Thielman, Kailyn Clarke and Frances Boggs. Documents and Debates in American History and Government: Vol. 2, 1865-2009 Chapter 16 Reconstructing the South A. President Abraham Lincoln to Nathaniel Banks, August 5, 1863 B. President Abraham Lincoln, Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865 C. Representative Thaddeus Stevens, “Reconstruction,” September 6, 1865 D. Frederick Douglass, “Reconstruction,” December, 1866 E. Jubilee Singers, “Many Thousand Gone,” 1872 F. Senator Benjamin R. Tillman, Speech in the Senate, March 23, 1900 As the Civil War progressed and Union forces gained control of territory in states that had seceded, the question arose as to how that territory and its people – slave and free – should be dealt with (Document A). This issue became more pressing as the war ended. President Lincoln encouraged reconciliation (Document B), and a respect for the constitutional limits of the authority of the President, the Congress and the states (Document A). Other Republicans believed that the South had to be reconstructed in a fundamental way (Documents C and D). They, too, considered constitutional limits (especially Document C), and concluded that, for the ultimate good of the Union and all its people, the seceding states had to be treated as conquered territories. Meanwhile, the freed men and women sought to construct new lives in extraordinarily difficult circumstances (Document E). The long-term effects of Reconstruction – or its failure – are evident in Senator Tillman’s speech from 1900 (Document F). He defended the system of segregation developed in the South after Reconstruction (including lynching); segregation was not challenged until the 1950s and 1960s (see Chapter 26). Study Questions A. What explains President Lincoln’s attitude toward Louisiana in his letter to General Banks? Does his Second Inaugural Address explain his attitude? How do Lincoln, Douglass, and Stevens’ attitudes toward the South differ? Is Stevens’ constitutional argument about the basis of Reconstruction sound? If so, was that sufficient to make his approach to the seceded states sound? Do Stevens’ remarks about Jews, the Irish and others undermine his claim to be a champion of the principles of the Declaration of Independence? Was the response of 2 Documents and Debates Southerners as described and defended by Tillman inevitable, or could some version of restoration or reconstruction have prevented it? B. Do the views expressed in the Documents in Chapter 26 differ from those expressed in the documents below? For example, compare the views of Senators Tillman and Thurmond, both Democrats from South Carolina. Did the constitutional arguments change between the 1860s and the 1960s? C. How true does President Abraham Lincoln’s remark in Document B that both Northerners and Southerners prayed to the same God and read the same Bible appear in light of the very different interpretations of said Bible on the question of slavery, as evidenced in Volume 1, Chapter 12? A. President Abraham Lincoln to Nathaniel Banks, August 5, 18631 My dear General Banks,2 . . . Governor Boutwell read me to-day that part of your letter to him, which relates to Louisiana affairs. While I very well know what I would be glad for Louisiana to do, it is quite a different thing for me to assume direction of the matter. I would be glad for her to make a new Constitution recognizing the emancipation proclamation, and adopting emancipation in those parts of the state to which the proclamation does not apply.3 And while she is at it, I think it would not be objectionable for her to adopt some practical system by which the two races could gradually live themselves out of their old relation to each other, and both come out better prepared for the new. Education for young blacks should be included in the plan. After all, the power, or element, of “contract” may be sufficient for this probationary period; and, by its simplicity, and flexibility, may be the better. 1 Abraham Lincoln, Abraham Lincoln Papers: Series 1. General Correspondence. 1833-1916: Abraham Lincoln to Nathaniel P. Banks, Wednesday, August 5, 1863. Manuscript/Mixed Material. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, 2 Nathaniel Banks (1816-1894) was a Democratic politician who was appointed military commander for the Gulf District, which included Louisiana. 3 New Orleans had fallen into Union hands at the end of April 1862. Hence, when the Emancipation Proclamation was issued in January 1863, those slaves living in the New Orleans area had not been freed, since the proclamation applied only to slaves in areas still in rebel hands. Reconstructing the South 3 As an anti-slavery man I have a motive to desire emancipation, which proslavery men do not have; but even they have strong enough reason to thus place themselves again under the shield of the Union; and to thus perpetually hedge against the recurrence of the scenes through which we are now passing. Gov. Shepley has informed me that Mr. Durant is now taking a registry, with a view to the election of a Constitutional convention in Louisiana. This, to me, appears proper. If such convention were to ask my views, I could present little else than what I now say to you. I think the thing should be pushed forward, so that if possible, its mature work may reach here by the meeting of Congress. For my own part I think I shall not, in any event, retract the emancipation proclamation; nor, as executive, ever return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress. If Louisiana shall send members to Congress, their admission to seats will depend, as you know, upon the respective Houses, and not upon the President. If these views can be of any advantage in giving shape, and impetus, to action there, I shall be glad for you to use them prudently for that object. Of course you will confer with intelligent and trusty citizens of the State, among whom I would suggest Messrs. Flanders, Hahn, and Durant; and to each of whom I now think I may send copies of this letter. Still, it is perhaps better to not make the letter generally public. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln B. President Abraham Lincoln, Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 18654 Fellow Countrymen: At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention, and engrosses the energies of the nation, little 4 Abraham Lincoln, Abraham Lincoln papers: Series 3. General Correspondence. 1837-1897: Abraham Lincoln, March 4, 1865 (Second Inaugural Address; endorsed by Lincoln, April 10, 1865). Manuscript/Mixed Material. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, . 4 Documents and Debates that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war – seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came. One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war, the magnitude, or the duration, which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God’s assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men’s faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged.5 The prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. Woe unto the world because of offences! for it must needs be that offences come; but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh!6 If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those offences which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South, this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a Living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue, until all the wealth piled by the bond-man’s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of 5 6 Matthew 7:1 Matthew 18:7 Reconstructing the South 5 blood drawn with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said “the judgments of the Lord, are true and righteous altogether.”7 With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation’s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan – to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations. C. Representative Thaddeus Stevens, “Reconstruction,” September 6, 18658 FELLOW-CITIZENS: In compliance with your request, I have come to give my views of the present condition of the rebel States – of the proper mode of reorganizing the government, and the future prospects of the republic. During the whole progress of the war, I never for a moment felt doubt or despondency. I knew that the loyal North would conquer the rebel despots who sought to destroy freedom. But since that traitorous confederation has been subdued, and we have entered upon the work of “reconstruction” or “restoration,” I cannot deny that my heart has become sad at the gloomy prospects before us. Four years of bloody and expensive war, waged against the United States by eleven States, under a government called the “Confederate States of America,” to which they acknowledged allegiance, have overthrown all governments within those States which could be acknowledged as legitimate by the Union. The armies of the Confederate States having been conquered and subdued, and their territory possessed by the United States, it becomes necessary to...
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