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Unformatted text preview: Understanding Contemporary Development: Tanzanian Life Narratives of Intervention A Thesis Submitted to the University of Manchester for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2010 ROBERT MICHAEL AHEARNE SCHOOL OF ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT, FACULTY OF HUMANITIES 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS FIGURES AND ACRONYMS ...................................................................................................................................... 4 GLOSSARY OF KISWAHILI TERMS ............................................................................................................................ 5 ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................................................... 6 DECLARATION ......................................................................................................................................................... 7 COPYRIGHT STATEMENT ........................................................................................................................................ 7 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS........................................................................................................................................... 8 CHAPTER ONE – IMAGINING DEVELOPMENT: WHY OLDER PEOPLE IN SOUTH-EASTERN TANZANIA?............. 10 1.1 INTRODUCTION: THE SIGNIFICANCE OF DEVELOPMENT ............................................................................... 11 1.2 THE FOCUS OF THE THESIS ............................................................................................................................. 14 1.3 THESIS STRUCTURE ......................................................................................................................................... 17 CHAPTER TWO – LITERATURE REVIEW AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK ......................................................... 20 2.1 STUDYING AND THEORIZING DEVELOPMENT ................................................................................................ 24 2.2 THE ‘DEVELOPMENT IMPASSE’ AND BEYOND ................................................................................................ 34 2.3 STUDYING MATERIALITY ................................................................................................................................. 42 2.4 PLACE IN DEVELOPMENT ................................................................................................................................ 49 2.5 HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT ........................................................................................................................ 55 2.6 CONCLUSION AND RESEARCH FRAMEWORK ................................................................................................. 62 CHAPTER THREE – TANZANIA: IN FOCUS ............................................................................................................ 69 3.1 A HISTORY OF TANZANIA ................................................................................................................................ 72 3.2 TANZANIA: GEOGRAPHCIAL STATISTICS AND DEVELOPMENT INDICATORS .................................................. 92 3.3 CONCLUSION: READING DEVELOPMENT IN TANZANIA .................................................................................. 98 CHAPTER FOUR – METHODOLOGY AND RESEARCH METHODS........................................................................ 103 4.1 LOCATING THE RESEARCH ............................................................................................................................ 105 4.2 METHODOLOGY AND FIELDWORK CONTEXT ............................................................................................... 121 4.3 RESEARCH METHODS.................................................................................................................................... 126 4.4 CONCLUSION: REFLECTIONS ON THE RESEARCH PROCESS .......................................................................... 134 CHAPTER FIVE – DEVELOPMENT AS INACCESSIBLE MATERIAL CHANGE .......................................................... 139 5.1 INTRODUCTION: MATERIALITY AND SYMBOLISM ........................................................................................ 140 5.2 THE MATERIALITY OF MAENDELEO: PERSONAL PROGESS AND ‘THINGS’ .................................................... 147 5.3 NYERERE’S DEVELOPMENT LEGACY: EDUCATION AND ‘HARD WORK’ ........................................................ 154 3 5.4 ‘OVERALL’ VERSUS INDIVIDUAL DEVELOPMENT .......................................................................................... 159 5.5 MAENDELEO THROUGH DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS OR NGOS? ................................................................... 165 5.6 CONCLUSION: DEVELOPMENT – FOR RICHER OR POORER? ........................................................................ 172 CHAPTER SIX – DEVELOPMENT AS ELSEWHERE I: PLACE, SPACE AND INFRASTRUCTURE .............................. 175 6.1 INTRODUCTION: INTERPRETING DEVELOPMENT THROUGH SPACE AND PLACE ......................................... 176 6.2 THE ROLE OF PLACE IN SPATILAIZED READINGS OF DEVELOPMENT ............................................................ 179 6.3 UNDERDEVELOPMENT IN SOUTHERN TANZANIA ........................................................................................ 186 6.4 SPACE, ‘RACE’ AND OUSTSIDE ASSISTANCE .................................................................................................. 202 6.5 CONCLUSION: DEVELOPMENT AS ELSEWHERE ............................................................................................ 207 CHAPTER SEVEN – DEVELOPMENT AS ELSEWHERE II: NOSTALGIA, ‘THE PAST’, AND UJAMAA...................... 209 7.1 INTRODUCTION: DEVELOPMENT IN ‘THE PAST’? ......................................................................................... 210 7.2 INDEPENDENCE: AN IMPOSED HISTORICAL DISTINCTION? .......................................................................... 213 7.3 LOCATING (COLONIAL) NOSTALGIA: DEVELOPMENT IN ‘THE PAST’?........................................................... 221 7.4 UJAMAA VILLAGIZATION AND MAENDELEO ................................................................................................ 230 7.5 CONCLUSION: DEVELOPMENT NOT VILLAGIZATION .................................................................................... 242 CHAPTER EIGHT – REIMAGINING DEVELOPMENT ............................................................................................ 244 8.1 DEVELOPMENT AS MATERIAL CHANGE? ...................................................................................................... 245 8.2 THE PLACES AND SPACES OF DEVELOPMENT ............................................................................................... 253 8.3 ‘REPRESENTATIONS OF PASTNESS’ IN DEVELOPMENT ................................................................................. 261 8.4 BROADER IMPLICATIONS FOR DEVELOPMENT THEORY AND PRACTICE ...................................................... 268 8.5 CONCLUSION: THE ‘LOST VOICES OF OLDER PEOPLE’ .................................................................................. 270 CHAPTER NINE – OVERALL CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH ............................................................... 275 9.1 MATERIALITY, PLACE AND TIME IN DEVELOPMENT ..................................................................................... 276 9.2 PRINCIPAL CONTRIBUTIONS ......................................................................................................................... 279 9.3 BUILDING ON THIS RESEARCH ...................................................................................................................... 281 BIBLIOGRAPHY AND REFERENCES ..................................................................................................................... 283 WORD COUNT: 77,472 4 FIGURES FIGURE 1: RESEARCH QUESTION AND DIMENSIONS ....................................................................................... 13 FIGURE 3: POLITICAL MAP OF TANZANIA (FROM MAPSORAMA, 2010) .......................................................... 68 FIGURE 4.1.3: MTWARA REGION ................................................................................................................... 113 FIGURE 4.2: EXPLAINING METHODOLOGY ..................................................................................................... 121 FIGURE 8: RECALLING THE RESEARCH QUESTION AND KEY DIMENSIONS ..................................................... 240 ACRONYMS CCM: CIA: CS: CSOs: CUF: EU: GEM: HDI: IMF: ISI: MDGs: NGOs: PRA: PRSP: ROs: TANU: TLP: UN: UNDP: URT: Chama Cha Mapinduzi (Party of the Revolution) Central Intelligence Agency Civil Society Civil Society Organizations Civic United Front (Tanzanian Opposition Political Party) European Union Gender Empowerment Measure Human Development Index International Monetary Fund Import Substitution Industrialization Millennium Development Goals Non-Governmental Organizations Participatory Rural Appraisal Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper Religious Organizations Tanganyika African National Union Tanzania Labour Party United Nations United Nations Development Programme United Republic of Tanzania 5 GLOSSARY OF KISWAHILI TERMS Azimio la Arusha: Arusha Declaration Bibi: Older woman (Grandmother) Daladala: Minibus Elimu: Education Fundi: Workman Kijiji/Vijiji Vya Ujamaa: Ujamaa Village/Villages Kijiji/Vijiji Vya Zamani: Old/Original Village(s) Kilimo Kwanza: ‘Agriculture First’ (Tanzanian Government Programme) Kimakonde: Makonde language (first language of many people in Mtwara) Kipindi Cha Nyuma: the past/long ago Kipindi Cha Ukoloni: Colonial Era Kiswahili: Swahili language Kopa Mbuzi, Lipa Mbuzi: Loan a goat, pay with a Goat (RIPS Project) Kujitawala: Self-rule Kujitegemea: Self-reliance Kuleta Maendeleo: ‘To Bring Development’ Kushiriki: To Participate/Participation Kushirikiana: To Cooperate/Cooperation Likaunga: poor quality cassava flour Maendeleo ya Mtu Binafsi: Personal or Self Development Maendeleo: Development/Progress Mashirika Madogo Madogo: Small Organizations Matofali: Bricks/Tiles M(i)radi ya Maendeleo: Development Project/Projects Msaada: Aid/Help/Assistance Mzee: older man (Grandfather) Mzungu: A White/European Person Oporesheni Vijijini: Operation ‘in the Villages’ (Villagization) Raia: Citizen/Subject Rudi Nyuma: ‘To Go Backwards’/‘To Return to Long Ago’ Shamba: Farm/Field Shirika Lasiyo la Serikali: Non Governmental Organization Udongo: Dirt/Soil Uhuru: Freedom/Independence Ujamaa Vijijini: Ujamaa ‘in the Villages’ Ujamaa: Familyhood (associated with socialist villages and politics) Ulaya: Europe/‘the West’ Umoja: Unity Vitambua: Rice Cakes Vitu: Things Wageni: Guests/Strangers/Foreigners Wamakonde: Makonde people (indigenous to Mtwara and Mozambique) Wananchi: Citizens Wazee: Older People (also a term of deference, a reference to status) Wazungu: White/European people 6 ABSTRACT “Understanding Contemporary Development: Tanzanian Life Narratives of Intervention” By Robert M Ahearne, For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Manchester, December 2010. This thesis investigates the perceptions of development held by the supposed beneficiaries of various interventions over time. Development (or maendeleo) has been central to Tanzanian political discourse since the late-colonial era and is still drawn on by government, Civil Society and Non-governmental Organizations alike. This research investigates the period from late-colonialism until the present day, discussing the way in which wazee (older people) in South-Eastern Tanzania interpret development. In other words, this thesis centres on the views held by a group often overlooked in development research in a region that is similarly sidelined. In order to delimit the study in certain important ways, this thesis is framed by three dimensions that are seen as critical to reading development: materiality, place and ‘the past’. Material aspirations are seen as significant herein and are placed alongside the material inequalities between people and places that help to frame older people’s readings of development. These inequalities are partly played out in the differences between places, as in two proximate villages in South-Eastern Tanzania, and the perceptions of place and space are also fundamental to interpreting development. History/‘the past’ and the way in which this is understood and represented is a third and equally important dimension which structures the way in which development is understood by older people, based on their experience of ‘the past’ rather than through historical distinctions imposed from ‘outside’. This thesis offers a multi-disciplinary approach to investigating development, and demonstrates that a thorough engagement with people who have lived through numerous different eras and experienced various interventions, generates complex, place-specific readings of development. Through ethnographic research I have been able to demonstrate the importance of ‘localized’ knowledge although many of those who were interviewed draw from attendant discourses at regional, national and global scales in order to exemplify their arguments. Development is largely understood through absence rather than presence by wazee in South-Eastern Tanzania and with far greater complexity than is often allowed for in more mainstream research into development. Expectations for development have been created over time by various promises of intervention but the perceived failure of many such attempts is seen to further emphasize the absence rather than the presence of development, with older people arguing that they are isolated and ostracised and written out of contemporary development and materially poor. The value placed on uncovering voices that are otherwise lost from debates cannot be overemphasized and this illustrates that development tropes appear far different when the perspectives of wazee are fully analyzed. This thesis, then, challenges mainstream discourse and conventional histories of development and argues for a more engaged and grounded reading of the concept. 7 DECLARATION No portion of the work referred to in the thesis has been submitted in support of an application for another degree or qualification of this or any other university or other institute of learning. COPYRIGHT STATEMENT i. The author of this thesis (including any appendices and/or schedules to this thesis) owns certain copyright or related rights in it (the “Copyright”) and s/he has given The University of Manchester certain rights to use such Copyright, including for administrative purposes. ii. Copies of this thesis, either in full or in extracts and whether in hard or electronic copy, may be made only in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (as amended) and regulations issued under it or, where appropriate, in accordance with licensing agreements which the University has from time to time. This page must form part of any such copies made. iii. The ownership of certain Copyright, patents, designs, trade marks and other intellectual property (the “Intellectual Property”) and any reproductions of copyright works in the thesis, for example graphs and tables (“Reproductions”), which may be described in this thesis, may not be owned by the author and may be owned by third parties. Such Intellectual Property and Reproductions cannot and must not be made available for use without the prior written permission of the owner(s) of the relevant Intellectual Property and/or Reproductions. iv. Further information on the conditions under which disclosure, publication and commercialisation of this thesis, the Copyright and any Intellectual Property and/or Reproductions described in it may take place is available in the University IP Policy (see intellectual-property.pdf), in any relevant Thesis restriction declarations deposited in the University Library, The University Library’s regulations (see regulations) and in The University’s policy on presentation of Theses. 8 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First I would like to thank two people who are unfortunately no longer with us, both my Granddad and Mzee Thomas from Mtwara in southern Tanzania. During my first extended period of time spent in the region I was introduced to Mzee Thomas and our subsequent meetings often led to a frank exchange of views on many issues and these discussions partly fomented the idea of this research. I therefore wish to dedicate this work to his memory. In some ways, he reminded me of my late Granddad, a Glaswegian shipbuilder who, alongside my Gran, introduced me to ideas of social justice from a young age through their own distinctive brand of left-wing politics. This also influenced me greatly through their children, my mum, my Aunty Christine and my Uncles Rob and Hugh. The untimely and ultimately unnecessary nature of Granddad’s passing means that he never got to see the paths taken by his family although I hope he would be proud, especially given that he unknowingly supported my MA at the University of Manchester. I’m sure that my life would have taken a different path had I not studied for an MA at Manchester and it must true that every cloud has a silver lining, in spite of how faint that lining might appear at the time. Each of these people has informed and inspired me. My research would have been impossible without the friendship network that I came to rely on within Tanzania. Daudi and Emily, Katy and ‘Shemeji’ Chris always gave me a floor or a bed when necessary in Dar-es-Salaam, while Marijani Muksini put a rough over my head, and was prepared to put up with me, during the months that I spent conducting research in Mikindani. All he asked in return was to share the occasional Serengeti, often alongside Kristopha and Asabana and sometimes Hamisi. Ali Masudi has always encouraged me in various endeavours in Mikindani and in conducting PhD research he was no different, while Bashir was always intensely interested in my findings, causing me to reflect on these heavily throughout the research process. Habiba Mohammedi assisted in whatever ways she could, and also facilitated the time I spent in Dihimba by introducing me to her family who subsequently gave up space in their home and provided me with so many wonderful meals. I am greatly indebted to Ali Ahmadi Doka and Mariamu Ahmadi Salamata, who are both wonderful people and the chief suppliers of a seemingly unending supply of corn while in Dihimba! There must be a host of other people in Tanzania to thank, but the biggest “Asante” must go to Jaylani Muksini 9 Ali, without whom this research might never have happened. Jaylani offered constant ideas and support, when I was tired and translation was difficult, but especially if interviewees spoke in Kimakonde, a language that I have no knowledge of! He offered astute opinions and excellent ideas regarding the research process and became absolutely integral to it. His was always a calming presence, both to me and to the interviewees. This thesis would certainly be different, and weaker, without his input. I must thank Uma Kothari and Sarah Bracking for their supervision during the past three years, helping me through moments of panic in the first year and with detailed analyses of draft chapters in the latter stages. I would also like to thank Daniel Bendix and John Childs, fellow postgraduates at Manchester for challenging comments and constructive criticism. John deserves particularly thanks for going through my thesis with a fine tooth-comb just before it was submitted. I’m sure that his two year old son Dexter was extremely helpful in this process. I hope that they are all satisfied with the ...
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