2AC - K Blocks.docx

2AC - K Blocks.docx - *FW 2AC – Framework Shell...

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Unformatted text preview: **FW** 2AC – Framework Shell Interpretation - this round should be centered on the desirability of the plankey to fairness because any other interpretation has no basis in the resolution, making it unpredictable, moots the 1AC, and is self-serving for the negative. They can still read critiques of our method but they need to prove a reason why the normative statement of the plan is false, otherwise you weigh aff impacts against the alt. Topic Education- Lack of plan focus means we never debate the details of the plan – this creates a race to the margins where we compete over different corners of the library and fail to learn about real world scenarios. The K moves parallel to the framework of the aff – we both address the same ontological and epistemological questions surrounding how one ought to think about and approach disability – the only difference is the method as to how we try to mitigate ableist violence – our approach is the try and tangibly change the existing structures that yield observable violence i.e. deportation and lack of public disability assistance Role of the ballot is to mitigate ablest violence – cross apply 1AC framing and treating others is a prior question to structural antagonisms – it matters more that we make life easier for those suffering within the confines of oppression Debating policy is productive - by imagining possible changes, we craft knowledge production and create potential for grassroots change in a world where power structures are inevitably state-bound Elizabeth Shove Sociology @ Lancaster and Gordon Walker Geography @ Lancaster ‘7 [“CAUTION! Transitions ahead: politics, practice, and sustainable transition management,” Environment and Planning C 39 (4)] For academic readers, our commentary argues for loosening the intellectual grip of ‘innovation studies’, for backing off from the nested, hierarchical multi-level model as the only model in town, and for exploring other social scientific, but also systemic theories of change. The more we think about the politics and practicalities of reflexive transition management , the more complex the process appears: for a policy audience, our words of caution could be read as an invitation to abandon the whole endeavour. If agency, predictability and legitimacy are as limited as we’ve suggested, this might be the only sensible conclusion.However, we are with Rip (2006) in recognising the value, productivity and everyday necessity of an ‘illusion of agency’, and of the working expectation that a difference can be made even in the face of so much evidence to the contrary . The outcomes of actions are unknowable, the system unsteerable and the effects of deliberate intervention inherently unpredictable and, ironically, it is this that sustains concepts of agency and management. As Rip argues ‘illusions are productive because they motivate action and repair work, and thus something (whatever) is achieved’ (Rip 2006: 94). Situated inside the systems they seek to influence , governance actors – and actors of other kinds as well - are part of the dynamics of change: even if they cannot steer from the outside they are necessary to processes within. This is, of course, also true of academic life. Here we are, busy critiquing and analysing transition management in the expectation that somebody somewhere is listening and maybe even taking notice. If we removed that illusion would we bother writing anything at all? Maybe we need such fictions to keep us going, and maybe – fiction or no - somewhere along the line something really does happen , but not in ways that we can anticipate or know. 1AR FW Cards The state should be a necessary a component of the discussion in mitigating violence – without it we negate the wants of those seeking for reform Block et al. 15, Pamela - Professor and Director of the Concentration in Disability Studies for the Ph.D. Program in Health and Rehabilitation Sciences “Occupying Disability: Critical Approaches to Community, Justice, and Decolonizing Disability” Pg. 59-60 The question then arises how do we create a culture of equality for people who have some disadvantage in life? We start at the beginning and to make sure people are included in the initial concepts of policy development not just at the final process. Organizations must have the common thread of involvement & engagement embedded within all aspects of the institution or government body, where from the Chief Executive Officer and chairperson to the front line staff all have a passion and drive for inclusion. Making sure it’s real, not just a shiny publication that looks great, but sits on the shelf gathering dust. This is a job for everyone and the culture may need to shift which can be very challenging for individuals and organizations as a whole, but can be made real if the drive for change is apparent. To give an example, a mental health trust had a historical lack of involvement and procedures in engaging with its users and carers. A new CEO and Chairman on the board both had a real commitment to turn this around. They considered the need for a user and career council in which the trust would invest. This was not only set up, but from it a sense of culture change was apparent which was fed down to all areas of the trust. It was not without its issues but gave a real voice to people who were not only isolated but their illness meant their health fluctuated and found it challenging to engage . So both culture and investment were initiated by key people within the organization. People are the experts not only in their own disability or health issues, and also know what is needed to create an environment in which they would feel happy to contribute to debate, policy, and service reform. Many of these aspects are not actually difficult to do and just need some thought and reflection of making sure they users that are used by some organizations. These may well have options such as being involved as a volunteer, making a small one off payment or indeed paying by invoice as someone may be freelance or self-employed, down to making sure people have the taxi fare in cash to get to a venue. This may seem very simple but in many organizations people have had to wait a month or more and go through the accounts system to receive the £5 it cost for travel. While many organizations policies do not allow them to do this, some voluntary organizations can give cash on the day. This comes down to organizations being more flexible. While accounting systems may be complex and have to follow national legislation and guidance, if the will is there it can be managed and changed. Of course engaging experts by experience to deliver training within organizations around inclusion and equality is the gold standard and many examples of this have been found. One very interesting case involves a NHS trust who had some involvement but a was long way from best practice. By creating new policies for people to be involved with the induction process for new staff, training teams, being part of the training of health professionals it created, if but slowly, a culture where staff expected input by the ex/users of the service. When given a lecture by a mixture of presenters they said it was in fact the users’ talk which provided the most powerful and thought provoking stories and gave them better understanding of the issues people really face. Top ten tips for inclusion and collaboration I believe are: Involvement from the start of any research (ideally). Creating an equal platform with users and academics/managers. Clear and robust induction. Getting the communication right. Getting the payment systems correct before you start. Creating a team that works- regular team meetings and development- collaboration is key. Addressing issues as you go and not leaving to fester. Academics & Managers letting go a bit more. Service users/researchers being able to adapt and not expect everything will go right. Being open and transparent. So its takes drive and a willingness to create the procedures and policy to develop the inclusive and supporting environment people must have to be able to contribute effectively and to sustain this engagement. Individuals need to feel that they are not just a tick in a box and that their involvement will make a real difference. This applies to everyone in the health and social care setting whether social workers or occupational therapists to clinical psychiatrists to managers and chief executives. Everyone has a part to play in the creation of a system that automatically refers and includes the users of services. The more we do this the more it becomes ingrained in the culture of organizations and individuals. With one caveat though, to make sure that continued development and drive for best practice is carried out and not to become complacent. On reflection, in my own personal experience these initiatives can work and people can influence policy. Why should we have to resort to marching down the streets and demonstrations to get heard or our views across? While this may be of use when pushed into a corner and indeed long term radical action may be needed to actually change for the better, we should not have to do this. Making sure people are seated at the table and are included in discussions, and people listen and create action that individuals can see actually happening is vital. We also must remember the fine line we tread when dealing with government policy- while we need to be a critical friend we do not cross the line to become just another part of the establishment. Having the independence is a critical feature in all this potential change. I have seen people and organizations that start off with the best intentions but then get absorbed in the system and then their credibility is lost. For my own personal journey I have come across many negative attitudes and stone walls which needed knocking down. Saying this, those organizations and individuals who actually engaged and went beyond their roles to create the positive change made such a difference. Recovery can also be a part of this process if implemented in the right way and helps with healing and management of health conditions. There is a huge resource of people out there who have gained experiential knowledge of their own health and disability. Make sure that the core part of any policy and practice is to involve and engage these people in order to develop the core needs of health professionals’ research projects and training. Not everyone will want to be involved but give them the choice and they will take you from textbook theory to real life and beyond. Even if the State does bad things, any alternative is more violent Englehart 3 Neil A. Englehart, Assistant Professor of Government and Law at Lafayette College, 2003, “In Defense of State Building: States, Rights, and Justice,” Dissent, Fall, Available Online to Subscribing Institutions via Academic Search Elite, p. 18 State failure has become an increasingly important policy concern since 9/11. Strengthening or reconstructing failed states has even become an explicit goal of American foreign policy. Yet many Americans across the political spectrum regard states with deep suspicion and abiding hostility, as instruments of oppression. In truth, states are more likely to protect human rights than any other form of political organization. Acknowledging that potential is today a moral and political imperative. The evil that states do is well known. There are abundant examples: from the brutality of the Thirty Years War to the Stalinist purges, the Holocaust in Nazi Germany, and the Rwandan genocide. Because its repressive capacities are so clear, political theorists seek to protect us from the state (Locke), to divide and limit its power (Madison), to liberate us from it (Marx), or to dissolve it entirely (Foucault). Yet Hobbes’s picture of life without the state— poor, nasty, brutish, and short —still resonates. States can only be called oppressive if there is an alternative available , a more promising political order. States dominate our minds as much as they dominate the globe. The conceptual hegemony of the state is so great that there has been little serious thinking about alternative arrangements. Anarchist visions may sound liberating, but only because they assume that life under anarchy would be much like it is now—only better . In fact, anarchists depend on the very order they seek to abolish, assuming that people will be treated as free and equal, able to make uncoerced choices outside the protection of the state. Their utopian visions set the parameters of critiques of the state, but they seldom recognize that the necessary substructure of their utopia doesn’t exist “nowhere”— it exists only where states have established law and order. In real life, the alternatives to the state are more violent, more coercive social and political orders dominated by warlords and gangs. Not quite the Hobbesian war of all against all, they are rather wars of group against group, dividing society and destroying the possibility of a peaceful public sphere, of civil society, rights, and social justice. The corollary to the oppressiveness of non-state politics is that, contrary to our commonsense understanding, states are relatively liberating and egalitarian. Compared to actually existing alternatives, states have more potential for protecting human rights, human security, and international peace than any other political order. That’s why state building is so important The affirmative creates an interstitial demand—this does not make us into bureaucrats or politicians that their link evidence assumes—instead it proves we are ethical actors Critchley in 7 Simon [Prof of Philosophy @ New School]; Infinitely Demanding: Ethics of Commitment, Politics of Resistance; Verso, p.111-114 Keeping these examples of the political function of rights in mind, I would like to move on to the question of the state. We inhabit states. The state – whether national like Britain or France, a supranational quasi-state like the EU, or imperial like the USA – is the framework within which conventional politics takes place. Now, it is arguable that the state is a limitation on human existence and we would be better off without it. It is arguable that without state systems of government, bureaucracy, the police and the military, human beings would be able to cooperate with each other on the basis of free agreement and not merely through obedience to law. It is arguable that interwoven networks of such cooperative associations might begin to cover all fields of human activity so as to substitute themselves for the state. It is arguable that the vertical hierarchy of the state structure could be replaced with horizontally allied associations of free, self-determining human beings. Such is, of course, the eternal temptation of the anarchist tradition, particularly for someone like Kropotkin, and I will come back to anarchism in more detail below. However – to put it at its most understated – it seems to me that we cannot hope, at this point in history, to attain a complete withering away of the state, either through concerted anarchosyndicalist or anarcho-communist action or through revolutionary proletarian praxis with the agency of the party. Within classical Marxism, state, revolution and class form a coherent set: there is a revolutionary class, the universal or classless class of the proletariat whose communist politics entails the overthrow of the bourgeois state. The locus classicus for this position is Lenin's State and Revolution, a text that is, in my view, fatally sundered by conflicting authoritarian and anarchist tendencies. On the one hand, in the name of the 'authentic' Marx, Lenin claims that the bourgeois state must be smashed and replaced by a democratically centralist workers' state – the dictatorship of the proletariat – but, on the other hand, he claims that this is only a pre-condition for the eventual withering away of the state in communism or what he calls the 'fullest democracy'. 29 The condition of possibility for the Leninist withering away of the state is the emergence of a revolutionary class, the proletariat, whom Hardt and Negri seek to update into the multitude. 30 Now, if class positions are not simplifying, but on the contrary becoming more complex through the processes of social dislocation described in this chapter, if the revolution is no longer conceivable in a MarxistLeninist manner, then that means that, for good or ill – let's say for ill – we are stuck with the state. The question then becomes: what should our political strategy be with regard to the state, to the state and states that we're in? In a period when the revoluti onary proletarian subject has decidedly broken down, and along with it the political project of a withering away of the state, I think that politics should be conceived at a distance from the state .31 Or, better, politics is the praxis of taking up distance with regard to the state, working independently of the state, working in a situation. Politics is praxis in a situation and the labour of politics is the construction of new political subjectivities, new political aggregations in specific localities , a new dissensual habitus rooted in common sense and the consent of those who dissent. In addition to the examples of the politics of indigenous rights discussed above, this is arguably a description of the sort of direct democratic action that has provided the cutting edge and momentum to radical politics since the days of action against the meeting of the WTO in Seattle in 1999 and subsequently at Prague, Nice, Genoa, Quito, Cancun and elsewhere. 32 In the face of the massive reterritorialization of state power in the West after 9/11, this movement has continued in the huge mobilizations against US and UK intervention in Iraq, and in numerous other protests, such as the opposition to the Republican National Convention in New York in late summer 2004. Despite obvious electoral failures, it is the experience of such mobilizations that provides, in my view, the ethical energy for a remotivation of politics and future democratic organization. However, to forestall a possible misunderstanding, this distance from the state is within the state, that is, within and upon the state's territory. It is , we might say, an interstitial distance, an internal distance that has to be opened from the inside. What I mean, seemingly paradoxically, is that there is no distance within the state. In the time of the purported 'war on terror', and in the name of 'security', state sovereignty is attempting to saturate the entirety of social life. The constant ideological mobilization of the threat of external attack has permitted the curtailments of traditional civil liberties in the name of internal political order, so-called 'homeland security', where order and security have become identified. Such is the politics of fear, where the political might be defined with Carl Schmitt as that activity which assures the internal order of a political unit like a state through the more or less fantastic threat of the enemy. 33 Against this, the task of radical political articulations is the creation of interstitial distance within the state territory. The Mexican example of indigenous identity discussed above is a powerful instance of the creation of such a distance, an act of political leverage where the invocation of an international legal convention created the space for the emergence of a new political subject. Similarly, political activism around the so-called illegal immigrants in Paris, the sans-papiers, is the attempt to create an interstitial distance whose political demand – 'if one works in France, one is French' – invokes the principle of equality at the basis of the French republic. One works within the state against the state in a political ...
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