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Unformatted text preview: Emotion and Motivation Perspectives on Social Psychology The four volumes in this series collect readings from the Blackwell Handbooks of'Social Psychology and present them thematically. The results are course-friendly texts in key areas of social psychology - Social Cognition, Self and Social Identity, Emotion and Motivation, and Applied Social Psychology. Each volume provides a representative sample of exciting research and theory that is both comprehensive and current and cross-cuts the levels of analysis from intrapersonal to intergroup. Social Cognition, edited by Marilynn B. Brewer and Miles Hewstone Self and Social Identity, edited by Marilynn B. Brewer and Miles Hewstone Applied Social Psychology, edited by Marilynn B. Brewer and Miles Hewstone Emotion and Motivation, edited by Marilynn B. Brewer and Miles Hewstone Emotion and Motivation Edited by Marilynn B. Brewer and Miles Hewstone Contents Preface Acknowledgments Introduction Part I: Affect and Emotions Introduction 1 The Nature of Emotion W. Gerrod Parrott 2 Understanding People's Perceptions of Relationships is Crucial to Understanding their Emotional Lives Margaret S. Clark, Julie Fitness, and Ian Brissette 3 Emotional Experience in Close Relationships Ellen Berscheid and Hilary Ammazzalorso 4 Poker Face, Smiley Face, and Rant 'n' Rave: Myths and Realities about Emotion in Negotiation Leigh Thompson, Victoria Husted Medvec, Vanessa Seiden, and Shirli Kopelman 5 Mood and Emotion in Groups Janice R. Kelly 6 Affect as a Cause of Intergroup Bias David Wilder and Andrew F. Simon Part II: Social Motivation Introduction 7 On the Motives Underlying Social Cognition David Dunning 8 Goal Setting and Goal Striving Gabriele Oettingen and Peter M. Golluvitzer 9 Self-esteem Abraham Tesser 10 The Self We Know and the Self We Show: Self-esteem, Self-presentation, and the Maintenance of Interpersonal Relationships Mark R. Leary 11 Motivational Aspects of Empathic Accuracy William Ickes and jefry A. Simpson 12 Helping and Altruism John F. Dovidio and Louis A. Penner 13 Social Comparison Motives in Ongoing Groups John Darley 14 Aversive Discrimination Amelie Mummendey and Sabine Otten Author Index Subject Index Preface When the Blackwell Handbooks of Social Psychology project was conceived, we sought to go beyond a simple topical structure for the content of the volumes in order to reflect more closely the complex pattern of crosscutting theoretical perspectives and research agendas that comprise social psychology as a dynamic enterprise. The idea we developed was to represent the discipline in a kind of matrix structure, crossing levels of analysis with topics, processes, and functions that recur at all of these levels in social psychological theory and research. 'Taking inspiration from Willem Doise's 1986 book (Levels of Explanation in Social Psychology) four levels of analysis - intrapersonal, interpersonal, intragroup, and intergroup - provided the basis for organizing the Handbook series into four volumes. The two co-editors responsible for developing each of these volumes selected content chapters on the basis of cross-cutting themes represented by basic social psychological processes of social cognition, attribution, social motivation, affect and emotion, social influence, social comparison, and self and identity. The four-volume Handbook that resulted from this organizational framework represents the collective efforts of two series editors, eight volume editors, and 191 contributing authors. The Intraindividual Processes volume, edited by Abraham Tesser and Norbert Schwarz, provides a comprehensive selection of work on social cognition, affect, and motivation, which focuses on the individual as the unit of analysis. The Interpersonal Processes volume, edited by Garth Fletcher and Margaret Clark, also covers the cognition, affect, and motivation themes as they are played out in the context of close interpersonal relationships and dyadic exchanges. Again in the volume on Group Processes, edited by Michael Hogg and Scott Tindale, the themes of cognition, affect, and motivation are well represented in work on collective behavior in small groups and social organizations. Finally, the volume on Intergroup Processes, edited by Rupert Brown and Samuel Gaertner, covers work that links cognitive, affective, and motivational processes to relationships between social groups and large collectives. In all four volumes of the Handbook, the concepts of emotion and motivation occupy a prominent position, featuring as key aspects of many of the central theories of social psychology and the phenomena they seek to explain. Because of the matrix structure of the four volumes of the Blackell Handbooks of Social Psychology, it is possible to draw from all four volumes to create a selection of readings on emotion and motivation that cross-cuts the levels of analysis from intrapersonal to intergroup. This volume contains a set of such readings, which we have selected for the purpose of providing a representative sampling of vibrant research and theory in this area that is both comprehensive and current. Marilynn Brewer and Miles Hewstone Acknowledgments The editor and publishers gratefully acknowledge the following for permission to reproduce copyright material: Brown, Rupert and Gaertner, Sam (Eds.) (2001). Blackwell Handbook of .Social Psychology: Intergroup Processes. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Reprinted with permission. Fletcher, Garth J. O. and Clark, Margaret S. (Eds.) (2001). Blackwell Handbook of Social Psychology: Interpersonal Processes. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Reprinted with permission. Hogg, Michael A. and Tindale, Scott (Eds.) (2001). Blackwell Handbook of Social Psychology: Group Processes. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Reprinted with permission. Tesser, Abraham and Schwarz, Norbert (Eds.) (2001). Blackwell Handbook of 'Social Psychology: Intraindividual Processes. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Reprinted with permission. The publishers apologize for any errors or omissions in the above list and would be grateful to be notified of any corrections that should be incorporated in the next edition or reprint of this book. Introduction Although modern social psychology is thought of as a largely cognitive discipline, both emotion and motivation are key components of an overall approach, not least because of their interplay with cognition. Research on emotion is difficult to characterize (see Frijda, 1986), but there is fairly general agreement that emotions are valenced reactions to personally significant events. There is also agreement that emotional processes unfold in time, and involve a variety of components (physiological, behavioral, and cognitive). The broad importance of emotion in social psychology is evidenced from the fact that emotion spans all three of the main levels of analysis that psychologists apply to their subject matter - cognitive, physiological, and socialcultural. Insights have been gained from all three levels - best thought of as complementary, rather than competing - and many of the benefits of this approach for social psychology are contained in this volume. Like emotions, motivations also occupy a central role in classic and contemporary theories of social psychology (see Weiner, 1992). Broadly speaking, research on motivation focuses on the determinants of what type of goals people choose, and how they go about implementing those goals; thus any field in social psychology could, in principle, be analyzed from a motivational perspective. A motivational approach helps us to understand why we make some of the social judgments we do, and why we behave socially in some of the ways we do. As such, it complements a cognitive approach that focuses on how we process social information and make decisions. Taken as a set, these 14 readings underline the importance of emotion and motivation in contemporary social psychology. Although it is true that from the 1980s onwards social psychology became a predominantly cognitive discipline, and much was learned by this focus, the field today is much better balanced. Many of the most fascinating research questions are not susceptible to a purely cognitive analysis, and are only likely to be fully understood by a tripartite approach in terms of cognition, emotion and motivation. REFERENCES Frijda, N. (1986). The Emotions. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Weiner, B. (1992). Human Motivation. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications. Affect and Emotions Introduction 1 The Nature of Emotion W. Gerrod Parrott 2 Understanding People's Perceptions of Relationships is Crucial to Understanding their Emotional Lives Margaret S. Clark, Julie Fitness, & Ian Brissette 3 Emotional Experience in Close Relationships Ellen Berscheid & Hilary Ammazzalorso 4 Poker Face, Smiley Face, and Rant 'n' Rave: Myths and Realities about Emotion in Negotiation Leigh Thompson, Victoria Husted Medvec, Vanessa Seiden, & Shirli Kopelman 5 Mood and Emotion in Groups Janice R. Kelly 6 Affect as a Cause of Intergroup Bias David Wilder & Andrew F. Simon Introduction The readings in this Part are representative of current theory and research on affect and emotions in social psychology, and they illustrate the insights of an approach highlighting affect and emotions across some of the different levels of analysis within social psychology. A review of perspectives on the nature of this field is given in the first reading (Parrott), which provides a perfect orientation point, with its clarification of definition, functions of emotions, and the general approaches that have been taken in studying emotion in social psychology. The next two readings explore emotions in interpersonal settings, where people frequently experience intense emotions. Clark, Fitness and Brissette are interested in the degree to which partners in a relationship feel responsibility for one another's needs. They propose that more emotion is shown in relationships when people expect their needs to be met; and some people are more emotionally expressive generally, because they are more confident that their needs will be met by others, and/or are more willing to meet the needs of others. Berscheid and Ammazzalorso are concerned with a different variable, which can also only be understood in relationship terms, the degree of interdependence between two people. They argue for a strong connection between close relationships and emotional experience, and explore some of the conditions that appear to trigger intense emotions. In contrast to the close relationships of interest to the previous two readings, emotions are also of interest at the intra-group level. Thompson, Husted Medvec, Seiden and Kopelman review evidence of three distinct perspectives on emotions in negotiation - the rational negotiator, the positive negotiator, and the irrational negotiator; they both sift the sometimes competing advice and explore common misconceptions about emotions in negotiations. In the following reading, Kelly explores affective processes at the more general level of the group. She examines how group moods and emotions influence group-level judgments and information processing. The final reading in this Part moves to a different level, that of intergroup relations. Wilder and Simon review theory and research on how affective states influence the display of intergroup bias, including prejudice, stereotyping and discrimination. The Nature of Emotion W. Gerrod Parrott Most topics studied by social psychologists involve emotion in some way. Consider how cognitive dissonance is motivated by anxiety about selfesteem, or how conformity is influenced by the embarrassment of conspicuous deviation and the contentment of belonging. The list is impressively long: social comparisons generate envy, dejection, and pride; social anxiety underlies many group processes; romantic relationships have their love and jealousy, aggression its anger, altruism its sympathy, and persuasive communications almost any emotion one can name. Emotions, then, are at the heart of many social psychological phenomena. This chapter presents an overview of perspectives on the nature of emotion. The first section discusses foundational issues in the study of emotion, including its definitions, the functions of emotion, and the general approaches that have been taken in studying it. The general thesis is that emotion spans all of the levels of analysis that psychologists apply to their subject matter: to reduce them to three, these are the social and cultural, the cognitive, and the physiological. The remainder of this chapter describes emotion at each of these three levels and presents some of the most important issues and findings that may be gleaned from each. Definitions, Conceptions, and Basic Issues Defining emotion Although there is no single, agreed-upon definition of emotion, there is considerable consensus that emotional states are best thought of as processes that unfold in time, involving a variety of components. Whether these components are necessarily or only typically part of emotions is a matter of some debate. The beginning of an emotional episode typically includes an evaluative perception of the nature of the situation, known as an appraisal (Lazarus, 1991). An emotional appraisal evaluates events or objects as significantly affecting a person's concerns, goals, or values in a positive or negative way. The presence of appraisals is one reason why many theorists have argued that emotions have a cognitive aspect (e.g. Solomon, 1976), although, as I will discuss later, not all theorists are persuaded that appraisals are necessary. Emotional reactions can involve changes in thinking, behavior, physiology, and expression. The effects of these changes may influence readiness to think and act in certain ways, as well as signal this readiness to others, thereby affecting social interaction and relationships. The development of an emotion over time depends on how the situation is evaluated and coped with. In a narrow sense, an emotional state ends when attention is drawn to another issue, but, in a larger sense, the emotional episode may be said to continue until such point as the evaluation of the event changes significantly (Frijda, Mesquita, Sonnemans, & Van Goozen, 1991). In summary, then, an emotion can be loosely defined as a reaction to personally significant events, where "reaction" is taken to include biological, cognitive, and behavioral reactions, as well as subjective feelings of pleasure or displeasure. The issues surrounding the definition of emotion have been reviewed in several recent volumes (e.g. Ekman & Davidson, 1994; Russell, Fernandez-Dols, Manstead, & Wellenkamp, 1995). Even with such a loose definition it is important to realize that the meaning of "emotion" in academic psychology often differs somewhat from that in ordinary language. First of all, the general term "emotion" plus the terms for specific emotions such as "sadness" and "shame" are all words in the English language, and these words often have no precise equivalents in other languages (Wierzbicka, 1992). Whether psychologists can or should strive for definitions that span cultural and linguistic boundaries is unclear (Russell, et al., 1995). Second, the everyday connotation of "emotion" often includes the judgment that the response is in some way exceptional, such as by being excessive, inappropriate, dysfunctional, immoral, or praiseworthy. Emotion terms have developed for the purposes of everyday speakers of the language; these purposes often include judgments of the appropriateness of a person's actions, but social psychologists do not necessarily share those purposes. Finally, in everyday usage, the term "emotion" refers to a wide range of phenomena that have little in common. The concept of emotion is fuzzy around the edges. For example, there is little doubt that anger and sadness are emotions, but there is less agreement about whether to include moods (depression, irritability), long-term emotions (love that continues for years), dispositions (benevolence, cantankerousness), motivational feelings (hunger, sexual arousal), cognitive feelings (confusion, deja vu), and "calm" emotions (sympathy, satisfaction). If the goals of research require fidelity to everyday usage, loose definitions of emotion appear to be the best that are possible. In order to be true to the everyday usage of the word "emotion," many investigators have proposed that its meaning be represented as a "fuzzy category" with no precise definition (Fehr & Russell, 1984). This representation is often proposed to have the structure of a script or narrative (Shaver, Schwartz, Kitson, & O'Connor, 1987). On the other hand, if the goals of research are to develop objective understanding of aspects of emotion independent of folk conceptions, the preferred strategy may be to develop more precise definitions independent of everyday usage (Clore & Ortony, 1991). For example, for purposes of research it may be helpful to postulate attributes that will be considered necessary and sufficient for a psychological event to be considered an emotion. Researchers seeking this latter goal must be careful to distinguish their concepts from everyday conceptions that may bear the same labels. Relation of emotions to other aspects of mind For centuries, philosophers and psychologists have found it convenient to distinguish between different aspects of the mind. Plato, in The Republic, has Socrates argue that the soul can be divided into three parts: an appetitive part that produces various irrational desires, a spirited part that produces anger and other feelings, and a reasoning part that permits reflection and rationality. This tricotomy shows similarity to one expressed in contemporary psychology between conation, the aspect of mind directed toward action, affect, the aspect of mind involving subjective feeling, and cognition, the aspect of mind involving thought. It is certainly Legitimate to observe that mental activity involves these aspects, and there is no doubt that a valid conceptual distinction can be made between them. Nevertheless, disagreement and confusion has resulted from these distinctions because some psychologists have treated these aspects of the mind as if they were distinct parts of the mind, whereas others have not. The rationale for separating these aspects of mind is usually based on the fact that people sometimes feel an emotion that they believe to be irrational, or fail to feel an emotion they believe to be warranted. Such conflicts can make it appear that motivation, emotion, and cognition can act as independent entities, and some theorists have been persuaded to adopt such a view, although it then becomes necessary to account for the many ways that these entities influence one another (see Bless, 2001). Other theorists, however, stress that emotions have both cognitive and motivational qualities, and therefore think of these elements as referring to different aspects of mental events, not as corresponding to actual separations within the mind (e.g. Peters, 1958). Level of analysis In any science, phenomena can be studied at any of several levels of analysis. For example, in the physical sciences water can be considered from the points of view of the elementary particles and forces of physics, or of the atoms and molecules of chemistry. In the biological sciences evolution can likewise be studied at a variety of levels, ranging from molecular genetics to ecology. The same is true in psychology, with emotion serving as a good example. Emotion can be studied in terms of biology, of thinking, and of the social context. The choice of level of analysis determines a number of important aspects of research, including the choice of measures. On the biological level, emotions are measured in terms of activity in the nervous system and in terms of changes in the perip...
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