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O: ::0 9:01:08. 2080:.» :0 :0: 20:2022 800: 8050020 :0 20::m 0:2:8: :2- 80:22. 2080:. 022:8: 020030000522 03:28 20:2:0m0 0: ::0 :0020 02 ::0 26:: 282 80020. 00:00:000 0:03:08 :0 800: 00:00: 2:250:20 2.02:0 :0 0:2:8: :00: 82:08. 20: 0:29.00 03:22 22:08 50:80:20: 0:: mo 0: 002528 0 00:20 :0:m:0 0: 2:02 02: 20000. E 2:322 00:20:20. 200805 8822 005.00: 2952 0:2:8:.0 28:0- 30:00: 0:08:00. 22.08: 2:02 :0 00:00: 5:20:80 20: 08 2:000:88 2 32080:- Sm. > 0:2: 2:0 0020 3.22.1502 08. :22: E02 :0 8.: 20. 3.2.2 80.3.: :08 200%.. 3.5. :3. 20:32.2. 2:: 2,. 0 0:2: 00:0 2588 3.2.2 20.0 :29. .2288 :2: 29:2 «0.3. adults are not likely to correct the utterance. To a very great extent, then, children ac- quire the grammar of their language without direct instruction from adults. Of course, certain aspects of language use are deliberately taught to children. In cultures around the world, children are engaged in conversation with adults almost from the start. In Western cultures, parents often treat baby noises (and not only vocal ones) as openings to conversations. From their first few months children are social— ized into interactional routines of turn taking, where even their burps, hiccups, and sneezes are regarded as opening turns to which parents respond as though they were weighty proclamations. Children are socialized so effectively that the tum-taking patterns of school-age children have been pretty much established since age one. Later, when young children go trick-or-treating at Halloween (to take the example of a context in which politeness becomes a salient aspect of interaction), they may not produce the appropriate utterances unless prompted (Say "thank you"! What do you say?). So children need consciously to learn certain rules of language use, and adults typically provide instruction for these politeness rules. Baby Talk: How Adults Talk to Children Even when adultsare not explicitly teach- ing children the rules of language use, they frequently modify their speech, adapting it to what they think children will readily understand and acquire. You have probably witnessed parents and siblings using baby talk (some people call it “motherese” or “infant-directed speech”) in addressing babies. - Ooohh, what a biiig smiile! Is Baby smiling at Mommy? ‘0 Baby is smiling at her Mommy? Ycessl - Is Baby happy to see Mommy? - Is Baby hungry? Yeess? Oopen wiiide . . . - Hmmmm! Baby likes soup. Yeess! ' Wheere’s the soup? All gone! This example, uttered slowly and with exaggerated intonation, is typical of the kind of linguistic input that English-speaking parents and other caregivers provide to young children. Baby talk differs from talk between adults in characteristic ways. When address- ing babies. adults’ voices frequently assume a higher pitch than usual. Adults also ex- aggerate their intonation and speak slowly and clearly. Repetitions and partial repetitions (Is Baby smiling at Mommy? Baby is smiling at her Mommy?) are frequent in baby talk. Sentences are short and simple, with few subordinate clauses and few modifiers. Personal names like Baby and Mommy are prefen'cd over pronouns like you and 1. Compared to adult talk to other adults, baby talk has more frequent content words (nouns, verbs, adjectives) and fewer function words (subordinators, detemiin— ers). Utterances addressed to very young children frequently include special baby—talk vocabulary—words such as doggie, horsie, tummy, and din-din, which are more eas- ily perceived or pronounced but do not normally occur in adult talk—and the choice of baby~talk words is more restricted than in ordinary speech. Baby talk is typically concrete and refers to items and actions in the child's immediate environment and C23 experience. it also includes a high proportion ofquestions, particularly for young chiL dren (ls Baby hungry?), and of imperatives (00pm wiiide). These modifications may serve to hold a child’s attention or to simplify the linguistic input it hears. possibly making utterances easier to perceive or analyze. Especially in repetitions and shorter expressions addressed to young children, adults chunk their speech by constituent structure, a practice that could provide useful syntactic insight to learners. Baby talk features are summarized below. 5?; VChara‘citerislics‘ofTalkto'Babies I V Concreteinimediate referents Exaggerated intonation . ' ‘Slolwlarid‘cle‘a‘renunciationsl , r V Baby-talk ivordsitoojg'gie,‘riihimy)l ‘ ‘A‘Frequcntconlentwordsfriouns,verbs), ‘ ‘ W not!) 'fliglier.:tlian.usual pitch ' ‘ equentzquestions‘ I ' -r i M rique,fit5;¢p¢iiiibtiis l at“... ,Frequént‘rimperatives ll Féwl‘f‘niodifiérs‘ ‘ “Chunking bylconstttuentstmctuie ‘ ‘ At a somewhat more advanced stage, when children start producing utterances, parents and other caretakers have been observed to echo those utterances in a fuller form than the child offered. Sometimes the intonation of the caretaker’s expansions confirms what the child has said; sometimes a questioning intonation seems to be seeking clarification. The following examples are illustrative. . "Baby‘s:instigate-i, . xtegghtis‘i“: :v ‘ Mammy'hz‘idyhe’ieggnbea ‘ . Tsi- ,, t i" ‘ .Evs‘is'hav. Viki-rid a : Th‘m'w .itftsipafidyi Expansions occur far less frequently when parents and other caretakers are alone with children than when other adults are present (including researchers), and such expan- sions may be intended as "translations" of the baby‘s speech, more for the aid of the observer than for the benefit of the child. Features of baby talk are found in cultures far and wide. When the Berbers of North Africa address babies, they simplify their language in some of the same ways that Americans do; the same is true of the Japanese. Not all cultures modify speech to children, but modification is widespread. Children themselves acquire baby talk very early in life, and f0ur~year-olds can be heard using features of this register when ad~ dressing younger children, while even two-year-olds use it with younger siblings. The extent to which baby talk helps children in acquiring language is difficult to assess, but in cultures where baby talk is absent (as it is in Samoa, parts of Papua New Guinea, and among the Kipsigis of Kenya, for example) children acquire their native language at the same rate as children exposed to baby talk. So we must conclude that baby talk is not essential to successful language acquisition. Still, baby talk does serve some functions. First, it exposes small children to sim~ ple language, and simple language may be helpful in the taSk of unraveling con« stitnent structures and certain grammatical operations. Since children have to figure out so many different grammatical features, selective input (fewer words, fewer com- plex sentences, and repetitions) facilitate their task. In addition, considering English, the unusually high percentage of questions that caregivers address to infants has the effect of exposing them to a greater number of auxiliaries (Did Baby fall?) than would the use of declarative sentences (Baby fell). Baby talk may also inculcate cer— tain rules of language use, particularly the rules of conversation (see Chapter 9). By asking many questions of small children. adults help socialize them into the question- answer sequences and into the alternating tum—taking pattems of conversation. From the earliest stages, adults alternate their utterances with a baby’s babblings, and the implicit message is to alternate one’s utterances with one’s interlocutor’s. Interac— tional patterns between caregivers and children can thus provide a framework within which utterances can be situated and acquisition of grammar can take place. Stages of Language Acquisition Babbling Whatever the nature of the input they receive, children go through several stages in the process of acquiring their native language. At the babbling stage, which starts at about six months of age, children first utter a series of identical syllables such as ba«ba-ba or Ina-mama. A couple of months later, as the vocal apparatus matures, this reduplicated babbling blossoms into a wider range of syllable types such as bab~ bab and ab-ab. These early babblings are similar the world over, andoccur with or without others present. When some babbled sounds stabilize for a child and are linked to aconsistent referent or appear to be used with a consistent purpose (for example, to be handed something), they are called vocables or protowords. A child may use a vo- cable such as baba to indicate it does not want something while mama serves to indi‘ cate it does want something. One-Word Stage Starting around a year old, when children take their first steps, they are also heard uttering words such as mama, dada. and up. These early words are of simple structure and typically refer to familiar people (mother and father), toys and pets (teddy bear and kitty). food and drink (cookie and juice), and social interaction (as in bye-bye). By this stage children already use vocal noises to get and hold atten- tion socially and to achieve other objectives. Often, the same word is used to refer to things that have a similar appearance. as when a child learns the word doggie for the family dog and then extends it to all dogs. Children are thus inclined to generalize word meanings and even to overgencralize, as when doggie is applied to cats as well as dogs, or even to all animals. @ Observation of utterances at the onc~word stage suggests that children are not re- hearsing simple words but expressing single words to convey whole propositions. A child uses the word dada, for example, to mean different things in different contexts: ‘Herc comes Daddy' (upon hearing a key in the door at the end of the day): "l‘his is for Daddy" (when handing Daddy a toy): ‘That is where Daddy usually sits‘ (when look- ing at Daddy’s empty chair at the kitchen table): or ‘This shoe is Daddy's’ (when touching a shoe belonging to Daddy). In different contexts, a child may give the same word different intonations. Holding a shoe turd uttering Dada, a child is not merely naming the object of its focus but is usrng a relatively Simple expression to communicate relatively complex content. Two-Word Stage From the one~word~utterance stage, children move on to utter- ances such as Daddy come. Shoe mine, and Apple me. The transition from the one word stage to the two—word stage occurs at about 20 months of age, when the child has a vocabulary of about 50 words. At this stage, utterances show a preference for combining a nounlike element with a predicatelike element, and children tend to ver- balize in propositions—to name something and then say something about it: Daddy, [he is] c0m[ing], Shoe, [it's] mine; Apple, [give it Io] me. Other forms also occur, as in More juice and There Daddy, in which the predicatelike element precedes the noun. One striking fact about the two-word—utterance stage is that children from different cultures appear to express basically similar things in their propositions at this stage. <<0 00.... .902 2:050. 30 0.300.000 .0 330.30 3 08:00.33 .0 0 8:00:02 0m .:0 .3mc0mo 200000 50.2 on .0 :00 .0 00.0005 0. 00.00.30? w... 303 .:0 0.0.: 0:..03: 0003 .0 :0 0.230 .0 00:22 08.000.00.00. 023 2:0: .:0 0333.0: .0 0 30.0 200.0. .m :00 3.038.000: .0 005.00.. 0.3.0.0: 0. .:0 .20-202. 0.0m... 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C:00::.00..:.0 00.3.0” :30 N :3. $3.02.... m. >318” 0 0:0 30 o. Womafi .0003050 <03: 0.0200. 20.300. 203.00 .9 W003“:- .:.:.-.00_.mo: 3.03.: 3803.830 203.: 0.00.... 20:2. 2:30.. I. 500...... 03.0.0020: 3.50.2. 03003-830 <01? 0:0... :00 .u. 9.0033002." 05.2.0.2” 2:0 .3... 0:23.». :0 2:... 002.2% 5. 00:50:05 00.3.0” 33...“ 530. 2.2.5.... 2.0..» .0. 003300.05 050:2...” .20.... 02-230 Although the children acquired these forms basically in the same order, they did not ac— quire them at the same speed. Between acquisition of the present progressive (the earli- cst acquired) and the contractible auxiliary (the last), anywhere from 6 to 14 months elapsed. One child acquired the contractible auxiliary by 2:3, while another took until 3:6. The order tracked among Brown’s young “consultants” basically replicated the order other linguists and psychologists had tracked with other children, and the slight variations reported probably have to do with the criteria used for judging “acquisi~ tion." For example, Brown judged a feature to be acquired only when a child used it correctly in 90% of the required cases in three successive sampling sessions. Other re- searchers used different criteria. such as the first time that a correct use was observed. What Determines Acquisition Order? As to what determines the order of acquisi- tion, it would seem reasonable to suppose that the frequency with which a child hears a form from adults will influence the order of acquisition. In fact, however, Brown was unable to correlate frequency of parental use with the order of acquisition. The most frequent of the 14 morphemes in the parents' speech was the articles, which ap- peared eighth in the order of child acquisition. The propositions, on the other hand, were acquired second by children, although they were used relatively little by parents. In determining the order of acquisition, what seems more influential than frequency is relative complexity. Morphemes that encode several semantic notions and those that are syntactically more complex tend to be acquired later than those that encode a sin— gle semantic notion and are syntactically simpler. Exceptions and Overqeneralizations No doubt you have observed that children tend to overgeneralize the patterns of inflectional morphology. You‘ve heard kids say things like “eated” for are and “foots” for feet. There are some sixty—odd irregular verbs in English, and among those that get overgeneralized are the ones listed below. English has far fewer nouns like foot that form their plurals irregularly: among those that children overgeneralize are those listed below. @ Evidence from several languages sunuesls that children lend naturally to overgener- DC‘ alize or “overregularize” the morphological rules they acquire. Sentence Structure The sentences of the 29-month-old (2:5) boy (given on page 546) contain single clauses only. Before that boy was five years old, negative sentences were under control, as in That isn't yours and That doesn't belong to you, and sentences incorporating more than one clause were commonplace, including imperatives (Guess who's visiting me ) and interrogatives (Do you know what I did at school today? ). Even at age five, though, relative clauses were not fully acquired, although certain kinds of relatives are understood by children even at three years of age. When children first pro- duce relative clauses, they attach them to object noun phrases, as in You broke the one that I found. Attaching relative clauses to subjects (as in The one tltat I found is red) represents a later stage of acquisition, and attaching them to other grammatical rela« tions comes later still. Negation Every language has ways of expressing negation. At first, children ex- press negation by the simple utterance no, either alone or preceding other expressions: No. No want. No that. No do that. At a somewhat later stage, by three years of age, more complex expressions incorporate negations, as in these: Can‘t get it off. Don't know. It doesn‘th that way. That not go in there. Questions Every language also has ways ol’ asking questions. Some do so simply by adding a question word to the end of a statement. English has a relatively complex way of forming questions, and mastery of its question-formation rules takes time. In the early stages, inten‘ogative utterances have the same syntax as (leclaratives, as in That mine. Sometimes, though not always, the intonation of questions differs from that of statements. By three years of age, children have mastered most aspects of ques- tion formation, as in these questions from a three—year—old girl named Sophie: , :Information Questions YestNo Questions " what is he‘called‘? ‘ ' is this a box? ' r goes this hole? Do it go this side? 7 EWhy‘didi'nv’t me get flu? Can me put it in like watt. 7 " 1Vii/‘li-y'sliesosmall? r ‘j ‘Whie're'are you Mummy? How Fast Do Children Acquire Vocabulary? At the start of the two-word stage, around 20 months (1:3) of age, a child knows ap- proximately 50 words. Mostly they are nouns referring to concrete, familiar objects (shoe, clock, app/c, baby, milk, nose) or expressions for salient notions in the child's environment (more, no, bye-bye, oh, walk, what's that). By age five, the child’s vo— cabulary is increasing by about 15 or 20 words a day. Estimates of the number of basic words known by schoolchildren of age six run about 7800, even counting a word set like cat, cats, cat's, cats' or walk, walks, walked, walking as a single word. if you count derived forms such as dollhouse as a third word besides doll and house, then 13,000 words would be a reliable figure. Astonishingly, two years later, by age eight, a child’s vocabulary has increased to 17,600 basic words (or 28,300 words including derived forms). Thisrepresents an average increase of more than 13 basic words (or 21 words and derived forms) each day. Of course. a word isn’t acquired in its seman- tic fullness on a single occasion; rather, a full range of meanings for any word is gen— erally acquired only by stages over a period of time. Indeed, this phenomenon, like the acquisition ol‘vocabulary itself, continues well into adulthood, though at a drastically reduced rate. t How Do Children Acquire the Sounds of Language? You have probably listened to a child uttering words and expressions that you could understand within their context even though the pronunciations did not match your own. “Neina” /neno/ for Zeina [zeno/ in the speech from the boy of two years, five months is one illustration. Other examples might be “poon” or “bude” for spoon, “du” forjuice, and “dis” or “di” [d1] for (his. Such pronunciations suggest that a child masters certain aspects of a word before others. In these cases, the context indicates that the child knows the word’s lexical category and certain semantic information (such as its referent); the child also knows some of its phonological content, although mastery of the pronunciation is incomplete. Here we examine certain pattcms of phonological acquisition among English—speaking children and draw some cross- linguistic comparisons. From as early as two months, infants react differently to different speech sounds, and they can recognize individual voices—their mother‘s, for example. (We know this from changes in the rate of sucking when voices alternate.) Prior to their produc~ tion of recognizable utterances at about twelve months of age, infants go through a lengthy babbling stage, during which they appear to be rehearsing a wide range of sounds, extending beyond the sounds spoken around them and therefore beyond the phonological inventory needed for their own language. Early babbling consists of simple syllable»likc sequences of a consonant fol- lowed by a vowel: ba—ba-ba. Repetitions of CV syllables are then followed by se— quences that juxtapose different CV syllables (bamama), first: yielding CVCV patterns and then CVC patterns (such as ham and mam, which lack the vowel of the second CVCV syllable). These early babblings reveal a preference for voiced stops and nasals [b d g m n] and a disprefcrence for fricatives [fv 0 6 s z] and liquids [1 r]. Not surprisingly. sounds that are relatively rare among the world’s languages tend to be acquired later than sounds that are common. By eight or nine months of age chil— dren are able to mimic adult intonation patterns to a striking degree. Unlike the sounds of babbling, these intonation patterns differ from language to language. consonant Sounds of Babbling PREFERRED ‘ DISPREFERRED b i d g ‘ v (3 z in n i i f 0 s l/r Try it yourself: What generalization can you make about the preferred sounds of babbling as compared to the dispreferred sounds? Think in terms of phonological features or natural classes. Before the first recognizable words are produced around age one, the list of speech sounds actually shrinks (and a few children even go through a silent period), after which the inventory of sounds belonging to the adult language is gradually and systematically acquired. Full phonological development takes several years, and the last sounds may not be acquired before age six or so. Between 12 months and 18 months of age, a child learns to produce about 50 words (which is only about a fourth of those it can recognize). The range of sounds and of syllable types needed to give voice to so small a lexicon is relatively limited (5 vowels and 10 consonants would generate 50 monosyllabic words of CV type). At about 18 months of age, however, children typically experience a “word Spurt.” and for this larger lexicon the previous inventory of sounds and syllables is inadequate, and an expansion of the system is necessary. 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Processes of OmiSSion in Child Language Deletion of syllable banana -+ [nzeno], kitchen -r [kttj'], pocket —> [but] Deletion of final consonant doll —-> [do], far —+ [fa] Reduction of consonant clusters stop + liquid —v stop glass -+ [dies], bread —+ [but] s- + stop 7* stop . j‘ i ‘ [do] i s- + nasal —+ nasal snake ~>l [t‘tek] . nasal + voiced stop a nasal hand -e [bran] Determinants of Acquisition Order It isn't entirely clear what determines the order in which sounds are acquired. If it would seem reasonable to assume that the more frequently a child heard a particular sound, the sooner it would be acquired, the facts point elsewhere. Consider that the most frequent English consonant sounds are the fricatives [s'|, [d], [z], and [v]. Either [s] or [z] occurs in the plural forms of most nouns, the possessive form of every noun, the third-person singular present-tense form of all verbs (eats, does, is). certain common pronouns and possessive determin- ers (his, hers, yours), and some other common words (was and some). In light of such frequency. it is not surprising that [s] is acquired relatively early (by about 24 months). But. perplexingly, [z] is not acquired until four years of age and then usually only in medial position. Consider also that [6], although it occurs in extremely fre- quent words such as this, that, and the, is acquired very late, while [v], even at four years of age, is produced in medial position but not initially or finally, where it is com- mon in such words as very, have, and of. Clearly, frequency of occurrence in adult speech is not the sole determinant in the order of acquisition. Of greater influence than frequency is the functional importance of a sound within its phonological system. A sound is said to have a high functional load if it serves to differentiate many words (or words that are very frequent), and high func— tional load seems to promote early acquisition. Thus /t_l'/ is acquired much later by children learning English than by Guatemalan children learning the Mayan language Quiche. The reason appears to be that in Quiche /tf/ contrasts with other sounds in many more words than it does in English, and the high functional load of the ltj'l sound in Quiche fosters early acquisition. By contrast, the low functional importance of /t_|'/ in English tends to bump it towards the end of the acquisition line. Phonological Idioms Before acquiring all the sounds in the inventory ofits lan— guage, a child may be able to produce some sounds as part of fixed phrases or phonological “idioms.” In tuuch the same way that adults have semantic idioms (kick the bucket) and syntactic idioms (the sooner the better), so children may pro- duce unanalyzed words containing sounds that they have not yet added as separate units of their phonological inventory. They have learned to pronounce the word as a whole but haven't mastered all the individual sounds as such. The child can thus f I make a lexical contrast without yet having the contrasting sounds in its phonologi- cal inventory. {SEARCHERS STUDY LANGUAGE ACQUISITION? Studies of child language and language acquisition have most commonly been natu- ralistic, or observational, studies. At regular intervals researchers have tape—recorded ordinary interactions between adults and children or among children and transcribed those results for analysis. There have also been diary studies (carried out by parents who were themselves linguists or psychologists) that record a child's utterances, the age at which they occur, and the situational context surrounding them. Depending on the focus and goals of the observer, diary studies represent different degrees of detail, ranging from ordinary orthography to a narrow phonetic transcription. Quite natu- rally, then, observational studies of child language have focused on the production of words and sentences. Receptive Competence and Productive Competence So far we haven’t said much about a child's receptive mastery, or understanding, nor drawn a distinction between what. a child’s grammatical competence might allow but its production apparatus be unable to utter. After all, a child could have the grammat» ical competence to generate adult pronunciations but remain unable to utter them be- cause of physiological immaturity in the vocal apparatus. "FIS" Phenomenon An oft-repeated story tells of a child who pronouncedfi'sh as fix [frs] but objected to an adult imitating the fis pronunciation. “This is your fis?" the adult asked. “No,” said the child: “myfir.” When the adult repeated the question, the child again rejected the fis pronunciation. When the adult eventually said, “Your fish?" the child concurred: “Yes, my fis”! The child could hear the distinction between fish and fis and recognized fir as an incorrect pronunciation. But in attempting to say fish the child produced a word that replicated the fly it knew to be wrong. We should be careful interpreting such data, however. It may seem that the child knows and rec- ognizes the difference between [ftf] and [frs] while being unable to pronounce [flfl because of limitations in the vocal apparatus. but there are other possible explana- tions. Consider the case of the child who consistently pronounced puddle as puggle: the obvious hypothesis that the vocal apparatus was not yet capable of pronouncing ld/ intervocalically was belied by the fact that the child systematically pronounced puzzle as puddle. qu Biqs In saying a word like pig or tug. the voicing required in pronouncing the vowels is anticipated by adults in such a fashion that /p/ and /t/, though they begin without voicing, become voiced just preceding the onset of the vowel. It is almost as if the pronunciation were ['pbrg] and [tdAg]. The key to an adult‘s distinguishing initial /p/ and /b/ before vowels is how long the voicing is delayed. not whether it is 2000:. 0. 0:83. > 0:20 35. :0 “008020: 3 «2:5 .0 20.3m30: <28: .40.: 88200.0 33.: 203. 2.0.5328 Em 0:: 002% 2:8 00 E>E o. 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Grammatical fossilization is manifest in expressions such as those below, which come from a native speaker of Mandarin. l. 1 want to see what can I buy. 2. Where I can buy them? 3. What you gonna do on Tuesday? 4. I will cold. 5. Where (lid you found it? 6. Why you buy it? 7. How you pronounce this word? 8.‘ Oh! Look this. Such sentences reflect the speaker's current interlanguage grammar; for a speaker whose acquisition of English has ceased to develop, the utterances would represent fossilization. The Role of Attitudes in Second-Language Learning Language attitudes can have a profound effect on your ability to acquire a second lan— guage, especially beyond adolescence. Studying a foreign language is parallel to learning math or history; a body ofinf‘ortnation must be mastered, certainly including much vocabulary and perhaps including terms such as case, tense, (subjunctive) mood, and (subordinate) clause. This kind of foreign-language learning differs not only from first—language acquisition but also from second—language acquisition in irri— mersion situations in which you can acquire a language in a fashion approximating (however inadequately) the environment normally surrounding first-language acqui- sition. Because the language variety you acquire becomes part of your social identity, the acquisition of a second language must be seen not just as an intellectual exercise but as an enterprise that affects or alters one’s social identity. Your attitude revvard the second language and your motivation can have a pro— found effect on the success of acquisition. In acquiring a foreign language, your ef- forts are mediated by what linguist Stephen Krashen has called an affective filter—a psychological disposition that facilitates or inhibits your natural language-acquisition capacities. Krashen maintains that if there is sufficient comprehensible language use surrounding a leamer, the acquisition of a second language, even by an adult, can pro- ceed as effortlessly and efficiently as first—language acquisition, provided that the af— fective filter is not blocking the operation of these capacities. The learning of a second language in school is increasingly viewed not as an in— tellectual or educational phenomenon but as a social—psychological phenomenon. One social psychologist describes this perspective as follows: In the acquisition of a second language, the student is faced with the task not simply of leaming new information . . . which is part ofhis own culture but rather of acquiring sym- bolic elements of a different ethnolinguistic community. The new words are not simply new words for old concepts, the new grammar is not simply a new way of ordering words. the (2? new pronunciations are not merely ‘different' ways of saying things. They are characteris- tics of another ethnolinguistic community. Furthermore, the student is not being asked to learn about them; he is being asked to acquire them, to make them part of his own language reservoir. This involves imposing elements of another culture into one’s own lil'espace. As a result, the student's hannony with his own cultural community and his willingness or abil» ity to identify with other cultural communities become important considerations in the process of second language acquisition. (R. C. Gardner, “Social Psychological Aspects of Second Language Acquisition," in Howard Giles and Robert St. Clair. eds. Language and Social Psychology [Oxford: Blackwell, 1979], pp. 193—94.) ...
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This note was uploaded on 01/06/2010 for the course ENGL 305 taught by Professor Sawiki during the Fall '09 term at CSU Fullerton.

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