Metcalf_ImaginingCommunity

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Unformatted text preview: Ten *1 . . . Imag1n1ng Commumty: Polemical Debates in Colonial India Barbara Daly Metcalf Some years ago, I arrived in Agra after spending several months in Lahore. Although Lahore is in a Punjabi—speaking area, its educated classes have long shared a common language, perhaps best called by its old name of Hindustani, known across the Indo—Gangetic plain and beyond. Written in Perso-Arabic script and called Urdu, it is now an offi— cial language in Pakistan. It was that language [spoke as I checked into a hotel and chatted with the innkeeper. He graciously complimented my facility in his language. “lip ne itm' shuddh hindi kahdn sikhi?” he asked, taking my language to be Hindi, an official language in India. My only answer had to be that I had learned the language in Lahore—creat- ing ajuxtaposition, shuddh hindi and Lahore, that in today's world of politicized languages boggles the mind. Out of what is linguistically a single language and what is, as my example indicates, even today indistinguishable in everyday life. Com- munalist groups—those defining and protecting the interests of specif- ic (in this case, religious) groups—have made the choice of script and, presumably, a preferred vocabulary a rallying cry for loyalty. Shuddh hindi was "pure" Hindi, a language described by a Sanskrit word with charged connotations of purity in contrast to pollution; Urdu was its opposite, also a cause as much as a language to be preserved in a sepa~ rate state of Pakistan. If Hindi and Urdu can sound the same, and Hindi movies, as everyone says, are really Urdu movies—we are reminded that the bases of ideologically constituted communities, far from being primordial, are constituted in history and imagination. Even a hundred years ago in the Indian subcontinent, one would have been hard pressed to pre- dict the shape of religious and ethnic groups whose existence today so molds every aspect of political and social life. No example is better v 230 BARBARA DALYMETCALF than one currently with us, that of the Sikhs who in recent years have agitated, with tragic results on both sides, for greater autonomy. Social- ly integrated into every aspect of non—Sikh society, professing a reli- gious orientation little different from many other Indic [)anths or paths, who would have predicted today’s separatism? The word "imagined" does not seem far off: imagined languages, imagined religions, imagined communities. These are “invented” com- munities, whose significance proves to be, to a considerable degree, arbitrary. To follow Benedict Anderson, who writes of the nationalist sentiments with which communal bonds both interact and compete, they are also “imagined” in a more fundamental way.1 They represent the great shift, in the modern era, from an emphasis on relationships that are primarily face-to-face, based in geographically small communi— ties, to ones that encompass groups whose members can never be known to each other—who can only be imagined. Knowing this ought to be liberating: what is imagined ought to be susceptible to being unimagined as well. The middle and late nineteenth century in India—the so-called “heyday” of the British Empire—was a period of lively encounters car- ried on among Indians in public speaking and preaching, formal debates, journals, books, and tracts. Associations, some of the moment and some enduring, Were formed. Spokesmen were active in defining or proclaiming matters of doctrine, worship, customs observed during life cycle or calendrical celebrations, principles of social relationships and status, and, implicitly but often explicitly, the very language a group ought to speak. Threaded through all these separate issues was the basic underlying goal of community, of defining the limits of a group which shared the correct perspective on all issues. Debaters implicitly and explicitly defined themselves against opponents, notably Christian mis- sionaries and converts, and also against groups and individuals closer to home, including rivals who contested the interpretations of shared sym- bols. All operated in a context of contentiousness, challenging a variety ofopponents at various removes from their own positions. These debates, the subject of the essays included here, are to be taken neither as bad manners nor as a reflection of some other reality. They were an important element in constituting fundamental changes in Indian social, political, and cultural life. The actors, moreover, like the media, represented something new. The personalities we encounter in this book were very much products of the colonial experience, affect- ed by the social and political changes it engendered and, in different ways, engaged in its cultural values. Through their polemics they at once created a role for themselves and forged the notion of religion, above all, as a self-conscious ideology and a primary focus for group loyalty. POLEMICAL DEBATES IN COLONIAL INDIA 231 To chart the differential experience of those European nations where national loyalty has dominated, in contrast to colonized areas where communal divisions have been decisive, is a significant problem for comparative history.2 Two issues in the case of colonial India would seem to be key. First, the importance of a form of government struc— tured on representation, in which leaders to be effective had to claim to speak for the interests of communities, cannot be underestimated: “rep« resentation" and "communalism” were indissolubly linked.3 Second, the colonial appropriation of public and civic institutions encouraged a kind of retreat to domestic and religious space as sites where cultural val- ues could be reworked and renewed. The importance of regulating women is clearly significant here. The temporal and causal relationship of the movements of reform and revival to enduring political shifts in India has yet to be studied in detail, but the documents of these move- ments, examined here, allow us to see groupings coming into existence. ' The novelty of these communities is particularly illuminating when as in most of the essays included here, those groupings are religious; Whatever their spokesmen may say, the boundaries ofall religious com- munities change, as they are changed by, the varying historical contexts they encounter. In the case of Islam, for example, there may always be shared consciousness, to varying degrees. But the salience of a Muslim identity will vary,just as the sense of the operative boundaries of com- mumty will be shaped distinctively—for example, from an implicit emphasis on the well-born to a focus on the administratively unified census category of Muslim in British India.-'5 The very assumption that there even was a religion called “Hinduism,” moreover, was very much a product of the colonial period, an imputation of a rarefied unity to Indic religious orientations and practices that had not previously exist- ed.6 TSikhism," as noted above, also emerged as a distinctive tradition only in recent times.’I Forms ofworship and morally sanctioned patterns of social life ceased to be taken for granted and instead became foci of conscrous reflection. Participants in self-conscious communities may have asserted that they were simply continuing age-old practices, but an examination of their history shows otherwise. A key element-in the creation of imaginary communities, in Europe as in Asia, has been, again to return to Anderson, the role of publications—or “print capitalism," as he calls it—in making ties possi— ble beyond a specific locality. The publications of religio-cultural spokesmen and leaders, contesting for the loyalties of newly “imag- ined” communities whose characteristics they seek to define are not primarily evidence of movements, attitudes, or social change—though, of course, they are that too. They are themselves the subject of the story that has to be told. 232 BARBARA DALY METCALF New Leaders and New Arenas The polemical enterprise discussed here created a new public arena in Indian social life.8 The debates, written and oral, were part of a larger phenomenon in which leaders made political claims on the basis of a moral community and marked and claimed public space for their com- munity through publications, associations, public rituals and, on occa- sion, collective actions. Ever more important in claiming the moral leadership of communi- ties were a new category of leaders whom we may call "lay" leaders, exemplified by most of the personalities examined in the chapters pre- sented here. Although they became experts in the religious tradition, these people did not receive traditional teaching or initiation like the religious elites, the ‘ulamd and pandits, who were heirs of the historically transmitted traditional learning. They were people who utilized the new techniques ofjournalism, public preaching and debate, tract and book writing, and organization. Acting as debaters,journalists, and publicists, they often had some education in government or missionary schools and, occasionally, were employed in schools or government offices. The successful were able to support themselves simply by their writing and preaching activities. Sometimes teachers and translators seemed to play a significant role as people especially well prepared for interpreting and translating across or within a body oflearning. They redefined the basis of religious authority. Pandit Gauri Datta, for example, gave the image of renouncer a new twist By called himself “a sanydsin for na‘gari" in leading the campaign for Hindi as a key to defending Hindu interests (King, l23—l48). Munshi Meheru'llah (1861—1907) in Bengal, a tailor by background who never received a madmsah education, fits into this category; his very title, munshi (often used for clerk), recognized that he was educated but denied him the status of mauldmi (Ahmed, 93—120). The “lay” leaders profited from, and in turn stimulated, the transi- tion from what has been called an "esoteric" paradigm of education dependent on a privileged personal relationship between a teacher and student to a more public and impersonal style of education, set in formally organized schools and furthered by the new availability of printed books. Texts once taught in a ritual setting were now available on street corners, and people once prohibited by birth from education now had access to what had been only studied by the elite. The shift was dramatically illustrated by the missionary attempt to teach the Skanda Purana (in a simplified prose version) in their own schools in order, they hoped, to demonstrate its immorality and implausibility. Arumuga Pillai (1822—79) opposed the teaching of such texts by mis- sionaries who treated them, as he saw it, sacrilegiously (Hudson, POLEMICAL DEBATES IN COLONIAL INDIA 233 27—51). Texts themselves, moreover, spread reform. Thus it was at a government school that the Andhra reformer Viresalingam (1848—1919) read Brahmo Samaj texts from the first wave of reform in Bengal, inspiring him to bring socioreligious reform to Andhra; his reform opposed the traditional Brahmans (Leonard, 151~78). The polemicists understood British institutions. Dr. Wazir Khan, the Agra debater, was trained as a medical doctor and knew English (Powell, 77—92). Sayyid Mumtaz ‘Ali (1860—1935) was a “BA. Failed" and had served as a translator for the Lahore High Court (Minault, 179—99). Many of these religious spokesmen were, in fact, directly involved in British employment or educational institutions. Viresalingam at age ten was an apprentice in a customs office, as was Vishnubawa at an early age. Pandit Gauri Datta and Munshi Sahan Prasad (the authors of the plays on the Hindi-Urdu controversy) were both school teachers, as were Vire— salingam and Arumuga Pillai. The latter was also an active translator for missionaries of Christian texts into Tamil. Many of these reformers were based in urban centers with new populations, government offices, and new educational institutions, varying in scale, to be sure, from such places as the district town of Rajahmundry to the old provincial capital of Lahore to the new colo— nial city of Bombay. The polemicists described here were typically mobile men. Dr. Wazir Khan, a Pathan, was educated in Calcutta and posted to Agra. Munshi Meheru'llah, born in the small town ofjessore, travelled throughout Bengal and had substantial contacts with profes- sionals in Calcutta. Dayananda Saraswati (1824—83) was born in Gujarat but moved to Punjab (Jones, 52—74). Vishnubawa had various postings on the Konkan coast before moving first to the pilgrimage center of Pandharpur and thence to Bombay (Conlon, 5—26). Arumu— ga Pillai travelled from jaffna to Madras to investigate schools there and, later, to buy a printing press; he conducted his reform activities in both Sri Lanka and India. It was in urban settings, among people uprooted from familial con- texts, that the new leaders operated. In towns and cities they found the facilities for publication and the audience for teaching and reading. Newspapers and journals, by the _very audience they addressed, served to create bonds among members of that audience. In the cities the reformers found people attuned to a new cultural identity and to the new relationships offered by voluntary associations and public meet— ings. In these chapters we hear of a variety of movements: Muslim sec- tarian orientations, the Islamic Missionary Society in Calcutta, the Brahmo Samaj, the Shaiva Prakasha Samaj, the Prarthana Samaj, the Arya Samaj, the Widow Remarriage Association, the Singh Sabhas. just as there were broad similarities in the social role of the leaders and in 234 BARBARA DALY METCALF their institutions, so there were, generally speaking, common themes in teachings and goals behind these varied names. New Languages and New Messages The vernacular languages used for printing, debates, and preaching were means of communication to new groups, to the secularly educat- ed elites, to women of educated families, and beyond to the popula- tion as a whole. Sacred texts and works about them now reached a far larger audience than that ofa small, usually male elite, engaged in face to face instruction. The vernaculars, however, excluded even as they included. The use of a vernacular was a claim to the legitimacy of that language—even as it was coming into being through standardization and ch01ces about diction and rhetoric—for a particular group at the expense of other languages. The choice of language, and the cultural meanings embedded in that choice, were themes that pervaded the writings of polemics and reform. Regional languages in this period developed prose forms and a new capacity for expressing diverse materials. Tamil, Telugu, and Marathi, for example, became repositories of religious teachings, at once a boon for ordinary people and a means of diminishing Brah- manic prestige. Bengali in the same way came to carry Islamic teach- ings at the cost of those who knew Persian and Urdu, again a challenge to authority and status. In‘ the Punjab, Punjabi became a marker of Sikh identity and Hindi of Hindu, both asserting themselves against the overwhelming preponderance of Urdu learning and publications in the Punjab (Barrier, 200—26). The differentiation between Hindi and Urdu severed the Persianate mixed culture of North Indian elites. The plays that espouse the cause of Hindi, discussed by King above, show the power of polemic associated with language in the images they chose. Both plays used female personifications of language, and hence communal identity: for the Hindu writers, Hindi was a respectable cow—and—Brahman-nurturing matron, while Urdu was nothing less than a heartless aristocratic strumpet. The new idea of the educated reformed Hindu woman and the new value placed on the Hindi lan- guage reinforced each other. Beyond the concern with language, the texts shared other com— monalities. There was in this period a very widespread dissemination of what might be called'high cultural texts and textual norms. Printed texts made possible ever more detailed standards for correct knowledge and behavior: the medium permitted the message. The symbol of the book itself came to be more emphasized. Other central cultural sym- POLEMICAL DEBATES 1N COLONIAL INDIA 235 bols and understandings were also modified, particularly by an empha— sis on what might be called high cultural normative standards and away from local cults, sacred spaces, and fixed calendrical events. Personal standards in ethics and worship were enjoined, so that religious life became more congruent with a mobile, urbanizing society; elaborate rituals tied to specific times and places were discouraged. There was a tendency to de-emphasize complex customary observations of funerals and marriages and to teach instead an internalized religion of individu— al responsibility. The publication of Sikh guides to conduct are an example of texts characteristic of this emphasis. This kind of change cut across what were increasingly seen to be the significant groups—Hindu, Muslim, and to a lesser extent Sikh—that defined Indian social life. As part of these fundamental transformations of religious style, there was across the board a new emphasis on‘a single theistic God who was to be worshipped at the cost of appropriate devotion to local all- powerful saints (in the Muslim case) or “idols” and family deities (in the Hindu). This changed pattern awaits comprehensive study as a charac— teristic not specific to any one tradition. Muslims in the key pre-Mutiny movements of Tariqa—i-Muhammadiya and the Fara'idis cited pristine revelation to justify their opposition to local customs and cults; their reformist thrust was taken up in a variety of forms throughout the cen- tury. Vishnubawa, who spent three years at the great Vaishnavite pil— grimage site of Pandharpur, drew 0n rich themes of bhakti devotional- ism in fostering the worship of the supreme lord, Parameshwara. Arumuga Pillai, insisting on a temple—centered deity (in contrast, for example, to the Brahmo Samaj, who opted for a more abstract theism), showed that lesser deities must be seen as manifestations or servants of Shiva. Hints of that God’s characteristic were evident in tracts entitled “Crimes against the Lord” and "Grace." *Viresalingam, as did Dayanan- da, denied the validity of the miracle-filled Puranas. Viresalingam seems to have offered instead a focus on a personal God, kind to his followers who were to live morally to please Him. Sikh reformers condemned devotion both to Muslim saints and Hindu gods. All of these teachings distinguished the reformed from the unreformed. At the same time, they posed implicitly such questions as “What does it mean to be a Hindu?" and thus they distinguished communities from each other. Community and the Imagination of Difference In fixing a moral standard of behavior, groups came to know not only what they were but what they were not. To imagine themselves, they had to imagine their opposite or opposites. Many reformers had multi— 236 BARBARA DALY METCALF ple targets. The cases taken by Swami Dayananda in his reading of the Christian Bible are suggestive in this regard. The Arya Samajis used reform to eliminate Islamicized, Persianate characteristics common to the culture of the government classes of which so many of them were a part. In the summary of Dayananda’s arguments above, it is clear that he saw the Christian Bible with eyes trained in criticism of Islam: he thus reproached the Christians for practices that, to be sure, appeared in the Old Testament but that could be, as well, hallmarks of Muslim differences with Hindus: meat eating, animal sacrifice, circumcision, and burial of the dead. By criticizing these practices, he explicitly asserted Hindu superiority over Christians in his debates, but by choos— ing this particular range of issues, not necessarily the obvious ones, he implicitly underlined Hindu differences from Muslims. As he did this, of course, he also targeted those who did not acknowledge his defini~ tion of being “Hindu.” The encounters between Indian spokesmen and Christian mission- aries, described in several of the chapters, stimulated claims to being “Hindu” or “Muslim”; the Christian missionary assumed such identities to be prima facie significant. Ironically, however, the spectacle of the debates brought Indians of all backgrounds together. A significant dimension of the appeal of these debates lay in the opportunity to encounter Europeans on open turf, to challenge those who, in their ever intensifying political control, could not be challenged elsewhere. The fact that Dr. Wazir Khan’s audience included Hindus and Sikhs, that Vishnubawa was cheered on by Parsees and Munshi Meheru'llah by Hindus suggests a general enthusiasm, not specific to community, to see Europeans held up to ridicule. Never a real threat, Christian missionaries, far from slandering Indians, would instead find them- selves the subject of attack, to the general delight of the audience.9 The party over, however, religious communities were left behind to confront each other. One oddity of the debates was that each side invariably claimed to have won. In a sense, each did, for the goal was to stand forth to cham- pion one's own side and foster communal self-esteem. Only rarely did a debater enter in any significant way into the frame of reference of his opponent. The choice exception to this nineteenth-century India was the encounter of the Bengali monotheist, Ram Mohan Roy, with a Bap< tist missionary who subsequently became, if not a Brahmo, a Unitarian. On the other side, one might place the frustrated claim of the Muslim Deobandis that their Arya Samaj opponents spoke Sanskrit, an achieve— ment bound to impress the Hindus in the audience even as it confirms for us the lack of interest in mutual intelligibility. Debates with Christian missionaries took place from at least the POLEMICAL DEBATES IN COLONIAL INDIA 237 18305. In the 18505, two protagonists, both the subjects of essays here, came into prominence when they not only debated, but published pamphlets and correspondence that carried their positions and provid— ed material for later polemicists. Dr. Wazir Khan, the medical doctor who entered public disputes in pre-Mutiny Agra, was unusual in the extent to which he was able to draw his Christian opponents into his frame of argument. Literate in English, he used European higher criti— cism to bolster the age-old Muslim argument that only the Qur’anic text remained uncorrupted. Christianity, of course, did not historically take the biblical text as the literal word of God pronounced in a sacred tongue—Muslims did so take the Qur'an. Nonetheless, Wazir Khan, to the delight of his audience and readers, seemed able to triumph over Christian arguments and, in so doing, to leave a legacy of widely pub- lished materials subsequently utilized by both Muslims and the reformist Arya Samaj. Later in the century the Bengali Munshi Meheru’llah continued the emphasis on the corruption of the biblical text, focusing especially on the historic Muslim concern to deny the divinity of Christ. Sayyid Mumtaz ‘Ali read debate literature written by Dr. Wazir Khan’s partner, Maulana Rahmatu’llah Kairanawi. There was, thus, a textual tradition to illuminate Muslim-Christian difference. Vishnubawa, the second influential polemicist, flourished in Bom- bay from the 18505 to the 18705. He savored a range of issues which, taken literally, seemed to show Christians as fools. How could a virgin give birth? How could humans be made in God’s image? How could the promises of Revelation be taken seriously? Other issues were adduced to show that authentic Christianity taught proper behavior—like vegetari- anism——that Christians had forgotten while Hindus followed. Dayanan- da Saraswati built on this approach of demonstrating absurdities and revealing inconsistencies between precept and behavior. He even went so far as to call the whole ethical standard of biblical actors to account, finding that savagery dominated the Old Testament, and the foibles ofa lower-caste carpenter, the New Testament. Arumuga Pillai’s detailed familiarity with biblical texts, thanks to his work as a missionary transla- tor, allowed him to find far more than neglected vegetarianism in Chris— tian texts: the whole temple cult in jerusalem was nothing more than Shaivism, darshan of images, and [naser a tradition to which Christians ought to return, while Shaivites, providentially harassed by the Chris- tians, ought to do so as well. A humble employee of the British could thus articulate not only cultural difference but superiority. The debate with Christians offered an opportunity for asserting spiritual superiority not only by comparisons, but by assertions that Christian achievements were in fact derived from earlier unacknowl— edged borrowings. Nonetheless, all of these debaters (except perhaps 238 BARBARA DALY MET CALF Dr. Wazir Khan) were concerned not only with asserting themselves against the Christians and their criticisms, but also with recognizing that in the present they strayed from the lofty teachings that had once reached to Europe. Christians did, after all, in the present evince politi- cal and technological superiority, a situation explicable only by the argument that Indian cultural life, whether Hindu, Muslim, or Sikh, did not adhere to its own high standards. As a result of this sense of crisis over current practice, there were striking similarities in the general pat— terns that emerged, as noted above, and in attempts to foster ethical, nonparochial norms. The interchange with Christians, so extensively discussed in this volume, influenced these changes. It is, however, more important that reformed religion offered certain affinities to the evolv- ing society of nineteenth—century urban India and that new technolo- gies, particularly print, both encouraged and permitted certain new emphases. Moreover, as Rafiuddin Ahmed in his chapter reminds us, in many cases reform began prior to the encounter with Christians. The lines that marked off communities not only excluded but included. The Prarthana Samaj opposed caste and tried to educate the poor. Vishnubawa, himself a Chitpavan Brahman, would have untouch- ables as part of society and, in his utopia, would have hierarchy by merit but commensality among all. Viresalingam, a Niyogi Brahman, was opposed to Brahman ritual dominance. Arya Samaji professionals of dif— ferent castes could marry and associate among themselves. Among the Sikh reformers discussed above, Ditt Singh, himself an untouchable, most clearly opposed caste; Teja Singh called on Sikhs to drop caste names. Deobandis (like Maulana Rahmatu'llah, Wazir Khan's collabo— rator) favored marriage and social relationships among more loosely defined groups of the wellborn and deplored customary untouchability. The reformers, generally speaking, sought to modify hierarchy. Reforms related to women further modified customary hierarchy, as many were brought into education and styles of religion heretofore associated primarily with men. Of the reformers described in the pre- sent volume, Sayyid Mumtaz ‘Ali’s work is most centrally related to educating women, but issues concerning women-sati, marriage age, widow remarriage, and education—were central to nineteenth—century reform. The importance of the family, and hence of women, as the locus of cultural values was evident throughout the reform movements. Women’s role in this was not “traditional,” for women had characteris- tically been guardians of local, not textual, norms. The inclusion of them in newly defined teachings had implications for women’s status. Women were empowered with cultural skills, sometimes including lit- eracy, but they were simultaneously constrained by male standards of POLEMICAL DEBATES IN COLONIAL INDIA 23! cultural behavior that intruded on a variety of women‘s domains.“ This emphasis also had implications for community. Elevating womer and the home were, for example, at the heart of Bengali and—giver the dominant position of Bengalis in cultural reformulation—of Hindi social reform. Partha Chatterjee has argued that this emphasis laid : foundation for political nationalism which, ironically, purported to b( nationalist but excluded those outside the middle-class model 0 domestic life and those who adhered to other religions.11 The cultural weight placed on women and the home fostered 2 shared range of texts and values for women and men. It also producer an elaborate discourse on women as different, as characterized by 2 special nature that suited them for the domestic and the spiritual ir contrast to the worldly, corrupt, and colonized outside.12 Culturallj empowering women was thus matched by a discourse that kept womei in their place. The new discourse of difference is suggested by the gen derization of the language of reform as Sikhs and Hindus mutuall- taunted each other with being effeminate. The plays about Hindi, a noted above, turned languages into symbolic women: Queen Devan; gri was as much the image of the new middle—class housewife, “th Hindu woman,” as of any queen; Begam Urdu was the unreformed an uncontrolled woman, projected onto a Muslim community. We are thus reminded that if there was some deemphasis of birt or gender as defining cultural unities, there were, far more significan ly, new lines being drawn within Indian society. Even attempts to mod fy distinctions based on birth and gender turn out to have cons quences beyond those explicitly urged. Sikhs now were called on marry only among Sikhs. Brahmans and non—Brahmans grew more d tant. Hindus and Muslims drew apart. Many of the polemics charactc istic of this period were directed within: toward Brahmans seen to ‘ mired in ritual, toward ‘ulamd or sufis who accepted historic accretion toward women celebrating false customs. But the very process of def ing what it meant to be a true Muslim or a true Hindu, whether agaii coreligionists or against Christians, came above all to distinguish ide ly homogenized religious traditions from each other. Reformers operating in the vernacular languages have at tin been obscured by the better—known anglicized leaders. The vernacu reformers, like those considged..here,.took part in changes at I heart of Indian religious, social, and political life in the nineteei century. They played a central role in the very development of regional languages; they articulated and disseminated new standa and interpretations of religious symbols—textually based, interioriz and theistic; and they discouraged many customary observations 2 social practices. They also laid a foundation, wittingly or not, for l 240 BARBARA DALYMETCALF ethnic and religious communalism that has so troubled Indian life ever since. Modern religion has been at once congruent with the demands of a more mobile and individualistic social life, fostering a diminished concern with birth, an end to parochial cults, and an emphasis on ethical teachings. At the same time, it has provided com- munity while simultaneously challenging the larger cultural and politi- cal integration so many have long craved. NOTES Chapter 1 1. Research for this essay was supported in part by a fellowship of the American Institute of Indian Studies. The author acknowledges the useful comments and criticisms of earlier versions by Barbara Metcalf, Michael Fisher. and members of the University of Washington History Research Group and 01 the SACPAN colloquium. Typeface limitations have prevented use of conven- tional Marathi transliterations apart from indication oflong vowels. 2. Bombay Guardian, (October 4, 1856), p. 316. 3. There is considerable variation in the pattern of references to Vish nubawa Brahmachari, particularly in the variant spellings of bawa, bowa, and Imwa, a Marathi term of respect for elders, gurus, samnyassins, and others 0! spiritual attainment such as bhajan singers and kirtankars; see j. T. Molesworth Marathi-English Dictionary (reprint, Poona: Shubhada Asraswat, 1975), 557—77 587, 595. The brahmachari designation reflected his chosen path of celibacy. 4. Cf. David Kopf, British Orientalism and the Bengal Renaissance: The Dynam ics of Indian Modernization, I 773—1835 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University 01 California, 1969); D. S. Sarma, Studies in the Renaissance oinnduism (Benarcs Hindu University, 1944); R. C. Majumdar, ed., The History and Culture ofthe Indi an People, vol. 10 of British Paramountcy and Indian Renaissance, Part 2 (Bombay Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan Press, 1965). 5. Kopf, British Orientalism, pp. 8—9. 6. See P. Thomas, Christians and Christianity in India and Pakistan, (Lon don: 1954), 150—92; 8. M. Pathak, American Missionaries and Hinduism: A Stud) ofTheir Contacts (Delhi: 1967). 7. Ainslie T. Embree, Charles Grant and British Rule in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1962), 143—57. 8. Charles Grant, “Observations on the State of Society among Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain,” Parliamentary Papers, 1812—13, 10, no. 282, pp. l~112, at p. 76. 9. See E. D. Potts, British Baptist Missionaries in India, I 793~I 83 7: The Histo ry ofSerampore and Its Missions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967). According to the Christian-missionary newspaper Dnydnodaya, 15 (january 15, ...
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