Guttmann%20Spread%20of%20Sport%20in%20Japan

Guttmann%20Spread%20of%20Sport%20in%20Japan - 22 Europe, S...

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Unformatted text preview: 22 Europe, S port, World 49. Dell/fiche Turn/Iliitter, Porto Alegre: dezembro de 1915. No.8, pp.8l~4. 50. Der/mile Turnbliitter, Porto Alegre: agosto de 1939. 51. Deutsche Tm-nlzliilter, Porto Alegre: setembro de 1935. N022, p3. 52. Ibid., p.5. Fug-TA.— Educators, Imitators, Modernizers: The Arrival and Spread of Modern Sport in Japan » ALLEN GUTTMANN and LEE THOMPSON' CLOSURE Franciscan and Jesuit missionaries from Portugaland Spain had arrived in Japan in the sixteenth century, decades before Tokugawa leyasu (1543—1606) defeated his rivals and consolidated his control over a more or less unified nation. The European missionaries actively propagated their religion among the ‘heathen’, many of which were eager to embrace Roman Catholicism. The missionaries proved to be too successful for their own good. The large number of converts to Christianity, especially in the area around Nagasaki, led to a viciously xenophobic reaction. The vk shogunate banned Christianity, murdered thousands of Japanese who refused to renounce their new religion, ordered the expulsion of the European priests, executed those who defied the order to leave, and sought to seal the country off from foreign influence. The closure was never total. Some intercourse was permitted through a small Dutch settlement on the island of Dejima in Nagasaki harbour. (Protestants were thought to be less dangerous than Catholics.) The Tokugawa file/62' records that the eighth Shogun, Tokugawa Yoshimune (1684—1751), watched. what may have been the first Western sport introduced to Japan: an exhibition of fencing by the Dutch.1 Of course, European and American sports had not yet developed into the forms familiar to us today. The rare Japanese whom the ever—suspicious government permitted to visit the butch settlement were able to observe the long—nosed, foreigners at their amusements, which included a precursor of badminton. The game was described in 1787 by Morishima Chfiryo in Ké'mo‘zatsuma (Tales of the Red Hairs), along with illustrations of the racket and shuttlecock.Z Other examples include a woodblock print of 24 Europe, Sport, World the Tokugawa period showing the Dutch at a game of billiards. Such interest was unusual. While a number of eighteenth—century Japanese were eager students of Western medical science and military technology, which they studied in Dutch texts, few of them left evidence of much curiosity about Western sports.3 OPENING On 8 July 1853, Commodore Matthew Perry arrived at the port of Uraga with a letter to the Tokugawa shogun from President Franklin Pierce, informing the Japanese that the United States (US) expected them to open their islands to trade and provide humane treatment for shipwrecked American seamen. Perry returned the following February with a larger naval force, and a treaty was signed on 31 March 1854.“l Eight months later, Sir John Stirling successfully negotiated a similar treaty between Japan and Great Britain.‘ Mercantile motives brought Perry to Japanese shores, but sport played a small part in hisinitial interactions with his reluctant hosts. In addition to a minstrel show, Perry’s sailors put on a display of manly fisticuffs. The Japanese responded with an exhibition by a score of beefy sumo wrestlers. Neither party seemed properly impressed by the other. The Americans were disgusted by the massive wrestlers and a contemporary Japanese woodblock print shows ‘bulky .../wrestlers delivering the shogun’s gift of bales of rice‘ to the scrawny American sailors’.‘ During Stirling’s negotiations, the British were allowed to/land and indulge in ‘athletic sports’.6 Townsend Harris, the first American consul, arrived in August 1856 and was met with ‘consternation’.’ Additional treaties with France and other European powers brought more diplomats, more merchants, and more dismay. For a dozen years, the shogunate was riven with internal disagreement and was undecided about what to do with the largely increasing number of foreigners with increasingly inconvenient demands. Inconclusive' debates within the government led to ambiguous policies and general confusion. The resolution came in 1868 in the form of the ‘Meiji Restoration’. The term ‘restoration’ suggests that the revolution of 1868 that ended centuries of Tokugawa rule returned Japan to imperial rule, but the emperor enthroned in Tokyo was more or less the same figurehead he had been in Kyoto. In fact, real power was in the hands of clan activists The Arrival and Spread of M oderrz S port in Japan 25 whose ‘restoration’ Was actually part of a bold venture in what might be termed instrumental modernisation. The new rulers were plagued by power struggles among the leading clans, but there was a consensus about foreign policy. Japan should acquire from the West the modern science and technology necessary to defend Japan against the very real threat of foreign domination. (China’s helplessness in the face of European military might was an ominousindication of the danger to Japan.) In addition to {the Western experts who were invited to Japan, over 11,000 Japanese went abroad for study between 1868 and 1902. Among them was Ito Hirobumi, the nation’s first prime ministers The modernizers’ emulation of the West’s scientific and technological achievements was often constrained by the desire to preserve What began to be identified as Japanese culture. The fiVC~ volume published report of the Iwakura Tomomi mission’s two—year sojourn in Europe and the US advocated modernization (human knowledge rushes9 toward enlightenment), but the authors cautioned against the hasty abandonment of ‘old institutions and practices’.’ There were, however, some intellectuals whose admiration of the West (and denigration of their own culture) was uncritical and extreme. Mori Arinori suggested in 1872 that the country adopt English as the national language and Takahashi Yoshio, writing in 1884, urged that Japanese husbands. divorce their wives and marry Western women of robust physique and superior intellect.10 Inevitably, uncritical enthusiasm for Europe and the US aroused nationalistic opposition. Motoda Nagazane, for instance, condemned what he saw as the effort ‘to convert Japanese into facsimiles of Europeans and Americans’.11 Criticism of the modernizers often took the form of verbal or pictorial satire. The nineteenth—century novelist Kanagaki Robun ridiculed his co‘untrymen for aping the ‘barbarians’ by wearing top hats, carrying umbrellas, eating beef, and ostentatiously consulting their pocket Watches.” Cartoons in conservative journals lampooned sandal—shod Students with thick—lensed spectacles and armloads of foreign books. Hostility was also expressed through the murder of foreigners resident in Japan. Townsend Harris’s secretary, Hendrik Heusken, was killed in January 1861 and British diplomats were attacked that July. Xenophobia also accounted for the 1889 assassination of the minister of education, Mori Arinori, who was thought to have betrayed Japan’s traditional culture.” The ‘Imperial Rescript on Education’ of 1890, promulgated after two 26 Europe, S port, Wbrld decades of modernization, was a positive assertion of Japanese culture. Calling upon all Japanese to venerate the emperor; the Rescript was a powerful statement of ‘invented tradition’.” Its goal was to transform the deified emperor into the focal point of patriotic sentiment.ls To ‘revere the emperor’ was not, however, necessarily to ‘expel the barbarians’. The men behind the ‘Imperial Rescript’ ~ men like Motoda Nagazane and Nishimura Shigeki — wanted to slow but not reverse the drive to bring Japan into the modern world.16 SN. Eisenstadt’s shrewd comment about the recent past applies as well to the crosscurrents‘iof change in the Meiji period: ‘Tradition or traditionalism tended to become a crucial symbol of legitimation for new patterns of behavior, organisation, cultural creativity, and discourse.’17 , Steamships, telegraph lines and modern weaponry were very much on the modernizers’ minds, not cricket bats and rowing shells. On their extended missions to Europe and America, Japanese officials investigated mines and factories, not baseball diamonds and tennis courts. Japanese children’s songs, which were certainly composed for and not by children, listed lightning rods and gas lamps, not sports equipment, among ‘worthy objects’:18 The enthusiasm for modern sports — like the vogue among the Meiji elite of Western dress and cuisine — was an unintended consequence of the desire for locomotives and coastal artillery To put it in the language of the businessmen, who arrived in Japan along with the foreign diplomats, advisors and teachers, the modernizers got more than they bargained for. ,_ r In the course of the Meiji period (186784912), a series of modern sports popular in the West was introduced to Japan.” Government attempts to modernize the military led to the introduction of gymnastics, fencing, rifle shooting, riding, and skiing/European and American residents in the trading communities of Yokohama o'r Kobe introduced football, rowing, athletics, tennis, baseball, cricket and golf. The Meiji government invited many scholars from Europe and America to teach in the newly established school system, and they introduced their students to baseball, association football, rowing, athletics, rugby, tennis and skating.20 Foreign missionaries, especially those associated with the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA), propagated basketball, volleyball, hockey and badminton. Students and other Japanese, who had lived abroad, brought back with them table tennis, I handball, basketball and volleyball. Participation in the Olympics and The Arrival cma’ S pread Modern Sport in japan ' 27 other international sports events introduced wrestling, weightlifting and canoeing. In addition, voluntary sports clubs took up activities such as yachting and climbing.21 Although some scholars have seen the global diffusion of these sports as proof of ‘cultural imperialism’,22 coercion played a very small part in their adoption by the Japanese. On the contrary, the modernizing elite seemed as eager to emulate Westerners at play as they were to learn from Westerners at work?3 It should be emphasized, however, that enthusiasm for British and American sports was for the most part limited to this modernizing elite. This was especially true in the early years of the Meiji period. Farmers, who still constituted the vast majority of the population, remained for the most part content with the physical contests traditionally associated with their seasonal festivals. In most societies en route to modernity, the military have played an important role and Japan was certainly no exception. The Meiji leaders imported the weaponry of ,modern warfare and passed legislation to reconstitute the nation’s ineffective military. A conscript armyreplaced the samurai who had been Japan’s traditional warriors.“ (The samurai, deprived of their principal function, also lost their right to wear the swords that had distinguished them from lesser moi‘tals.) Between 1867 and 1880, French officers supervised the new army’s training. Reorganisation included the adoption of Western notions of physical fitness and the proper ways to attain it. At the newly established Toyama Military School (1875), the French instructed their Japanese counterparts in the gymnastic principles they had learned from Francisco Amoros at their military academy in Joinville. They also taught the Japanese officers how to ride and to fence in the European manner.“ In the dissemination of modern sports, however, French officers were soon supplanted by British businessmen and diplomatic officials and by American educators and advisors to the Japanese government. I Despite the fact that Japanese terrain was seldom suitable for cricket, a sport requiring an extensive and well—tended field of play, British bowlers and batsmen refused to deny themselves the pleasures of that pastoral game. On 16 October 1869, lerritons resident in the port city of Kobe met a team from HMS Ocean. A cricket club was promptly organized three days later, thanks largely to the initiative of Arthur Hesketh Groom.26 Shortly thereafter, the British founded the Yokohama Cricket and Athletic Club in Kobe, where occasional matches between 28 Europe, Sport, World the garrison and visiting naval personnel had actually taken place as early as 1864.27 Although a few Japanese tried their hand at cricket, the sport never became popular. ‘Today cricket is almost the' only major foreign sport that does not interest Japanese at all.’28 Readers consulting the Kodaasha Encyclopedia of Japan will find an entry under ‘cricket’; it provides information on insects of the order Orthoptera. As early as 1862, the British organized horse races in Yokohama, gala spectacles attended by the entire foreign community. In 1868, the British residents of Kobe followed suit and celebrated Christmas Day with a horse race. It was not unqualified success. The Japanese mounts bolted when the race went by their stables. Three of the jockeys were thrown.” However, this mishap was not enough to extinguish the ardour of the Victorian upper class. The Kobe Jockey Club was organized in 1870, and within a few years, the turf became a theme forwoodblock prints by . Hasegawa and other artists. Prints from the 18805 show the emperor and his entourage in the grandstand at Ueno.30 Both forms of another British passion ~ fpotball — were played at Japan’s private universities during the Meiji period. Soccer, which was introduced at the School of Engineering around 1873 by ‘an Englishman named Jones’,31 failed to gain much of a foothold. According to Kinoshita Hideaki, it was not until 1907 that two Japanese teams met on the soccer pitch.32 The sport was not organized nationally until 1921. Rugby, then the more popular of the two football ‘codes’, was played at private universities like Keio and Waseda. In 1890, only a year after Cambridge graduate introduced the game to Keio, the students played against the British members of the Yokohama Athletic Club.33 In the Kansai area, which includes Kobe, Osaka, and Kyoto, Doshisha University emerged as a hotbed of rugby enthusiasm. 1927, these _ private schools joined with the nation’s most prestigious public universities (Tokyo and Kyoto) to form a national federation for rugby.“ Some sanguine British observers believed that ‘the day is not far distant when [rugby] will eclipse baseball in popular esteem’,35 but that has not yet happened ~ despite the excitement that accompanied Kobe Steel’s unprecedented string of seven Consecutive national titles from 1989 to 1995.36 Athletics (track and field) events were introduced as part of the r undo/ear (sports days) at various schools. The earliest of these may have been the ‘Student Competitive Games’ held in 1874 at the Naval Academy in the Tsukiji section of Tokyo. The initiative apparently came 7726 Arrival and S pread of M oa’era S port in japan 29 from the thirty—four British naval officers who had assumed posts at the academy the previous year.37 Prizes were awarded to the top placers. Four years later, an American educator, William Clark, introduced athletics to the students of Sapporo Agricultural College. Educated Japanese learned to quOte Dr Clark, in English: ‘Boys, be ambitious’, but interest in ‘athletics’ remained minimal until the initiatives taken in 1883 by Frederick W. Strange, an Englishman who arrived in Japan in 1875 to teach at Ichiko, which became the nation’s most prestigious academy.38 Imbued with the Victorian conviction that sport was the proper antidote for an excess of intellectual endeavour, Strangesummoned the students ‘to come out and play games’. This historic athletics meeting took place on 16 June 1883. The participants were students from Ichiko and the college that eventually became Tokyo University. A 300—yard bamboo—fenced tracle was laid out on the college grounds. All of the customary running, jumping, vaulting and throwing events were included, along with the running of a three~legged race and hurling a cricket ball. For the shot put and the hammer throvg, Strange made do with whatever equipment was available. For example, ‘Instead of a pistol shot, the start was signalled by swinging down a folded Western—style umbrella.’39 There was also ‘a story that he brought out the school benches for use as hurdles’.40 Thanks to the prestige of Tokyo ' University, this particular undékai greatly influenced the development of athletics on other campuses where students 'were also keenly interested in foreign sports.‘l To spread the gospel of manly sports, Strange wrote a short book entitled Outdoor Games (1883), which Shimomura Yasuhiro translated in 1885. In 1900 Shiki Shuji published Ri/eujo‘ leg/o‘gz' (Track—and—Field Contests), the first book on the subject in Japanese. The term ‘rikujé kyogi’ is still employed for athletics events.“‘2 At the turn of the century, distance races became popular. When Yamaguchi HigheréSchool staged an 11—mile race in 1899, other schools were stimulated to hold their own distance races, each one longer than the one before. In November 1901 the newspaper jz'jz' S/a'mpo‘ sponsored a 12— hour racearound the perimetre (1478 metres) of Tokyo’s Lake Shinobazu. A 25—year—old rickshaw—puller, Ando Shotaro, won the event, circling the lake 71 times. In March 1909 a newspaper, Osaka’s Maz'm'chz' S/a'mlzun, sponsored what was publicized as the ‘Kobe to Osaka Marathon Race’. (The distance was actually 19.56 miles.) A reservist from Okayama Prefecture, Kenko Chonosuke, won in 2 hours, 10 minutes, and 54 seconds.43 30 Europe, Sport, Worla’ In the fall of 1902, Tokyo University’s law department sponsored an undokai at which one of the students, Fujii Minoru, was clocked in the- 100 metres at 10.24 seconds, an astonishing time. The president of the university, Hamao Arita, proudly announced the time as a world record and was listed as such by Spaltlz'ng’s Athletic Almanac.44 According to Fujii Minoru’s memoirs, reproduced _in the 1997 bulletin of the Tokyo University Track and Field Club, his time was measured by an electric device developed by Tanakadate A1k1tsu, a professor of physics who was also apparently the head judge at the meeting. The start and finish of the race activated an electric current in a machine that wound a tape at a speed of three centimetres per second. The current was cut when Fujii crossed the finish line, and the length of the tape was then measured to determine the elapsed time to one— hundredth of a second.45 Noting that Fujii never again approached his sensational time of 10.24, sports historians have been sceptical about the alleged world record. In 1906, Fujii was said to have pole—vaulted 3.9 metres, which was 12 centimetres higher than the world record, but th1s remarkable achievement was not recognized outside of Japan.46 Japanese men have never done very well in athletics competition with European and American sprinters. In 1912, for instance, when the world” record for 100 metres was 10.6 seconds, Mishima Yahiko held the Japanese title with the unimpressive time of 12 seconds. The ZOO—metre record set in 1911 by Akashi Kazue was a very slow 25.8 seconds.47 Japanese runners were destined to do better in long~distanée races than in the sprints. In fact, long—distance relay races have become a Japanese specialty.48 In 1917, Tokyo’s Yomiari Shim/71m celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of the 1867 transfer of the capital from Kyoto to Tokyo by sponsoring a 508—kilometre relay race from Kyoto’s. Sanjo Bridge to Tokyo’s Ueno Park. Still another newspaper, the H 66/” S htt’ttbtm, 1ny1ted students from Keio, Waseda and other universities to part1c1pate in an e/ez'a’en (long—distance relay race) from Tokyo to the resort town of Hakone and back, a distance of over 200 kilometres. Ten thousand- spectators watched the first race on 11 February 1920.49 Although very few girls were encouraged to participate in athletics,- the most successful Japanese athlete of the early Showa period (1925—30), was Hitomi Kinue. After her graduation from what is now Tokyo Women’s College of Physical Education, the Mazmcht Shrazbzm hired her in April 1926 as a journalist. A month later, at the natlonal athletics championships, she competed so impressively in the 100—metre The Arrival and S preaa’ of Modern Sport in japan ‘ 31 dash, the long jump, the shot put and the baseball throw that she was chosen to be Japan’s lone representative at the second quadrennial International Women’s Games, which the Federation Sportive F éminine Internationale had scheduled for Gothenburg, Sweden. Travelling by the Trans—Siberian Railway, the nineteen—year—old journeyed alone to Moscow and was then escorted to Sweden by a Moscow—based Mariachi reporter. Competing in six events, she won the standing and the running longjump, was second in the discus and third in the 100—yard dash. Her 5.5 metres in the running long jump set a world record. She was officially honoured as the outstanding athlete of the games. Four years later, when the International Women’s Games were held in Prague, she competed in several events and won the long jump with a leap of 5.9 metres ~ despite the fact she was suffering from a sore throat and a fever. After the games, the Japanese team went on to dual meetings in Warsaw, Berlin, Paris and Brussels. Althéiigh Hitomi was exhausted and required almost daily injections, she competed inall these meetings. Returning by ship from Marseilles to Kobe, she arrived in such wretched health that her horrified father begged her to rest. She was determined, however, to fulfil all her obligations to her employer and to the national sports federation. She fulfilled these obligations, but she never recovered her health. By the spring of 1931, she had begun to cough blood and on 2 August, she died of respiratory failure.50 Fishermen and others who rowed and sailed on Japan’s lakes, rivers J and coastal waters must have had informal boat races, but Western~style aquatic sports seem to have only begun on 26 September 1861, when a regatta was held in Nagasaki._The participating vessels included four— oared gigs, Japanese sampans and houseboats.51 However, rowing in the European and American style wasn’t inaugurated until foreigners residing in Yokohama imported a boat in 1866.52 The British in Kobe founded a Regatta and Athletics Club on 23 September 1870, and constructed a boathouse and a gymnasium.53 In 1883, the Navy held rowing races that were attended by the emperor. A major step was taken at Tokyo University in 1884 when Frederick W. Strange, who had played a major role in introducing athletics to young Japanese students, founded a boat club, modelled on those at Oxford and Cambridge. The club members constructed three boats and managed to borrow a technologically advanced four—seat racing shell equipped with sliding seats. In 1885, the club’s team raced against the foreigners of the Yokohama Athletic Club. In 1887, the club organized 32 Europe, Sport, World intercollegiate races on the Sumida River, which flows through Tokyo. Providing Japanese students with an equivalent to the Henley Regatta was among Strange’s last contributions to Japanese sports; he died of a heart attack in 1889.54 , Rowing fever also spread to the Kansai area. In 1895, the governor of Shiga Prefecture sponsored the All—Japan Joint Rowing Meeting on Lake Biwa, the biggest lake in Japan. The meeting was well attended by middle—school and company crews. Although many universities and colleges in both the Kanto and the Kansai regions had crews, no regional organisations were formed before 1906.55 Competition was held in the water as well as on it. Swimming was considered a useful skill for a warrior, and, like the other martial arts, was taught by various schools at the end of the Tokugawa period. These native swimming styles survived into the Meiji period, for unlike practitioners of the other martial arts, swimmers were not immediately challenged by imported styles that threatened to render native ones obsolete. 7 In addition to its military function, swimming had a recreational aspect that came into its own in the Meiji period. From 1871 until their prohibition in 1917, various schoOls taught traditional swimming techniques at training facilities on the Sumida River. In 1898, Tokyo University established a swimming facility in Toda in Shizuoka Prefecture. Both Keio University and Tokyo Higher Normal School accomplished the same in Kanagawa and Chiba Prefectures, in 1902. The first modern swimming meeting was held on 13 August 1898 in the waters of Yokohama Bay. Swimmers from the foreign settlement Nankai Railroad jointly sponsored a ten—mile swimming race in’the waters of Osaka Bay. Only seven of the 28 starters finished the race. Sugimura Yotaro, a student in Tokyo University’s law department, won the race, finishing in six hours and ten minutes. The arduous feat earned Sugimura 300 yen, a barrel of sake and various other prizes. The first timed swimming competition, which was sponsored by the jz'jz' S/zz'mpo newspaper, occurred siX years later, on 28 August 1911, at Shibaura in Tokyo. Ugai Yasaburo won the 220—yard race in 2.32 minutes. Although Ugai swam then in a native style, he became known in the Taisho period (1912—25), as the first Japanese to adopt the cran stroke. (Both Sugimura and Ugai swam in native styles; the crawl and other Western strokes were introduced after 1912.)56 terrain, was destined to become the preferred sport of the Japanese corporate elite. Arthur Hesketh Groom, the same English merchant who had led the way to the formation of Kobe’s cricket club, planted the Scottish game, in Japanese soil. In 1903, a four—hole course was constructed at Mount Rokké', near the port city, and in turn the Kobe purpose and technique from the activities of the Alpine, Club (organized in London a year before the Meiji Restoration).58 British sportsmen were the first to climb mountains in Japan simply because there were mountains to climb. The Rokko Mountains, which loom behind Kobe, provided some initialadventures. Eventually, the more challenging peaks of central Japan became a favourite venue. In time, the central range became known as ~ in the Japanese pronunciation of the English word — the Nihon Arupusu (Japanese Alps). Although the men and women of Kobe’s British colony skied and skated,” geography dictated that winter sports were to be more popular of Takedax in Niigata Prefecture, Theodor von Lerch, an Austrian military officer who had learned to ski from the famed Mathias Zdarsky, introduced the techniques of the sport to the men of the 58th Infantry Sapporo founded an Alpine club to promote their favourite activity, mountain climbing, only to discover thatit was more fun to glide swiftly down a slope than to clamber labouriously up one. Furthermore, they also seem to have been tutored by an Austrian called Egon von Kratzer. In 1916, one of the teachers at Sapporo’s national university returned to Japan from a study period abroad and introduced the students to cross— country skiing. The university’s "club flourished and played a leading 34 Europe, Sport, World role in the formation, in 1925, of the Zen Nihon Ski Renmei (All—Japan Ski Federation).60 ’ Basketball and volleyball came to Japan via the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA), which was appropriate in that both games had been invented by YMCA members (basketball by James Naismith in 1891 and volleyball by William l\/10rgan in 1896). Both sports emerged out of ‘muscular Christianity’. The term, of course, refers to the efforts of Charles Kingsley and other nineteenth—century Englishmen to overcome the suspicion that had for centuries characterized Christian attitudes toward the human body. In the place of t monastic asceticism, the proponents of ‘muscular Christianity’ advocated a robust, physically active engagement with the world. Sport was central to this engagement, with the YMCA institutionalizing and disseminating their idealsfl At the turn of the century, the YMCA was probably the West’s most active exporter of modern sports to China, Korea and Japan."’2 Despite their origin in an atmosphere of fervent faith, both basketball and volleyball were exemplary products of instrumental rationality; In a 1914 article published in the American Physieal Education Review and in a short book entitled simply Basketball (1941), the game’s inventor described his reaction to the challenge posed for him by his superiors when they asked him to create a ball game complicated enough to . interest adults and spatially confined enough to be played indoors when New England winters daunted faint—hearted Christians. his article and his book, Naismith reconstructed the sequence of logical steps he had taken as he reasoned his way to the solution of the problem. Perhaps \ the best indication of his instrumental approach was the placement of the basket. Fearful of potential injury from balls hurled forcefully at a ‘ ground—level vertical goal (as in soccer), Naismith elevated the goal above the players’ heads and designed it so that its aperture was horizontal and narrow. Without envisaging playing a team of six to ‘ seven—foot tall slamdunkers, Naismith reasoned that the ball had to be thrown softly if its arc was to pass through the centre of the basket."3 Although the origin of volleyball was less carefully documented, the game’s invention was a similar triumph of rational design. Omori Heizo played YMCA basketball in the US in the 18905. After I returning to Japan, he introduced the game at the Tokyo Women’s University, where he taught. Prospects for diffusion of the game diminished somewhat when Omori died, in the US, on his way home The Arrival and S pread ofMoa’ern Sport in Japan 35 from the 1912 Olympics in Stockholm. However, progress resumed in . 1913 when Franklin Brown fostered the sport at the Tokyo YMCA and when Elwood Brown included basketball in the first YMCA—sponsored Far Eastern Games, held in Manila that same year.“ (The trials for the Far Eastern Games were subsidised, in part, by the Marnie/2i S/iimban, which seems to have had a hand in every other sporting event of the Taishi) period.) At thefirst'Japanese championships, which took place in 1921, the Tokyo YMCA was the easy winner. The Tokyo YMCA was also the birthplace of Japanese volleyball, which Omori had observed at the Springfield YMCA in 1896. There was a volleyball tournament at the third Far Eastern Games, which were contested in Osaka in 1917. The game was yet to be widely played in Japan, and so aJapanese team‘was put together with mostly‘r'unners and basketball players who had had the rules explained to them only the day beforetheir first game. Needless to say, they came in last among the three teams, losing by a wide margin to both China and the Philippines. Their losing streak at the Asian games continued until 1934 and they nevermanaged to finish higher than last place. -_ volleyball was more popular as a women’s sport. At the sixth Asian Games in 1923, women’s volleyball was an exhibition event, and the team from Himej‘i Women’s Higher School won the championship, beating China.65 A national volleyball federation was formed in 1927 and a basketball federation in 1930.66 Despite the labours of Omori and his friends at the YMCA, neither basketball nor volleyball was widely played before the American ‘re—education’ of Japan during the post—war Occupation. General MacArthur’s influence seems to have been stronger than Franklin Brown’s.67 Lawn tennis came to Japan in 1875 via the Yokohama Ladies Club.68 Amherst College’s George A. Leland introduced the game to Japanese students in 1878, a mere four years after England’s Major Walter Wingfield patented it. Tennis was fashionable among the Western— oriented elite, but it was not widely played. Although students at Doshisha Women’s College took up the game in 1879,69 the male undergraduates across the way at Doshisha University seem not to have acquired the same enthusiasm. Perhaps young Japanese men scorned the sport as a ‘girl’s game’. At any rate, Kobe’s socially exclusive lawn tennis club was not opened until 1900. The Mainiehi Shimbun, always eager to promote the sporting events that increased its circulation, waited until 1910 to sponsor its first tennis tournament. Students and graduates of 36 Europe, S port, W0er Keif) University were prominent in the diffusion of tennis as they were in the spread of baseball and many other modern sports, but their tennis team was not organized until 1913.70 Despite this rather hesitant acceptance of the game, Kumagai Kazuya took a silver medal in the men’s singles at the Olympic Games in Antwerp in 19720. Partnered with Kashio Seiichiré, he won a second silver medal in the doubles competition. The following year, the Japanese team upset the US in the Davis Cup. In recent years, however, few Japanese players have reached the top ranks in tennis. Participation in modern sports was not limited to college campuses «7 and cities with a nucleus of foreign residents. Young people in smaller communities also organized clubs and built facilities to enable them to engage in modern sports. The Ryojo Youth Club, established in 1886 in the town of Yoshikimura in Yamaguchi Prefecture, serves as an example of a sports—centred voluntary association. Most of the original members seem to have been interested infidebate, but verbal dexterity soon gave way to physical prowess. A sports festival was celebrated in May 1899 after a merger with the Sunday Club, which had been founded in 1/895 by young men interested in literature and the martial arts. The sports festival included footraces over 220, 330, 440 and 880 yards, a three— legged race, and a marathon. There were also baseball and soccer games. In all, 126 young people participated in the festival. Over time, theuse of the club’s library declined, formal debates became sporadicand sports completely dominated the calendar. Tennis was especially popular. In 1926, a tournament was held to celebrate the club’s fortieth anniversary. The matches were played on the grounds of Yoshikimura’s‘, school, where tennis courts had been constructed in 1920, but the Ryojo Club built its own courts in 1931 and was able, in 1934, to host Yamaguchi Prefecture’s tennis tournament. Three years later, stifled by the militaristic and anti—Western atmosphere of the late 19305, the club ceased to exist.71 . , In 1886 the Ministry of Education established a small number of highly selective ‘Higher Middle Schools’, which were renamed ‘Higher Schools’ in 1894. They served as preparatory schools for the Imperial Universities, and their headmasters were inspired by the example of Eton, Harrow, Rugby and other English ‘public schools’ (private schools for the wealthy).72 One of the most important of these administrators was Kinoshita I-Iiroji, who served from ’ 1889 to 1897 as headmaster of Tokyo’s ‘First Higher School’ (usually referred to as simply 'Ichiko)?‘ The Arrival and Spread of Modern S port in japan 37 After graduating from Tokyo University, Kinoshita spent several years studying law in Paris, but what most impressed him during his European sojourn was the annual Oxford v. Cambridge Boat Race on the Thames. He was particularly struck by the high—minded ethos of fair play, which reminded him of the Japanese claims for their own tradition of [mshz'rio‘ (the warrior’s path). This ethos, Kinoshita attributed to the pupils’ education at Eton and other ‘public schools’, where dedication to sport and the humanities (in that order) seemed to produce a lifelong devotion to public service." If Ichiko was to produce a similar class of active young men eager to serve their country, sport had to be a central part of their school experience. And they were. ‘From sunup to sundown I — before, between, or after classes — the crack of bamboo swords and baseball bats filled the air...’75 There was no need for the masters to force sport upon recalcitrant pupils (which was then the case in India, where Hinduand Muslim boys initially resisted the efforts of English educators to bring'them the joys of cricket and rowing)?" When the pupils of Ichikf) founded a Koyfikai (Society of Friends) in October 1890, seven of the society’s nine clubs devo‘ted itself to sports. British influence was obvious in the clubs for rowing and for athletics, but indigenous traditions were strongly represented in the Japanese fencing club, and there was also American influence in terms of there being a baseball team. BASEBALL AND MODERNITY fl In the world of sport, American influence was eventually dominant. In a statistical analysis of sports participation in the 19805 and 19903, the Dutch sociologist Maarten van Bottenburg observed that the percentage of the population participating in sports of American origin (42 per cent) is higher in Japan than in any European country, while the percentage participating in sports of. British origin is lower than in any European country (23 per cent). The reason is clear. ‘The British may have been dominant in commerce [in the Meiji period], but the Americans were more influential in the educational and cultural spheres.’77 By the end of the Meiji period, at the very latest, baseball became Japan’s most popular modern participant sport. (One indication of this is the fact that 44 books on baseball, and only seven on soccer, were published during the Meiji period.)78 British observers were not happy about this. Speaking tothe Japan Society of London in 1933, N.K. 38 I Europe, S port, World Roscoe revealed more than a trace of discomfort at the thought that the American game had outstripped its British rivals: ‘As far as popularity goes I suppose there is no sport in Japan to equal baseball If the errand~boy is late in delivering the mid—day vegetables, the probability is that he has been briefly seduced from rectitude by an impromptu baseball game on a vacant lot.’79 ‘ Horace Wilson, a teacher at Kaisei Gakko (later to become part of Tokyo University) introduced the' game of baseball in 1873. Okubo Toshikazu, Makino Nobuaki and Kido Takamasa learned the game When they studied in the US from 1871 to 1874. Returning in 1875, they » entered the Kaisei and helped popularize the game among the students. The game was also played in Tokyo at what later became Sapporo Agricultural College and at Ichiko. In addition, a number of Other schools had informal teams of baseball enthusiasts who enjoyed the game despite a lack of proper facilities and equipment, and sometimes without a firm grasp of the rules.80 ‘Informal and unskilled players,’ writes Kusaka Yuko, ‘sought only sporadically the ephemeral enjoyment of these unorganized games.’81 , Railroad engineer Hiraoka Hiroshi Contributed togthe establishment of baseball outside the schools. He had also learned the game during his years in the US, between 1871 and 1877. During this period he became acquainted with AG. Spalding, the American businessman who was an important promoter of the game. Spalding gave Hiraoka a11,official baseball rulebook and some equipment. After returning to} Japan, Hiraoka established the Shimbashi Athletic Club at the Shimbashi Railway Bureau, in 1882, and started a baseball team.82 The baseball diamond at the club’s facility in Shibaura in Tokyo was one of the first to provide seats for spectators.83 Among the avid players was Kabayama Aisuke, the railway’s manager. Subsequently, it was no accident that men engaged in modern transportation were among the first to play the game that was then — contrary to what Americans now think — the very symbol of modernity.“ \ By the 19205 most agreed that the game was wildly popular at the nation’s secondary schools and colleges. When Nels Norgren of the University of Chicago led a collegiate team to Japan in 1922, he reported in amazement that baseball ‘is more the national sport of Japan than it is of America’.85 Norgren, who spent more time with Japan’s educated elite . than with the nation’s rice farmers and factory hands, probably overstated the popular appeal of the game, but it was definitely an important part of The Arrival and S preod of Modern S port in fizjnm 39 campus life and was soon to become a national passion. Beginning in 1927, it was possible for fans to hear play—by—play radio broadcasts of intercollegiate and interscholastic baseball games. By 1932, 37.5 per cent of those who had radios were tuning in to sports broadcasts. Baseball games drew even more listeners than sumo tournaments.86 In 1938, a German visitor, using almost exactly the same words as Norgren had in 1922, commented that baseball was more popular in Japan than in the US.87 And twenty years after that, an American sportswriter repeated the claim: ‘The Japanese like baseball better than we do.’88 ' Donald Roden, Whose account of the Ichiko—Yokohama Athletic Club series is a classic of sports history, believes that baseball ‘caught on’ in _ Japan because ‘it seemed to emphasize precisely those values that were celebrated in the civic rituals of the state: order, harmony, perseverance, and self—restraint’. That is, the Japanese adopted the game because such perceived values were familiar ones. This is also the interpretation of Tada Michitaro in Asobi to Nikonjz'n (Play and the Japanese).89 It is certainly true that the Japanese have often described baseball as if it were, indeed, the inculcator of harmony, perseverance and self—restraint, but there was no need in the Meljl period to find these values solely in baseball when Japanese archery and the other martial arts were readily available. While it is certainly possible that the Japanese sought harmony in baseball, it seems more likely that the Japanese seized upon the game because it embodied values that were not traditionally Japanese. ‘The myth of modernization,’ writes William R. May, ‘underlines baseball’s continfiing popularity. ’9" The American game, which Roden sees almost as a stately ceremony, had Mark Twain characterizing it as ‘the outward and visible expression of the drive and push and rush and Struggle of the raging, tearing, booming nineteenth century’. Twain was surely right. Baseball symbolized — for both the Japanese and their American contemporaries, — not tradition but modernity. Like the telegraph, the telephone and many other technological marvelsof that era, the import bore the magical stamp: Made in America.” THE ROLE OF SPORT IN PHYSICAL EDUCATION Sport and physical education are closely related phenomena, especially in Japan, where sport is widely considered a subcategory of physical education. To understand Japanese sport, it is also necessary to attend, briefly,_to the development of physical education in Japan. 40 Europe, Sport, World During the Edo period, most domains had schools to educate the children of the samurai. Most of these schools were established towards the end of the eighteenth century.’2 The arrival of Admiral Perry’s armada of ‘black ships’ intensified the domains’ previously rather desultory interest in modern methods of warfare and military training. Accordingly, many domain schools adopted gymnastics as a form of paramilitary training. Turning to European physical educators for guidance, the shogunate first adopted the Dutch version of gymnastics, then switched to the French system devised by Francisco Amoros. Different domains acquired and adapted their gymnastics from a number of different European countries: from Germany and the Scandinavian countries as well as from the Netherlands and France. Since many of these domain schools survived into the Meiji period as primary and middle schools, physical education in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries can best be understood as an extension of this paramilitary training.93 If Japan was to become a modern nation, the patchwork of local schools needed to be replaced with an educational system modelled on the systems developed in the US and Western Europe. Promulgating its first major Education Ordinance (CakzrseiJ in 1872, the Meiji government institutionalized physical education in the schools.” Meiji— period physical education was generally referred to as taisé (gymnastics).95 'r 5 Implementing the Education Ordinance, the Tokyo Normal School was established in 1872 to train teachers for all subjects, including physical education. Just what activities were taught in the gymnastics classes of the day can be inferred from the response that the principal of the Osaka English School made in 1878 to a query from the Ministry of Education. According to the principal’s eclectic list, the children marched, did calisthenics and gymnastic exercises, uscd Indian clubs, and played on the seesaw and the swings. They also practised the high jump and competed in soccer games.96 ‘ In 1879, the National Institute of Gymnastics (Taiso Denshfijo) was established to develop methods of physical education and train instructors for the schools.97 The minister of education, Tanaka Fujimaro, travelled to the US and hired an American advisor, George A. Leland, to teach at the institute. Although German immigrants to the US had propagated the ideas of Turnvater Friedrich Ludwig Jahn, Leland favoured the American gymnastic system that he had learned at The Arrival and Spread of M odern S port in japan 41 ’ Amherst College. Since this system, devised by Diocletian Lewis, required a good deal of equipment, Leland stocked the school’s gymnasium with barbells, dumbbells, Indian clubs, beanbags and wooden rings.98 8 ' The main programme developed at the Institute under Leland’s guidance came to be known as ‘normal gymnastics’ (firm? torso”) or ‘light gymnastics’ (1661' m5). But other forms of gymnastics were. developed and taught as well. They included ‘heavy gymnastics’ (7'1? torso) and ‘outdoor activities’ (/eogai zmdo‘). Included among the latter were football, cricket, croquet, baseball and rowing.99 In the published collection of his translated lectures, Taiikuron, Leland stated that the ultimate goal of physical education was not a strong body, but a well—developed loo/eoro (translated as the English word ‘mind’). Imamura remarks that Leland was rational in his methodology, but spiritual (sois/zinshugiteki) in his goals.100 This is an interesting remark because many commentators assert that seisla'ashugr is what makes Japanese sport uniquely Japanese. The Instituteof Gymnastics was abolished in 1886 and a special course for ‘gymnastic’ training was offered at Tokyo Normal School (Tokyo Slfihan Gakké). Admission to the course was restricted to army veterans of officer rank who applied within a year of their discharge from active service.101 Many continental European educational systems, of course, also looked to the military to staff ‘gymnastics’ programmes that were, after all, eSsentially paramilitary.102 The 1887 Course of Study for Primary Schools (S/zogakkd Kyésoku Tar/6(3) specified the programme for ‘gymnastics’ classes in primary schools. In the early years of, the programme, classes were supposed to consist of appropriate ‘play and games’ ()Ifigz') and ‘outdoor activities’. ‘Normal gymnastics’ were to be introduced gradually, after which the boys were to be taught some of the simpler ‘military gymnastics’. The guidelines did not specify as to what was meant by ‘appropriate games and outdoor activities’. Tsuboi Gendo’s widely read book, Kogaz' Yzigi/zo‘l (Outdoor Games; 1886, revised 1889), Was probably used as a reference. It includes various noncompetitive games and a small number of sports (football, croquet, lawn tennis, baseball, and rowing. Baseball and rowing, however, were dropped from the revised edition.).103 After the first sports festivals (zmdd/eaz') at the Naval Academy in 1874, ‘sports days’ spread to schools throughout the country and became a mandatory extracurricular activity. The leading journal of education of 42 Europe, Sport, World the day, Dm' Nikon Kyfii/eu/em' Zoss/ri, mentioned 32 separate undo/mi held between 1884 and 1892, mainly at the nation’s primary schools. Four—fifths of these sports festivals were interscholastic in the sense that more than a single school participated. Imamura groups the events held at these undo/mi into four categories. The largest category is yflg‘i lqjlfigr', which covers sports and noncompetitive games. Nearly 70 per cent of the events fall in to this category. Of the events in this category, foot races are the most popular, accounting for 32.4 per cent of all events. Also included in this category are ball games (8.3 per cent), of which soccer is the most popular (4.8 per cent) and thereby Clearly outstripping baseball (1.3 per cent). A second large category, various kinds of gymnastics, comprises 25 per cent of all events. Considering the. important role assigned to the military at the Tokyo Normal School, one is surprised to discover that military gymnastics, the third category, accounted for only 3.9 per cent of the multikai events. The smallest of Imamura’s four categories is bujursu, the martial arts, which constituted a mere 1.3 per cent of all events. Imamura concludes, quite plausibly, that although modern sport may have’played a small part in the formal curriculum, it was a major part of the children’s actualphysical activities (undo sei/eatsu).‘°‘ : I I In 1885, at the beginning of the period studied by Imamura, only four per cent of middle—school pupils were girls.103 Legislation passed in 1889' did require that every prefecture should have at least one high school for girls, but the notion of using sport to prepare women for 5 . political and economic leadership remained (and to some degreestill does) foreign. Physical education was considered to be a necessary part of the girls’ curriculum, if for no other reason than to prepare them for their future role as healthy mothers of the boys destined to become the nation’s defenders. However, this eugenic motivation ran counter to traditional notions about female modesty and beauty. Sportswear was a knotty problem. It was difficult to do calisthenics in an obi (the tight sash worn with kimono) and nearly impossible to run in gem (Japanese sandals). The long sleeves of traditional Japanese kimono also hindered many sports activities.106 The reform—minded Inokuchi Akuri, who had studied at Smith College in Northampton, Massachusetts, and at Boston’s Normal School of Gymnastics, returned to Japan in 1903 and prescribed blouses, bloomers and skirts for her physical—education classes. In 1915, Nikaido Tokuyo experimented with the simple tunics that she had seen while studying in England. Neither g f l l The Arrival and S preod of M adorn Sport in Japan 43 effort at dress reform was very successful. ‘The transition was too drastie’,107 and so, it was not until the 19203 that Western sports clothes became standard for female physical education. There was still another obstacle to the progress of physical education I and sports at Japanese girls’ schools and women’s colleges. Male teachers competent to lead the girls in their exercises were in scarce supply and female teachers were even fewer. In 1912, there were 286 physical education teachers at the nation’s 299 Women’s Higher Schools — less than one per school. Of these 286 teachers, 150 were male and 136 female, but 128 of the men and only 22 of the women had proper credentials. The Ferris School, founded in 1884,’ supplied a few reasonably qualified female teachers who — in the words of Dean Matsuda Michi of D‘éshisha Women’s College — learned ‘ethics and gymnastics’, but it was not until 1918 that Tokyo’s Normal School for Female Teachers instituted a two—year physical—education course for prospective teachers.168 , , ' The anni/ial ‘sports day’ (undo/mi) that the Normal School inaugurated for the girls at its affiliated middle school on 28 May 1891, was a good indication of prevalent attitudes. The programme for 1904 had four footraces and two tug—of —war contests, but there were six dances and ten displays of marching and doing calisthenics. The same I day, the boys at the middle school affiliated with the Normal School for. Male Teachers, played football, wrestled and competed in ten footraces. And they, too, had tug—of—war contests.” Reporting on the Normal School’s third annual celebration, journalists mentioned basketball and tennis, but the ‘expressive games’ and the ‘technical games’ were apparently the focus of most attention. The girls mounted bicycles, not in order to race, but rather to ride in formation ‘like butterflies’. In time, however, the Normal School added classes in baseball to its physical—education curriculum, and the students petitioned for hockey. If they hoped to find an advocate in Inokuchi Akuri, they were disappointed. Although she was definitely an innovator when it came to dress reform, she was hardly a strong supporter of athletic competition for young women. She preferred Swedish gymnastics and the ‘showpiece’ of the programmes she devised was a ‘Faust Dance’ to the music of Charles Gounod.“0 At schools founded by or under their influence of Protestant missionaries, in female physical—education programmes were generally more ambitious. At Doshisha Women’s College, for instance, lawn tennis 44 Europe, Sport, World was played as early as 1879. Tennis was considered, as it is today, an appropriately ‘feminine’ sport, but what does one make of appearance of kendo in the diary kept in the 1890s by a student at Meip Girls’ School? ‘Every day early in the morning I go to the kendo hall to practice kendo, and then attend morning service. Getting in a sweat and bracing up my spirits, I feel very refreshed. Then I find myself ready to meet my God within."” - V . In April 1901, the Ministry of Education issued detailed instructions for the schedule to be followed in boys’ and girls’ physical—education classes during each year of primary school. The instructions indicated the exact amount of time to be devoted to each of several categories of activity: gymnastics, military gymnastics and games ()h‘tgi). The instructions did not, however, specify what activities constituted games.112 The ministry’s lack of specificity was remedied by a ‘Detailed Plan for Primary School Instruction’ (Sho‘galeled Kyfijnho Saimolen) published by the Tokyo Higher Normal School in April 1903. The plan listed no fewer than 64 different games, of which 44 involved COmpetition.113 This was in stark contrast to a book on games (Yttgihd) published only;,nine years earlier, in which 25 of the 48 listed activities involved singing and marching'” In October 1904, the Ministry of Education returned to the question, V :4 of an appropriate physical—education curriculum and appointed a Committee to Investigate Gymnastics and ,Games (Taiso Yfigi Torishirabe Iinkai). They met 37 times and submitted their report in, October 1905. Most of the report concerned gymnastics, but the members of the committee did list games that should be included in the curriculum for primary schools. These were divided into competitive games, marching games and movement games. Under the first rubric, the committee recommended a broad spectrum of extra—curricular sports: running and jumping; a number of Western ballgames, ineluding baseball and lawn tennis; sumo; and several of the Japanese martial arts (archery, fencing, jfijutsu). The‘report specifically stated, however, that there Was no reason to include martial arts in the formal primary—school curriculum. “5 During this period, games were not a part of the middle-school curriculum, but they were played as extra—curricular activities. The Ministry of Education’s Committee to Investigate Gymnastics and Play recommended that games become a part of the regular curriculum and The Arrival and Spread of Modern Sport in Japan 45 that more than one~third of class time be devoted to them.”6 As these various recommendations were implemented in the decade before the First World War, ordinary Japanese schoolchildren began to participate in the modern sports that had been introduced a generation earlier to the sons and daughters of the modernizing elite. NOTES This chapter is an adapted andiabbreviated version of the chapter entitled ‘The Arrival and , Diffusion of Western Sports’ in Allen Guttmann and Lee Thompson, Tradition and zllodernit)! in apanese Sports (forthcoming). Thanks are extended to Professor J.A. Mangan for editing this version. 1. Imamura Yoshio, Nihon taii/enshi (Tokyo: Jumaidé, 1970), p.329. ' 2. Tanaka Tokuhisa and Yoshikawa Kumiko, Silpfitszi (Tokyo: Kinté, 1990), pp.72—3; Imamura, Nihon taiihushi, p.330. ’ 3. Donald Keene, The Japanese Diseovery of Europe, 1720—1830 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1969); \MG. Beasley, japan Eneonnters the Barbarian (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995). George B. Sansom, The Western World and japan (New York: Knopf, 1950), pp.277—.80. P.L. Cuyler, Sumo (New York: Weatherhill, 1979), p.11. 7 Hugh Cortazzil Victorians in Japan (London: Athlone Press, 1987), p.7. Sansom, The Western World and Japan, p.285. Marius B. Jansen, Japan and Its World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), p.64. Between 1862 and,1868, i.e., even before the Meiji Restoration, more than 100 Japanese students‘were senf’abroad to study; see Beasley, japan Eneounters the Barbarian, p.119. 9. Eugene Soviak, ‘On the Nature of'VVestern Progress: The Journal of the Iwakura Embassy’, ' in Donald H. Shively (ed.), Tradition and Modernization in japanese Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971), pp.7—34. 10. Donald'Keene, ‘The Sino~Japanese War of 1894—95 and Its Cultural Effects in Japan’, in Donald H. Shively, (ed.), Tradition and A’Iodernization in japanese Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971), p.170; Sansorn, The Western World andjapan, p.371. 11. h’Iotoda: quoted by Donald H. Shively, ‘The Japanization of the Middle Meiji’, in Donald H. Shively (ed.), Tradition and zl/Iodernization in Japanese Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971), p.87. , 12. H. Paul Varley,]apanese Culture, 3rd ed. (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1984), p.208. 13. Beasley, japan Encounters the Barbarians, p.73; Shively, ‘The Japanization of the Middle Meiji’, p.88. ‘ ' 14. Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). By the term ‘invented tradition’, Hobsbawm and Ranger mean consciously invented tradition, of which the Imperial Rescript was certainly an example. In the sense that all traditions are socially constructed, they could be said to be invented, whether consciously or not, but it is useful to make a distinction. See also Marilyn Ivy, who observes in her, study of Japanese modernity, ‘To say that all tradition is invented is still to rely on a ohoite between invention and authenticity, between fiction and reality, between discourse and history,’ in Dismal-res of the Vanishing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), p.21. 15. Herschel’Webb, ‘The Development of an Orthodox Attitude toward the Imperial Institution in the Nineteenth Century’, in Marius B. Jansen (ed.), Changing Japanese Attitudes toward [Modernization (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), pp.167—91. 16. Donald H. Shively, ‘Nishimura Shigeki’, in Marius B. Jansen (ed.), Changing Japanese Attitudes toward Il/Iodernization (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), pp. 193~24l. 17. SN. Eisenstadt,]apanese Civilization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), p.78. 18. Sansom, The Western World and]apan, p.383. 19. Toshio Saeki, ‘Sport in Japan’, in Eric A. Wagner (ed.), Sport in Asia and Afi‘iea (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1989), p.54. 20. Sociological research suggests that Japanese schools continue to play a larger role in the 90>]???- 46 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. Europe, Sport, World socialization into sports than schools in the West; Yasuo Yamaguchi, ‘A Comparative Study of Adolescent Socialization into Sport’, International Review of Sport Sociology, 19, 1 (1984-), 63782. ‘ Ikuo Abe, Yasuharu Kiyohara, and Ken Nakajima, ‘Fascism, Sport and Society in Japan’, International journal of the History of Sport, 9, 1 (April 1992), 6. 7 On this, see Allen Guttmann, Games and Empires (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994 . Adogtion of the shit/eyiisei (weekly holiday system) facilitated regular participation in weekend sports. See David W. Plath, ‘Land of the Rising Sunday’, Japan Quarterly, 7, 3 (1960), 35746.1. Roger F. Hakett, ‘The Meiji Leaders and Modernization’, in Marius B. Jansen (ed.), Changingapanese Attitudes toward [Modernization (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), .243—73. ' nginoshita Hideaki, Supdtsn no Kindai Nihonslzi (Tokyo: Kyorin Shoin, 1970), pp.3~7. Shinsuke Tanada, ‘Diffusion into the Orient: The Introduction of Western Sports in Kobe, Japan’, Internationaljom'ual of the History of Sport, 5, 3 (December 1988), 372—76. Cortazzi, Victorians in ]apan, p.293. Edward Seidensticker, Low City, High City (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1983), p.167. Cortazzi, Victorians in Japan, p.293. ' Tanada, ‘Diffusion into the Orient’, pp.372—76; Kinoshita, Snpo‘tsn no Kiudai Nihonshi, p.9. Nihoa taiileushi, p.331. Imamura Kinoshita, Supdtsn no Kina'ai Nihonshi, p.85. Gareth Williams, ‘Rugby Union’, in Tony Mason (ed.), Sport in Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p.338. _ r Tanaka Tokuhisa and Yoshikawa Kumiko, Spotsu (Tokyo: Kinto, 1990), pp.42~7; Kinoshita, Suptilsu no Kindai Nihonshi, p.87. N.K. Roscoe, ‘The Development of Sport in Japan’, Transactions and Proceedings of the japan Society, 30 (1933), 65. 7: , I On Kobe’s string of championships, see Hayase Keiichi, Hirao Seiji, Hengenj'izaiini (Osaka: Mainichi Shimbunsha, 1997). Many members of the championship team had played for Doshisha, which is still a rugby power. a ‘ Imamura, Nihon taiilmshi, p.332. Ichiké is simply the abbreviation of the Japanese for ‘First Higher Middle School’. Teijiro Muramatsu, l/Vcsterners in the rl’Iodernization ofjapan (Tokyo: Hitachi, 1995), p.224. Roscoe, ‘The Development of Sport in Japan’, p.54. _ ' Imamura, Nihon taiilenshi, p.334. Ibid., p.337, 4Z4. Asahi Shimbnn, 28 January 1999; Imamura, Nihon taiileushi, p.424. Imamura, Nihon taiiknslzi, p.423. Asahi Shimbun, 20 January 1999. - ‘ William R. May, ‘Sports’, in Richard Gid Powers and Hidetoshi Kato (ed.), The Handbook ofapanese Popular Culture (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1989), p.173. Gordon Daniels gives Fujii’s height as 3.424 metres and the world record as 3.427 metres, but vaulting records were not ordinarily measured to the millimetre; see ‘Japanese Sport’, in J.C. Binfield and John Stevenson (eds), Sport, Culture, and Politics (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993), p.178. Imamura gives Fujii’s record as 3.66 metres; Nilzon taiibnshi, p.423. Tanaka and Yoshikawa, Supfitsu, pp. 144~5. The fondness for relay races supports Joy Hendry’s comment about a predilection for cooperative sports; see Understanding Japanese Society (London: Croom Helm, 1987), p.47. On the other hand, sumo, kendé, kyfldo and the other sports that developed from the martial arts are all individual. Kinoshita, Snpfitus no Kindai Nihonshi, p.60; Tanaka and Yoshikawa, Snpotsu, p.168; rl/Iirn Supfitsu no Shin/ea” (Tokyo: Baseball Magazine, 1996), pp.174—80. Ohara Toshihiko, Hitomi Kinue Monogatari (Tokyo: Asahi Shimbunsha, 1990). Cortazzi, Victorians in Japan, p.19. Imamura, Nilzou taiilenshi, p.331. Cortazzi, Victorians in japan, p.164.. Muramatsu, Westerners in the Modernization ofj’apan, pp.219~25; Kinoshita, Supotsn no Kindai Nihonshi, pp.21—2, 12245. Imamura, Nihon tuiileushi, pp.425—6. Ibid. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. , The Arrival and Spread of Modern Sport in japan 47 Sugimura later became deputy secretary—general of the I .eague of Nations and a member of the International Olympic Committee. Imamura, Nihon taiilenshi, p.434; Kinoshita, Snpdtsu no Kind/ii Nihonshi, p.66; Ikeda Ikuo, Mira Snpfitsn no Shin/ed, p.33; Asahi Shimbnn, 26 January 1999. Tgnaka and Yoshikawa, Supétsn, pp.80—1. Kinoshita, Snpo‘tsn no Kindai Nihonsln', p.40. Shinsuke Tanada, ‘Introduction of European Sport in Kobe...’, Civilization in Sport History, ed. Shigeo Shimizu (Kobe: Kobe University, 1987) pp.68—76. ' Franz Klaus, ‘Gedenken an Generalmajor Theodor von Lerch’, Zdarhsy—Bldtter, 35 (March 1986), 11~13; Sasase Masashi, ‘Hokkaido Teikoku Daigaku Ski—bu ni okeru Tozan to Kyégi...’, Taiileushi Ken/qyli, 11 (1994), 41—54. 7 Bruce Haley, The Healthy Body and Victorian Culture (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978); Elmer L. Johnson, The History of YMCA Physical Education (Chicago: Follctt, 1979). Guttmann, Cantos and Empires, pp. 100—3. James Naismith, ‘Basketball’, American Physical Education Review, 19, 5 (May 1914), 339~51; James Naismith, Basketball (New York: Association Press, 1941). Ibid., pp.153—4; Kinoshita, S npo‘tsn no Kindai Nihonshi, pp.87—8. Asa/ii Shimbnn, 19 February 1999. Tanaka and Yoshikawa, S zzpdtsil, pp. 64—5; Kinoshita, Supo‘tsn no Kindai Nihonshi, pp.184—5. Kinoshita, p.184. Cortazzi, Victoriansinjapan, p.292. Yoshie Hata, ‘The Influence of Protestantism of [sic] Modern Physical Education in Japan’, 7 Civilization in Sport History, pp.77—86. Tanaka an Yoshikawa, Stipdtsn, pp.66—7. . Matsumot \Junko, ‘Yamaguchi Ken Yoshikimura n'o Ryojo Seinenkai “Undébu” (1886—1937) ni Kan suru shiteki Kosatsu...’, Taiihushi Kenlqyfl, 10 (1993), 2942. For a detailedjilescription and analysis of the games cult (athleticism) of the schools which greatly influenced schools in many parts of the world, see J.A. Mangan, Athleticism in the Victorian and Edwardian Public School (London and Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 2000). Donald Roden, Schooldays in Imperial Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980). For extensive consideration of the relationship between the English public schools, sport and militarism and for evidence of public school martial indoctrination, for which there are now a number of sources, see especially J.A. Mangan, ‘Play up and Play the Game: the Rhetoric of Cohesion, Identity, Patriotism and Morality’, in Mangan, Athleticism, pp.179—203; J.A. Mangan ‘Duty unto Death: English Masculinity and Militarism in the Age of the New Imperialism’, in J.A. Mangan (ed.), Tribal Identities: Nationalism, Sport, Europe (London and Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 1996), pp.10—38; J.A. Mangan ‘Gamesfield and Battlefield: A Romantic Alliance in Verse and the Creation of Militaristic Masculinity’, in John Nauright and Timothy J.L. Chandler (eds), [l/Ialeing A/Icn: Ruby and Masculine Identity (London and Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 1998), pp.141—57. r Roden, Schooldays in Imperialjapan, p.113. Guttmann, Games and Empires, pp.3476, but see Mangan, The Games Ethic and Imperialism for a further and sometimes hilarious description of the strenuous and successful efforts of the English public school missionary and educator to bring the games’ cult to the Indian subcontinent. Maarten van Bottenburg, Iderbm'gen Competitio: Over de Uiteenlopendo Populariteit van Sporten (Amsterdam: Bert Bakker, 1994), pp.132~3. Ikuo Abe and J.A. Mangan, ‘The British Impact on Boys’ Sports and Games in Japan’, InlernationalJournal of the History of Sport, 14, 2 (August 1997), 189. Roscoe; ‘Development of Sport in Japan’, p.63. Kiku Koichi, Kindai pnro Supo”tsu no releislri shabaigalen (Tokyo: Fumaido shuppan, 1993), p.57. , ' Yuko Kusaka, ‘The Development of Baseball Organizations in Japan’, International Review of Sport Sociology, 22, 4 (1987), 266. Imamura, Nilion taiileushi, pp.331~2,. Kiku, Kindai paro Snpo‘lsn no t‘e/eishi shakaigaleu, p.238. Roscoe, ‘Development of Sport in Japan’, p.63; Watanabe Tohru, ‘The Why of the Japanese Choice of Baseball’, Civilization in Sport History, ed. Shigeo Shimizu (Kobe: Kobe University, 1987) pp.113~28; Details of the earliest period of Japanese baseball differ from account to account. 48 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. Europe, Sport, World Norgren Nels quoted in Robert J. Sinclair, ‘Baseball’s Rising Sun: American Interwar Baseball Diplomacy and Japan’, Canark'anjom‘na/ oft/1e History ofSport, 16, 2 (December 1985), 48. Kozu Masaru, Nikon Kimlai Snpfitsnski no TeirJ/fi (Tokyo: Sobun Kikaku, 1994), pp.241—50. Arthur S. Grix,]apan’s Sport (Berlin: Limpert, 1938), p.63. Herbert Warren Wind, ‘The Bouncing Ball’, Sports Illustrated, 8 (24 February 1958), 57. Tada Michitaré, Asoki to Nikonjin (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobf), 1974), p.76. May, ‘Sports’, p.181. Donald Roden, ‘Baseball and the Quest for National Dignity’, p.519; Mark Twain: quoted in Harry C. Palmer, ‘The “Around the World” Tour’, in Harry Clay Palmer (ed.), Atkletio S ports in Amerioa, Eng/am], and Australia (Philadelphia: Hubbard Bros., 1889), p.447. Imamura, Nikon toiiknski, p.204. ' Ibid., p.216. Ibid., p.306. Ikuo Abe, Yasuharu Kiyohara and Ken Nakajima, ‘Fascism, Sport and Society in Japan’, International journal of the Histon of Sport, 9, 1 (April 1992), 4. ‘Taiso’ referred both to gymnastic exercises and to physical education in general, which could include other forms of exercise such as sports. ’ Imamura, Nikon taiiknski, pp.327—9. Ibid., pp.341—3. . Ikuo Abe and J.A. Mangan, ‘The British Impact on Boys’ Sports and Games in Japan’, International Journal of tke History ofSport, l4, 2 (August 1997), 198; Norbert Mosch, ‘Die politische Funktion des Sports in Japan und Korea’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Vienna, 1987), 93. Imamura, Nikon taiiknski, pp.343—5. Ibid., p.375. Ibid., p.349. . Pierre Arnaud, Le Militaire, l’e'oolier; lo gynmaste (Lyon: Presses universitaires de Lyon, 1991). Imamura, Nikon taiiknski, pp.399—401. ’ \ us Ibid., pp.410416. 7‘ Hiroko Seiwa and Chieko Onishi, ‘\Vomen and Athletic Meetings in Japan’ (unpublished paper, 1997). Imamura, Nikon taiikuski, pp.416—17. _ Miyoko Hagiwara, ‘Japanese VVomen’s Sports and Physical Education under the Influence of Their Traditional Costumes’, p.266. Nishimura Ayako, ‘Zenkoku Koto J6gakk6 Ché Kaigi ni mirareru Kéto Jégakko no Taiiku Mondai’, Taiileuski Ken/gin, 5 (March 1988), 7—21; Yoshie Hata, ‘The Influence of Protestantism of [sit] Modern Physical Education in Japan’, Civilization in Sport History, p.82. Seiwa and Onishi, ‘Women and Athletic Meetings in Japan’. Ibid. Hata, ‘The Influence of Protestantism of [sic] Modern Physical Education in Japan’, p.79. Imamura, Nikon taii/euski, pp.475~77. Only one ballgame was listed: football. Imamura, Nikon taiiknski, p.478. Ibid., pp.455—66. Ibid., p.482. Coilfucianism, Imperialism, Nationalism: Modern Sport, Ideology and Korean Culture ‘ J.A. MANGAN and HA NAM—GIL Perhaps there is little need for this reminder but sometimes we fail to see what is under our nose and fail equally to appreciate its significance. Thus, / / =7 We live in a nationalized world; .The concept of the nation is central toéthe dominant understandings both of political community and of personal identity Notions of national distinctiveness and of international competition or comparison have become intrinsic to the ways in which we think and speak about matters {as varied as economics and topography, art and climate, sport and literature, diet and human character. We are equipped, as one ethnologist has put it With a ‘nationalizing eye’: when we wish to describe or explain difference, we think of it in terms of nations." ’ I Self—evidently, also, all nations possess cultural traditions. Sport is part of this cultural heritage. Prior to the nineteenth—century South— East Asian nations such as China, Japan and Korea developed very different traditions from those found in European nations. However, in the wake of European imperialism during the second half of the nineteenth century and the associated diffusion of its culture, including its newly fashionable sports, throughout the world, these new sports were transplanted in South—East Asia. Korea was not immune. Sports from countries such as England (and the United States) were introduced to, and took root in Korea during the period 1876 to 1945. However, these sports became established in Korea only after an involved political process due to the fact that during the period in which Editors and Advisers Executive Academic Editor t) J.A. Mangan University of Strathclyde EDITORIAL BOARD S ,v , 3 ' y" Y, \ Evangelos Albanidis, Democritus University of Thrace ‘ y g _ ‘ , Hans Bonde, University of Copenhagen K x . D ' Jean-Michel Delaplace, University of Montpellier ' L ‘y m Gigliola Gori, University of Urbino ' - Vassil Girginov, University of Luton Wojciech LipoI’lski, Adam Mickiewicz University Henrik Meinander, University of Helsinki Gertrud Pfister, Freie Universitfit, Berlin ‘ Thierry Terret, University of Lyon Wolfgang Weber, Vorarlberger Landesarchiv, Austria 3, ' , Ingomer Weiler, Karl~Franzens Universitfit i Editor $4 F” 3 a: :3 0Q :33 ,5 University of S lmt/zclyde- ,i Pieces appearing in this collection are abstracted and indexed in Palz‘timl Science Abstracts, Historian Abstr/ztls and America: History and Life and Physical Education Int/ex ...
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