Vescovi%20Fascist%20Italy%20Sports

Vescovi%20Fascist%20Italy%20Sports - 8 Children into...

Info iconThis preview shows pages 1–11. Sign up to view the full content.

View Full Document Right Arrow Icon
Background image of page 1

Info iconThis preview has intentionally blurred sections. Sign up to view the full version.

View Full DocumentRight Arrow Icon
Background image of page 2
Background image of page 3

Info iconThis preview has intentionally blurred sections. Sign up to view the full version.

View Full DocumentRight Arrow Icon
Background image of page 4
Background image of page 5

Info iconThis preview has intentionally blurred sections. Sign up to view the full version.

View Full DocumentRight Arrow Icon
Background image of page 6
Background image of page 7

Info iconThis preview has intentionally blurred sections. Sign up to view the full version.

View Full DocumentRight Arrow Icon
Background image of page 8
Background image of page 9

Info iconThis preview has intentionally blurred sections. Sign up to view the full version.

View Full DocumentRight Arrow Icon
Background image of page 10
Background image of page 11
This is the end of the preview. Sign up to access the rest of the document.

Unformatted text preview: 8 Children into Soldiers: Sport and Fascist Italy ROBERTA VESCOVI Fascism from the beginning had a primary aim, that of moulding the country’s youth according to Fascist ideals. Under the influence of a ‘dynamic activism’ borrowed from Marinetti’s futurist movement,l Fascism entrusted the physical and political education of Italians , largely to sport. The Fascists took control of physical education in the schools, a subject that had previously received little attention.2 In 1923, the newly elected minister Giovanni Gentile reformed the whole school structure, reconciling it with the new ideology, and entrusted the physical education of the young to a specially constituted organization, the ENEF (Ente Nazionale per l’Etlaeazione Flsz'ea — National Physical Education Board). However, the ENEF was unable to carry out its task satisfactorily due to a lack of sports equipment and premises, of money and of physical education teachers; so in 1927 responsibility for physical education was handed over to the ONB (Opera Nazz'onale Balilla — National Balilla Movement). It devoted itself to shaping the new generations, enrolling young people from six to 18 years old, whether or not they were at school; then in 1937, it delegated the task to the GIL (Gloventzl Italiana (lel Littarlo — Fascist Youth). Political control over the life of the male citizen did not cease when he reached the age of 18, because university students were gathered into the GUF (Grappi Universltarl Fasclsa' — Fascist University Groups), while other young men awaiting their military service joined the FGC (Fasez' Glovam'li (ll Combattlmeatz' — Fascist Youth Combat Groups) or the MVSN (Mllizla Volontarz'a per la Sieurezza Nazionale — Voluntary] Militia for National Security). Moreover sports fans, who were enrolled as members of the various associations, were subjected to the CONI (Comitato Olimpz’co Nazlonale Italiano ~ Italian Olympic Committee), which in its turn, had been at the service of the PNF (Partito Nazlonale 3 Children into Soldiers: Sport and Fascist Italy 167 I Fascista'— National Fascist Party) since 1926. Workers, for their part, were under the control of the OND (Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro a National After—Work Institute) and from birth children were looked after by the ONMI (Opera Nazlonale Maternita e Infimzla — National Maternity and Child Welfare Institute). Over everyone and everything ruled the omnipotent Dace. , I The totalitarian Fascist regime had the merit of recognizing the ‘extreme social importance of the young’.3 New generations were the future of the nation and investing in them, it was believed, was a simple and sure way to strengthen and perpetuate Fascist ideology. Shaping the ‘New Italians’ from their birth“ was Vital. Children are malleable. As Augusto Turati, Secretary of the PNF, stated: ‘Childhood'is the.time when we absorb, assimilate, suffer and enjoy everything.’S ' This study analyses the connection between Fascism and sport in the education and militarization of the new generations during the 20 years of Fascism. The eugenic, pedagogical, nationalistic and military aims of the physical education of the young are considered as part of a single political and cultural plan. The means of achieving the aims of this particular ethical, physical, political, military and cultural policy were the Fascist youth organizations, THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE RACE From the‘<early years of the regime onwards, one of the indispensable aims of the great and powerful future it planned was the care and improvement of the nation’s physical health. This was made clear by Mussolini himself in his ‘Ascension Day’ speech on 26 May 1927: It has been stated in the past that the state should not concern itself with the nation’s health. But this is a theory which leads to suicide. It is evident that in a well—ordered state, the care of the people’s . health must be a priority; therefore we must seriously watch over the destiny of our race, and care for it, beginning with maternal and infant welfare.6 _ The regime’s programmes included a wide and varied range of measures meant to reduce premature death in general, and illnesses in particular; support for maternity and childhood; and the physical education of youth with the aim of strengthening the Italian race. These measures 5i. 168 Militarism, Sport, Europe were important because they brought about a decrease in the mortality rate and an increase in the population.7 Promoting the improvement of the new generation’s physical health was considered a crucial goal which could not be neglected by the regime and its political bodies.8 Of course, the aim of the care and attention given to young people, as brutally expressed by the Duce himself, was to obtain ‘eight million bayonets’.9 ‘ Basic to this ambition were the programmes that were carried out by the ONMI, which was responsible for the welfare of mother and child. These were established by Law 2277 of 10 December 1925. The ONMI was the second of the regime’s three important state—controlled institutions that had eugenic and indoctrination ends (the others were the OND, established in 1924 and the ONE established in 1926).10 The ONMI, as indeed the state itself, had ‘social’ rather» than ‘individual’ aims. Its ultimate responsibility was not so much the care and the improvement of the individual as that of the race, the society and the nation.“ Fascism rejected ‘the uncontrollable sovereignty of the individual’12 in favour of a totalitarian state that developed and improved the potential of the individual only for corporate utilitarian ends. To this end, the ONE had a major role in the welfare policies of the regime. As well as being concerned with the physical and political education of new generations, it was responsible for hygiene, health and preventive medicine in collaboration with the ONMI. Its work included re‘gular medical check—ups for the members, free distribution of medicines, hospital and clinic admissions, the organization of seaside holiday camps and sun therapy.13 The regime was interested in the health of the young for one all— embracing reason — the strengthening of the so—called ‘Italian Race’. The declared aim of Fascist social assistance was ‘the formation of generations which were to be strong and healthy, both physically and morally, through the protection and assistance of mothers and children, physical education and the moral education of young people’.” This aim embraced both men and women. As far as men were concerned, they were required to develop the physical and moral qualities of ‘virility’ by means of a healthy physically active life which would make them into good ‘comrades’ ready to sacrifice themselves for the Fascist creed. Women, for their part, needed a healthy body in order to give birth to healthy children and the moral strength to breed true Fascists of the future. 1 3 Children im‘o Soldiers: S part and Fascist I mly 169 For Fascism, then, physical education and sport were to contribute decisively to the improvement of both the physical and moral condition of future generations. Fascist physical education abandoned past conventional approaches and embraced so—called ‘rational and scientific’ and moral political approaches. It became a means of fostering in young people in particular and in Italians in general, the cult of obedience, duty and faith in the sublime ideals of Fascism.15 Educational, corrective and formative gymnastics, therefore, together with sport, were considered highly significant because, besides promoting the physical development of the young, they contributed to their becoming accustomed to obedience, discipline and order.16 ' In short, Fascist support for the young was not simply aimed at their physical improvement through the most up—to—date treatment and activities. Above all, it was aimed at realizing a much more crucial goal, that of the political indoctrination of young: minds through a complete ' immersion in the regimented life demanded by the regime. THE TRAINING OF FA-SCIST YOUTH From the 19203 onwards, military training was organized in great detail. In fact, one of the regime’s objectives was to create an ‘armed nation"7 in which the roles of the citizen and soldier were inseparable. Thus the state concerned itself in a most meticulous fashion with the pre—military training of young Italians. This training was an (early innovation. During the yearsL1919—22, many youth groups were active, including the Fascist Student ‘Advance Guards, known later as the Fascist Youth Advance Guards and, for children, the Balilla. Throughout the period 19l4-25, the organization of youth was directly controlled by the Fascist party." ' , In 1926, the ONE was established (Law 2247, 3 April 1926). It was not only intended to be an answer to the need to centralize, consolidate and expand youth organizations by including them within the framework of the state’s legal system; it represented an'important aspect of the penetration of state by the Fascists —— an essential element of the totalitarian strategy of Fascism. The aim of the ONE was ‘the physical and moral assistance and education of the young’." An objective expressed forcefully in the words of the Duce himself: ‘Our duty has to be education and teaching. These children must be educated in our religious beliefs but we need to integrate this education, we need to give these children a sense of 170 Militorism, S port, Europe “Virility”, of power, of conquest, above all we need to inspire them with our beliefs and awake in them our hopes.’20 ‘ The technical and disciplinary rules of the ONE specified both the characteristics and the competence of the organization: the education of the young should ‘make them worthy of the new Italian way of life’,2‘.’and inspire them with ‘a feeling for discipline and military education’.22 The ONB’s sphere of responsibility covered pre—military physical training; spiritual, religious, and cultural education; professional and technical training; politics and hygiene indoctrination.23 The multiplicity of the ONB’s educational activities24 were all intended to mould the character and the will of children and adolescents through a variety of activities which could be grouped into three categories“ ‘activities that were to be integrated into I the school curriculum or into cultural training; military preparation; sports and gymnastics.’26 These constituted a Fascist moral education aimed at forming the future model citizen: men and women possessing plire Fascist spirits, ideologically pure fathers and mothers, soldiers and child—bearers of the future ‘Italian Race’. ' i The ONB was not under the control of the PNF (Portito Nttziomtle Fascism — the National Fascist Party) but directly under Mussolini, and it enjoyed considerable political and managerial autonomy owing to its autocratic, powerful and influential head, Renato Ricci, who did not tolerate consultative systems.27 Although its foundation the ONE had aimed to assist ‘children of both sexes’ (Article 2 ~_ Law 2247, 3 April 1926), in fact it only admitted girls in 1929.28 Children belonged to the ONE from the age of six to 18 years old, divided into Bolilltt and Piccole Itolitme (six to 13 years old), and Avonguarolisti and Giovoni I titlimze (14 to 18 years old). i The divisions were organized on a military basis, and formed around groupings of ‘threes’. The first group was the ‘squad’, made up of 11 young people and a squad—leader; three squads formed a mmiipolo or platoon, and three of these formed a centitritt (i.e. a body of 100). Three centurie became a ‘cohort’, and finally a ‘legion’ was formed from three cohorts. The various divisions were organized by the officers of the MVSN (Milizitt Volontttritt per lo Siturezzo Noziomtle — Voluntary Militia for National Security)?" 7 Immediately after the setting up of the ONE, the existence of youth organizations outside the control of the regime raised recruitment and political problems that were directly and immediately confronted. The Children into Soldiers: Sport cmtl Fascist Italy 171 ONE maintained that it alone was responsible for the physical education of the future generations (six— to lS—year—olds) throughout the country. In order to safeguard this monopoly, a decree was issued in .1927 that stated: ‘To ensure that the aims stated in the law that founded the ONE are achieved, thesetting—up of any organization, even of a provisional nature, that claims to promote the physical, moral or spiritual education or professional training of the young is hereby forbidden, unless these organizations are set up under the auspices of the ONB.’30 All the Catholic, Socialist, and Communist sporting organizations were disbanded, and even the sports federations of the Italian Olympic Committee (CONI), which had been under the control of the Fascist Party since 1926, could no longer promote sporting activities for the under—18s. All this was a hard, indeed fatal, blow for the earlier sports clubs and societies. Besides the sports clubs and societies, the school was the main source o’f recruitment for the ONE, and for this reason the ONE constantly tried to enter schools. A decisive step in that direction was the transfer to the ONE of all the activities previously undertaken by the ENEF, which, had been established in 1923 by the then education minister, Giovanni Gentile, to be responsible for physical education in secondary schOols. But since the regime was also anxious to enter and control the primary school, the only part of the educatiOnal system that involved wOrking—class children, Ricci made sure that the ONE promoted and managed physical education in the state primary VSChools as well, as this was a crucial ‘terrain’ for propaganda and proselytism. The plan _ received the full approval of the Fascist government with Law 2341 (20 November 1927): the ONE took over the activities of the dissolved ENEF, and was also put in charge of ‘physical education in the state primary schools’.3l ’ ' One of the criticisms the Fascists levelled at the education minister was that he had hitherto neglected physical education as an essential means of developing personal courage and military skills. The slogan adopted by Mussolini, ‘books and muskets, perfect Fascist’, obviously meant that, just as in Ancient Rome, the education of the young had to include not only the usual studies and subjects but also gymnastics and military training, which taught the students to ‘live dangerously’. Physical education and military training, which respectively imply athletic dedication to physical fitness and the discipline of arms, acquired an ‘eugenic’ legitimacy. The saying mens sorta in corpora sano — 172 Militarism, S port, Europe ‘sound mind in healthy body’ — was applied to the education of the young. The starting point was the training of the body, because a vigorous body became synonymous with a virile spirit. Young people were trained to become the soldiers of the future by means of exercises adapted to their age and situation, which aroused their aggression and instilled in them_ an ‘imperialist’ Fascist ideology:32 ‘No discipline is better able than physical education to train and develop the». body and thus to invigorate the powers of concentration.’33 In addition, it was argued that physical education was able to sharpen and strengthen the will to develop firm self—control, and to shape the character of new generations according to Fascist beliefs.34 In essence, physical education and sport were to be the means of instilling blind obedience towards the state in the Italian people, in order ‘to cultivate the body, to uplift the spirit to the sublimes ideals of Fascism’.35 And the education of the people was to be achieved, above all, through the education of children,36 by accustoming them to living outside the family and following an almost military style of life37 in the ONE. The young had to adapt to an iron discipline which had nothing in common with that of the schools and the family, and finally they‘had to adapt to the difficulties of living with their peers.38 The process of socialization was facilitated, and this standard of discipline was obtained, through organized team games and squad precision marchng and drilling.39 As soon as children enrolled in the ONE, they lost their individuality: they dressed alike, behaved alike and even often thought alike.40 The uniforms they had to wear accentuated the military aspect of their life in an organization replete with calculated repetitiveness, strict discipline and compelling ritualismf‘l Children were members of squads, and the morale and discipline of the squad during marches and sports clearly demonstrated both the essence and success of the rigid ideology V to which they submitted.42 The result was an educational model embracing active and passive learning.‘3 The Roman salute, military—style reunions and assemblies, the remembrance of the war dead, the raising and lowering of the flag — all were carefully calibrated militaristic aspects of a inflexible system, which was also present in fascist propaganda sessions and choral singing.“ This model, in which the disciplinary and educational aspects were considered to be far more important than the recreational ones, had to be maintained at all costs. Eventually and logically, this moral and physical education was extended to girls, inculcating in many an awareness and acceptance of Children into Soldiers: Sport tmrl Fascist I ml); 173 the Fascist ideology, which expected them to be obedient daughters, loving sisters and exemplary mothers. Their mission was not to become virile and disciplined soldiers of the battlefield but soldiers of the birth bed, bearing the soldiers of the future, strong in mind and body, ready to give their lives for the homeland.“ Within the ONE their education was strictly separated from that of the boys to avoid any possible accusations of promiscuity or amorality; their offices, their meeting places, and the times of the assemblies were kept separate from those of the boys.46 Sports and gymnastics organized by the ONE were crowned by displays and events that aimed at showing the high level of discipline and athletic preparation achieved by the young of both sexes and the extreme efficiency of the organization. This physical education was invaluable foi‘ pre—military training. Its displays and events became celebrations and parades through which the regime could show off the ‘military might’ the nation was acquiring. ‘ As mentioned earlier, the system was concerned that the new generations should absorb the fundamental virtues of health, obedience and discipline.47 These virtues were frequently stressed in publications aimed at the young,43 particularly in those of the ONE such as the various ‘decalogues’ (i.e. sets of fundamental rules) of the Balillrt and Avimgilttrdism. But the young were to internalize these virtues through the experience of adhering to the rigid authoritarian structure that was part and parcel of the ONB’s military regulations and that was manifest in its pyramidal structure. ’ The youth camps were explicit symbols of the military organizationx and spirit of the ONE. Of life in these camps, it was said that ‘The sentry is the clear symbol of the greatest human achievement, viz. the sense of duty. The Avanguarrlistii squad—leader at his guard post is the shining example of unselfishness, sacrificing himself for the lives of others: this is living obedience and discipline?” It was also stated that ‘Discipline is the sun of armies Therefore obey the commander of your platoon faithfully; he is the faithful representative of his superiors’ orders and as such cannot be in the wrong.”0 Another passage concerning the training of the Balilla stated: And thus little by little the sense of trust, of obedience, is self— imposed, is created in the children through the precision of their movements, the punctuality of meetings and the rapid execution of orders; the best of them then become squad—leaders, that is l 174 ‘ Militarism, S port, Europe commanders of their peers, and this command is seen not as a form of arrogance, but as an opportunity to exercise responsibility. This responsibility is entrusted to the youngster as a prize for his speedy and eager obedience.“ Military discipline encompassed various complementary values: a strong sense of duty, complete self sacrifice, a blind faith in the hierarchy. Gymnastics and sport, on the other hand, were considered by the ONE to be educational activities,‘2 ideal for developing willingness and competitiveness, self—control and decisiveness, a taste for danger and a distaste for the easy life and personal confidence?3 There was overlap: ‘EurhythmiC' development of the mind and body, )where strength and beauty are found in perfect harmony, must be attained by instilling in the young the will, the spirit of sacrifice, absolute discipline, control of one’s movements, of one’s speech, and even of one’s breathing.”4 In short, physical activities carried on within the ONE were clearly related to pre—military training and to the ‘Warrior education’ demanded.” In other words, the ONE was entrusted by the Fascists with the task of exercising extensive control over the young so as to achieve the ideological conformity that would consolidate and conserve a militaristic regime.“ As already noted, the ONE steadily extended its sphere of activity and increasingly intervened in public and social life. In this way values and norms of behaviour were impOsed on all aspects of daily life, and they were reinforced by ever—increasing communal experiences, controlled by a strong and authoritarian hierarchy. In other Words, the pressure exerted by the ONE by way of organizing group experiences, which ensured that the young translated values into behaviour, was unrelenting. This, in turn, reinforced the credibility and the acceptability of the values themselves?7 The rationale was crystal—clear. Behaviour transmitted by means of an all—embracing system of social control, was to create the ‘New Italian’, essential for the realization of the ‘new way of life’ in which Fascism wanted to root its political and institutional transformations?8 It should now be clear that this ambition was to be pursued through a strongly politicized educational system. Fascist theory explicitly stresses the political nature of the educational process. Fascist education was based, therefore, on the idea of an ethical—totalitarian state, on the identification of Fascism with the state and on the claim that the Fascist Children into Soldiers: S port cmtl Fascist I titly 175 Party was the sole educator. Thus theory legitimized and informed a centralized educational system.” Mussolini himself, when he defined the nature of Fascist education, often spoke of ‘that totalitarian preparation and education of the Italian which the Fascist Revolution considers to be one of the fundamental and preliminary tasks of the state, and indeed it is the basic one’.60 And again: ‘Fascist education is moral, physical, social and military: it aims to create a harmoniously complete man, that is a Fascist, as we desire.’61 However, the social control exercised by the ONE did not aim to create, at the level of the masses, a simple attitude of passive acceptance of Fascism. Instead it wanted to build an active consensus which would be turned into a concrete and enthusiastic willingness to realize the policies of the regime. This explains the repeated stress on a group of values and norms that came together in a style of behaviour which could be called ‘activism’. In all the publications of the ONB, there was an ‘insistence on tenacious effort, joyful industriousness, readiness for action, strong will and a keen yearning to strive:62 children ‘have to preserve a wakeful spirit, a desire for battle, a longing to march forward rwithout ceasing. And thus Fascism stimulates children and adolescents to action.’63 Consequently in the school camps it was reported that ‘there is the severity of an austere life, and the smile that follows an arduous task well done in a myriad of ways. Above all there reigns the splendour of high ideals, an enthusiastic dream?“ Not even during leisure time was .effort and commitment to slacken: at the DUX camp (for young Fascist Avanguawlisti) ‘The Avanguanlism during his hours of relaxation was 'not be distracted and was to continue with his preparations for contests. He was to value his free time and use it to improve his culture avoiding useless and dangerous distractions?“ Mussolini maintained that this active voluntarism and the taste for adventure and danger were to be the way of life of the Fascist ‘New Italian’."6 The ideals set before the young during their pre—military training proposed a way of life which was smoothly controlled by the regime. As already noted, a strongly militarized structure was presented as a particularly suitable means of instilling a sense of hierarchical discipline into the young, together with the will to make sacrifices. This allowed fOr the mostly successful mobilization of the individual towards objectives set by the Fascist rulers. 176 Mllz'mrr'sm, Sport, Europe IMPERIAL EDUCATION From the early 19303, enrolment in the ONE, originally spontaneous and voluntary, came to be automatic and obligatory in order to realize the totalitarian education of the young. In October 1930, the FGC (Ferrel Giovam'll all Combattimento — Young Combat Groups) were set up to ensure that this was realized. The FGC enrolled the young between the ages of 18 and 21, before they were eligible to join the Fascist Party as such."’7 The original idea of the ONE —— mass education through physical activity — was initially sufficient for Fascist aims in the 19208, but by the 1930s it was no longer enough. Sport was now to be aimed at producing champions, super—heroes who could be shown off in public, and be used as propaganda abroad as symbols of a strong nation in good health and worthy of respect.68 Ricci’s vision, which was opposed to choosing champions from among the young until the age of 18 (because in his View this would have resulted in moral, psychological and physiolOgical damage), was no longer fashionable.69 Consequently, in 1933 the Medal for Athletic Valour was created, and Mussolini himself handed out the awards.” The idea of champions, encouraged by the regime, led to spOrt being confirmed as a spectacle. The masses, who were not athletes, were simply spectators who admired the prowess and exploits of champions and in the process momentarily forgot their own personal problems. Sport became the opium of the masses. Sporting spectacles became a means of mass cohesion. By the middle of the 19303, sporting events became one of the most important means of obtaining consensus in the Fascist state.7l _ Because of his rigid view of sport as essentially a means of education, Ricci was now a hindrance. Therefore the ONE was dissolved and ‘Decree 1839, 27 October 1937’ (which became Law 2566, 23 December 1937) established, under the auspices of the Fascist Party, the GIL, an all—embracing and totalitarian organization uniting all the youth of the regime and involving the amalgamation of the ONE and the FGC. A single unequivocal political organizatiOn for the control of the young was thus created. ‘ The GIL embraced both boys and girls from the ages of siX to 21, dividing them into Figlz' (lella Lupa (Children of the She—Wolf) until they were eight years old; Balllla and Piccole [inflame (Balllla and Young Children lm‘o Soldiers: S port and Fascist I mly 177 Italian Girls) aged eight to 14; Avanguardz'stl and Giovani bulimia (Advance Guards and Girls) aged 14 to 18; Giovam' Fuselin and Giovam' iFaselste (Young Fascist Boys and Girls) aged 18 to 21 .71 The GIL had the following objectives: Political and military preparation; character formation; physical and moral improvement of the race; military—style training and preparation for the armed forces; the organization of physical education in the schools; the endorsement of sport; assistance for and the education of war orphans; driving instruction and an understanding of motor cars; the establishment of courses, schools, boarding schools, colleges and academies.” Of all the activities carried out by the GIL, the most significant was that aimed at the political preparation of the young. Close collaboration with the schools, therefore, was obviously necessary. A ‘school charter’ 'now made attendance at school and participation in the GIL compulsory.74 Toyarouse interest among the young in the most outstanding problems regarding their political and moral formation, the GIL ..oi'ganized ‘youth meetings’, discussions on Fascist culture and cultural Ludl juveniles (Youth Cultural Performances): the latter carried out reviews of the cultural knowledge of the young, explored their "attitudes, stimulated their interest in the most fascinating aspects of national life and publicized the qualities of outstanding young people.75 ' The essential element in the young Fascists’ training, and the ' fundamental task of the GIL, remained military preparation. The GIL, dedicated a branch of its vast activity to this end. Pre—military preparation for the army, navy or air force aimed to provide young people, who were subject to military service, with physical and mental military training in order to furnish the armed forces with recruits. Thus every year, the GIL provided strong contingents of young recruits to the services.76 This pre—military instruction included general training, which was the same for all, and then a specialized training for those recruits who seemed intellectually, physically and technically suited to become specialists, e.g. machine gunners, engineers, skiers, signalmen, radio operators, photographers, drivers and so on. Sport completed this real pre—military training, providing forms of physical training essential to produce the kind of youth able to meet the needs of war.77 To the Fascists, education was of necessity complementary to the military and spiritual training of the young: a harmonious development 178 Militarism, Sport, Europe of both physical and intellectual abilityi’was indispensable to future generations. According to the principles stated in the fourth Schools Charter Declaration: Physical Education carried out in the schools by the GIL complies with and favours, proceeding by degrees, the natural process of growth and that of physical and mental development. The technique of exercise aims to achieve a harmony of development, worthwhile training, moral elevation, self—confidence, and a highly developed sense of discipline and duty.78 As already made clear, training in sport was closely connected with military training and physical education. The GIL took particular care over this, partly because of the important role sport played in the life of the nation and partly because it was seen as an essential element of education itself. A competitive attitude to sport, as a necessary introduction to methodical military preparation, was the result of the GIL’s single—minded approach to sport. Training that involved the masses obviously meant the careful selection of the most promising athletes and sportsmen who, the moment they showed exceptional promise, went on to take part in sporting events at a national level.79 Thus the GIL became the initial point of selection and recruitment for national athletes. When children reached the age of 14, they started their real training under the most rigorous control to prevent any excess of zeal from actually causing physical harm.80 The local and provincial championships were the first tests of the youngsters’ mettle and prepared them for national trials. The most important events in this respect were the Youth Games (Lulli Juveniles dello Sport), which were held every year and which ended with the ‘Great Youth Awards’, honours that indicated complete preparation“ in the field of. athletics (track and field events).81 The ultimate stage of this intense preparation was the national championships held in the various regions of Italy.82 To achieve its sporting objectives, the GIL undertook to: educate and train managers and graduates; organize recreational, educational and sports camps; organize military—style camps for the training of graduates; set up centres for professional training (to prepare young people for work), and prepare teachers and trainers, as well as provide meeting centres for the young; :PS'JNH Children into Soldiers: S port and Fascist I ml); 179 5. organize summer camps and schools in healthy localities; 6. organize centres for specialization and training; build housing for GIL members, together with army barracks, gyms, and sports fields; 7. organize educational and training holidays, excursions and cruises; ’8. take responsibility for propaganda in the press, theatre, cinema and radio.83 'Achille Starace, secretary of the PNF, president of CONI and, subsequently, the commander general of the GIL, gave CONI an important role with respect to all youth organizations. The most gifted young people enrolled in the GIL were urged to enrol in the sports associations.“ Sport provided the medium par excellence for the regime to present itself as ordered and efficient, and to offer to the world an image of a _ strong and disciplined people undaunted in the face of adversity and ” ready for the ultimate struggle: ‘Sport is closely connected to the military preparationof a people; and the stricter the discipline imparted in the sporting events, the easier the eventual military training.’85 P‘Mussolini understood the. importance of sport early on, and he entrusted to his faithful followers the task of controlling all sporting events directly through the party.86 In its endorsement of sport, Fascism, ’ of course, was actually carrying out two classic totalitarian aims: firstly, to strengthen the Italian male by giving him a military education and, ' secondly, to show the world that Fascism had rendered the nation strong and that every victory on the sports field was the result of the regime’s '1 policies. To this end, the Littorioli dello Sport (Lictors of Sport), the DUX camps and the Agoiioli — military athletic contests — were set up. They involved all pupils in Italian schools. In school holidays, seaside and mountain camps were organized to put the students in contact with nature and to prepare them for future combat.87 ' As mentioned earlier, the GIL took over the tasks and duties that had originally been entrusted to the ONE, and gave them a more military stamp. Its educational responsibilities continued until the young started military service. To promote a distinctive fighting spirit that was to characterize the young Fascist, ritualistic propaganda events such as parades, drills, manoeuvres, sports events, pre—military instruction, summer cruises and camps were part and parcel of the GIL’s responsibilities. These raised the morale of the young, gave them self— confidence and strengthened their bodies.88 180 Militarism, Sport, Europe All sports activities were carried out under the watchful eye of the regime, and indeed the Duce in person, who held himself up as a model for any and every undertaking. Indeed, the National Exhibition of Sport, held at Milan in May 1934, celebrated Mussolini’s athletic prowess: 7 He loves to test himself in all kinds of virile sport and above all in those which instil in the nervous system the ability to overcome the enemy forces of stagnation and inertia. [a love] evident from his every action and word, worthy of one who is the supporter of the young, of the Nation, the Educator of the national conscience, the Leader, the Duce of the armed nation.89 The Duce had himself photographed driving cars and motorcycles, at the helm of motor boats and flying planes. With equal aplomb, he tried his hand at swimming and at target shooting. He held the first membership card of the Italian Hunters’ Club, and wanted to turn skiing into a sport for the masses?" ‘The constant presence. of Mussolini as a performer, as a spectator, as the distributor of awards, gave widely publicized official notice (as much space was dedicated by the press to sporting events) that sport was a question of the utmost national interest.’91 Every sporting victory was a victory for Fascism itself, and for this reason athletes were heralded as heroes to admire and as models to be imitated. The ‘new man’, the result of Fascism, had to express above all, a ‘will to be the best’, a ‘warrior instinct’, and a ‘fighting temperament’. Many sports were used to this end, but some were considered more ‘Fascist’ than others. The place of honour went to target shooting. In the new imperial atmosphere, this sport accustomed the young to the rifle, taught them to shoot straight and pressed the whole nation into militarism.92 The ‘orders’ prepared by the secretary of the PNF emphasized the importance of target shooting. They urged practice ‘not only in order to increase familiarity with arms, which a warrior and imperial Italy considered to be more than a sport, but also to help in choosing the best marksmen’.93 Propaganda\was insistent on target shooting. There were reminders that the Fascist laws made it obligatory to practise on Sundays to prepare for local contests. As well as rifles, the citizens needed to learn how to handle pistols and carbines so as to attain ‘that precise and speedy efficiency, that ability to shoot straight that, for the citizens of a warrior nation — which the Italians of Mussolini have Children into Soldiers: S port and“FrLscist I ml); 181 shown themSelves to be — has the double significance of overcoming any obstacle and rapidly fulfilling appointed aims’." To sum up, Italian sport became Fascist sport. the regime carefully classified various activities to indicate which sports were more Fascist than others. After target shooting, clay pigeon shooting, hunting, fencing, swimming, canoeing, sailing, mountaineering and motor sports — ,7 jaxiomatically all sports that helped train the participants for military life — were given equal merit. Next in importance, athletics and gymnastics were seen as preparatory martial training for the new generations.” In time, the tens of thousands of young people who took part in set marches and drills, demonstrated their skills in gymnastic displays and 'zfsports competitions and were the focus of the regime’s propaganda campaigns were to be iconic symbols and tangible evidence of the values, skills andecommitment that the educational practices of Fascism sought to promote in order to shape both the civil and the military existence of ’ the ‘New Italian’ of the future in the Fascist image. Step by step, as the imperialistic policy of the regime was defined, introduced and realized, this ‘New Italian’ came to be seen increasingly as the ‘soldier or soldier— bearing citizen’. CONCLUSION This contribution has analysed the motives and strategies of the Italian Fascist Party to ‘fascistize’ or transform the new generations into athletic warriors, ready to fight and to die for Fascist ideals, or mothers 5 of warriors ready to bear children for the battlefield. Sport was central to these purposes. The relationship between the Fascist state and sport is starkly clear from the words of one president of CONI, Lando Ferretti: ‘A regime of young people created by the will and by the genius of a man who is the powerful and dynamic personification of our times cannot but propose the transformation of educational policyvso as to base it on sport and the achievement of “virility”.""’ Sport, here a generic term that embraces physical education, had firstly eugenic and preventive health aims, and secondly promoted ‘virile’ qualities, both physical and mental. Sport embraced militaristic nationalism: ‘The cult of physical strength becomes increasingly linked to that of the homeland, and wherever the idea of redemption, of national redemption arises, so does love for physical exercise.”7 Thus 182 Militorism, Sport, Europe Child, adolescent and young adult, within both schools and society, was obliged to be involved in sport in some capacity or other. Within the framework of the management of youth organizations, policies involving sport in schools and society were implemented by the regime. The spread of sport allowed Fascism to permeate society in a peaceful manner in the shert term and to ensure, in the longer term, the persistence of Fascism itself. , By means of the inflexible, close and scrupulous organization of the young in numerous Fascist bodies, which were predominantly to do with sport, the regime attempted to win the. hearts and minds of the majority and neutralize and dominate a minority resistant to its ideology. For the most part, Fascism had an eager and \willing captive audience among the young. Fascism was skilled at turning the young into its most faithful allies. They were pleased with prizes, awards and public recognition; their individualism was crushed by the creation of rigid hierarchical organizations; their sense of security was heightened by corporate action; their vanity was flattered by frequent gymnastic, marching and sporting events where they were acclaimed by enthusiastic crowds. In a sentence, in school and in society the party was in control. It turned children into future soldiers or the mothers of future soldiers. Thus sport became a form of political education for the masses for pedagogic, hygienic, military and chauvinistic reasons; but above all, in order to ensure the perpetuation of Fascism itself Mussolini needed to create from the young a new nation that was truly Fascist, and that would guarantee ideological continuity. Thus the youth organizations had political aims and were directly controlled by Mussolini himself and his political creation, the Fascist Party. In this way, Mussolini sought nothing less than the political socialization of the future ‘new Italian’ H militaristic in attitude and action. His aim was ‘children soldiers’. 7 To this end, in his Italy, everything and everybody had to be .of the state and for the state; nothing and no one could be outside the state, least of all against the state. ’ Children into Soldiers: S port and Fascist I toly 183 I ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I should like to express my most appreciative thanks to Professor LA. Mangan for his invaluable assistance in the preparation of this chapter. NOTES ‘ 1. On existing links between the movement and futurism, see G. Brunamonti, ‘Il movimento aggressivo molla del Futurismo’, Lo Sport Imlimzo, 1 (1982), 40—43. 2. On physical education in the schools, see M. Di Donato, S loi'lfl tlell’etlumzionefisim e sportivo. Didi!‘izzifimlmnentoli (Roma: Studium, 1984). For details on the organization of sport and free time in the fascist period (ENEE ONB, GUF, F GC, MVSN, CONI, 0ND), see L. Ferretti, Il libro zlello Sport (Roma: Libreria del Littotio, 1928); P. Ferrara, L’Imlio in flolesiro. Starla (loeumenti e imnmgini del/(i gimmstim del 1833 til I973 (Roma: La Meridiana, 1992). 3. A. Lo Monaco, Lo protezione dello nutternitii e dell’infimzio (Roma: Istituto Nazionale Fascista di Cultura, 1934), p.7. 4. On the New Italian, see L. Ferretti, Esempi ed insegflmnentiper l’Ita/iono Nuovo (Roma: Libl'eria del Littorio, 1930). S. Bollettino inimlieinole ilell’Opem Naziomile Balillzi, I, 5, 2, 15 July 1927. 6. F. Fraddosio, Il Regime per [a rozzo (Roma: Tuminelli, 1941), p.7. 7. L0 Monaco, La protezimze (lellti moternitri, p5; A. Della Cioppa, Lo difesa tie/la stirjie nelle ope/e tlel Fostismo (Napoli: SIEM, 1930), p.35; S. Fabbri, L’ossistenzo dell/i nmternitti e tlell’iizfimzia in Ito/iii (Napoli: Chiuzzi, 1933), pp.19—20, 22. 8. ONB (ed.), L’Opero Noziomile Bolilla (Roma: ONB, 1928), pp.43—5; P. Caporilli, L’etlumzione giovonile nello Stoto Faseisttz (Roma: Sapientia, 1930), pp.136—8; P. Caporilli, ll Fascismo e i Giovmzi (Roma: Ardita, 1936), pp.l 17—19. 7 9. V. De Grazia, Le (loime nel Regime Fascism (Venezia: Marsilio, 1993), pp.158, 160. 7‘ 10. Lo Monaco, Lo protezione dell/t motemitri, p.5; Della Cioppa, Lo difeso del/(i stirpe, p.45; Fabbri, L’assisteiizlt ale/la motemitti, pp. 19—20, 22. ll. Fabbri, L’ossistenzo del/o nmternitti, pp.22—3. 12. Della Cioppa, LIL tlifeso della stirpe, p.25. 13. For a comprehensive description of the welfare activities of the ONB, see D.S. Piccoli, ‘Le organizzazioni giovanili in Italia’, Assistenzo Fascism, I, 1—2 (Oct—Jan. 1935), 66~70. 14. Lo Monaco, La. protezione Jello nmtemitti, p.7. , 15. S. Avagina, Per l’rissistelizo olle oolonie elioteropielle (Fassano: PNF, 1935), pp.16—20; E. Campagnuolo, L’Opero Bolillo e l’eclumzione deifimeiulli (Portici: Bellavista, 1937), pp.33—4; Caporilli, L’edumzione, pp.111—13; Caporilli, Il Fostismo e i Giovmzl, pp.97~9. 2 '116. ONB (ed.), Metotlo per l’edumzione fisim (lei ftmeiulli (Roma: Tip. del Littorio, 1939); Campagnuolo, L’Opero Bolillti, pp.21—33; Avagina, Per l'ossistenzti, p.21. 17. On the myth of the ‘armed nation’, see G. Rochat, L’esertito itolimlo (la Vittorio Veneto a Mussolini l9l9~1925 (Bari: Laterza, 1967); GE. Levi, Lo imzione armoto e il tiro ridotto (Roma: ONE, 1928); G. Kellerman, L’eolumzionefoseisto e lo mizione (innate (Livorno: ONB, 1928); M. Rinaldi, Lo prepm'azimie militate del/o gioventi Iii fini zlel/(i potenza gnerriem (Roma: ONB, 1936). 18. For the detailed organization of Fascist Youth, see Ferretti, [l libro dello Sport; Ferrara, L’Im/ia in palesti'o. 19. Law 2247, 3 April 1926: ‘Istituzione dell’Opera Nazionale “Balilla” per l’assistenza e l’educazione fisica e morale della gioventu’, Gozzetta Uflieiole, 11 Jan. 1927 (hereafter Law 2247); ONB (ed.), Estrotto del/e izoeme legislative e regolmnenti dell’Opero Nozionole Bali/lo per l’ossistenzo e l’edumzionefislm dello gioventzi (Arezzo: Sintatti, 1927) (hereafter: ONB, Estrotto tlel/e norme); MI (ed.), Opera Nozirmole Bali/Io per l’ossistenzo e l’eclumzioneflsim e morale del/o gioveiitfi 7 Norme legislative e regolmnellti (Roma: ONB, 1927) (hereafter MI, Opera Noziomile Bolilla); ONB (ed.), Norme e progrommi dell’Opem Nozioimle Balillo (Vicenza: Tip. Vicentina 1930) (hereafter: ONB, Norme e progrmnmi); ONB (ed.), Leggi Regolomenti Deoreti (Brescia: La Scuola, 1931) (hereafter: ONB, Leggi Regolamenti); Campagnuolo, L’Opero Bolillo. 20. GB. Marziali, I Giovmii [ll Mussolini (Palermo: Trimarchi, 1935), p.16. 21. Caporilli, L’ezluwziolle, p.231. 184 Militarism, Sport, Europe 22. Campagnuolo, L'Opera Balilla, p.61. . 23. Law 2247; ONB, Estratto tlelle norme; MI, Opera Naziouale Balilla; ONB, Norme e programmt; ONB, Leggi Regolamenti. 24. Cam a nuolo, L’O era Balilla. _ i 25. R. D: Puppi, La jfiiazione educativa tlel'Opera Nazionale Balilla (Udine: T1p.Fr1ulana, 1929); Caporilli, L’etlutazione; Caporilli, Il Fastismo; Campagnuolo, L’Opera Balilla; Marzrah, I Giovaai ill Mussolini. 26. De Puppi, La funzione educatioa, p.10. . . 27. On the political slips of Renato Ricci and the history of the ONB, see S. Setta, Renato thtt (Bologna: Patron, 1986); C. Betti, L’Opera Nazionale Balilla e l’ellucaalonefitsctspa (Fu‘enzezlLa Nuova Italia, 1984); N. Zapponi, ‘11 partito della gioventu. Le orgamzzazrom glovamh fasuste 1926—1943’, Storia contemporaaea, Oct. 1982, 569—633; R. Scarpa, Era-canto tutti Baltlla (Roma: La Nlel‘idiana, 1984). On the organization of consensus by the ONB from an anthropologlcal point of view, see P. Bartoli, C. Pasquini—Romizi and R. Romizi, L’orgaulzzazmue (lel couseaso nel regime fastista: l ’Opera Nazionale Balilla come istituzione tli controllo sociale (Perugla: University of Perugia Press, 1983). 28. Ibid. 29. MI, Opera Naziouale Balilla, pp.38—40, 50. ' 30. ONB, Leggi Regolamenti; ONB, Estratto a'elle norme; ONB, Norme e programmt. 31. Ibid. 32. A. Punzi, Ilfomlamento (lottriaale dell 'etlucazione secomlo la contezionefitscista (Gioia del Colle'. Tarsia, 1935), pp.93—6; R. Isidori~Frasca, ...e il Dace le volle sportive (Bologna: Patron, 1983), pp.37—44; Ferrara, pp.213—l6. 33. Campagnuolo, L’Opera Balilla, p.29. 34. Ibid., pp.29—33; Punzi, Ilfomlamento (lottrinale, pp.96—101. 35. Campagnuolo, L’Opera Balilla, p.34. 36. Ibid., p.59. 2 37. Caporilli, I l Fascismo, pp.109—16; ONB, L’Opera Nazionale Baltlla, pp.81'—90. 38. Punzi, Ilfomlamento zlottrinale, pp.103~11; De Puppi, La fimzroue etlucativa, pp.20431. I 39. Caporilli, L'etlucazioue, p.115; Campagnuolo, L’Opera Bali/la, pp.31—42; ONB, L Opera Nazionale Balilla, .99—101. 40. E Monterisi, ‘Le oblonie marine e montane’, Quademl Italiani, Vth ser. (Roma: IRCE, 1943), pp.3941-2; F. Fabbroni, Tempo libero infantile e colonic di vacaza (Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1971), pp.97—117; G.C. Jocteau, Ai mouti e al mare. Cento amtt tlt colonic per 1 mfanzta (Tormo: Enaudi, 1965), pp.65—9. 41. Ibid. 42. Jocteau, pp.69—70. 43. Ibid. _ 44. Nlonterisi, ‘Le colonie’; Caporilli,.L’educazione; Caporilli, Il Fascismo. . , 45. Caporilli, Il Fascismo, pp.l73—8; Caporilli, L’etlucazioue, pp.155;9; Di Castanzo, Pa te Piccolo Italiaaa (Milano, 1937); ONB, La Caposquazlra Piccola Italiaua (Roma: ONE, 1934). ' 46. Caporilli, Il Fascismo, pp.17445, 17748; Caporilli, L’ea’ucazioue, pp.156—7, 159760; De Grazra, Le (lomze nel Regime Fascism, pp.218«19. I . 47. B. Mussolini, ‘Dottrina del Fascismo’, in Stritti e Discorsi tlttl 1932 al 1933 (Mllano: Tip. del Littorio, 1934), pp.67—96. . . . ' ‘ . 48. F. Jovine, ‘Liberta e Disciplina’, La Stuola Fascism, V, 20 (Feb. 1929); R1cc1, Libro e Mischetto. Dalla generazione della Guerra a quella del Fascismo’, Associaztone Nazzouale Volontari tli Guerra, il Decemzale per l’Amziversario della Vittoria (Firenze: Vallecchi, 1929), 319—28; A. Domenighini and F. Jovine, Il mamtale llel Balilla e llelli/‘lvaaguartlista (Roma: Libreria del Littorio, 1929) (hereafter Domenighini and Jovine, rl/Iauuale); Il libro del Fascism (Roma: Mondadori, 1943); A. Cammarata, Pedagogia (li Mussolini. Alla scuola tlell’Opera Bali/la (Palermo: Trimarchi, 1935); E. Crescimbeni, Fiamme biotic/1e (Terni: ONB, 1935). 49. Cammarata, Pellagogia tli Mussolini, p.28. 50. Ibid., p.89. 51. A. Nasti, ‘Calendario Politico’, Educazione Fascista, VII (July 1932), 585. . 52. The overall function of physical education and sport was judged to be so Important that the Children into Soldiers: Sport and Fascist Italy 185 development of the practice of sport by the masses came to be considered as the initial phase of cultural reform: ‘Cultura 6 Sport nella rivoluzione fascista’, Critica Fascista, X11, 2 (15 Jan. 1934), 21—3. 53. L. Collini, ‘Le organizzazioni giovanili’, in La civiltafascista illustrata nel/a tlottrina e nel/e opere (Torino: UTET, 1928); V. Vezzari, ‘I caposaldi dell’educazione fascista’, Gerarclila, XIV, 3 (March 1934), 221—6; C. Toscano, L’etlucazione dei Bali/la e a’elle Pitta/e Italiaue (Messina: Tip.D’Amico, 1935), pp.11—12. Different opinions about competitive sport existed in the Fascist hierarchy. In fact, it was under discussion as to whether it was more important for the regime to form strong men who could resist fatigue and stress, or whether it was more important to train athletes who could bring prestige to the regime: E.R. Tannenbaum, L’esperleuzafitscista. Cultura e societ] in Italia do] 1922 al 1945 (Milano: Mursia, 1974). On the ability of individual and team sports to strengthen different aspects of personality and character, see L. Ferretti, ‘11 metodo sportivo nell’educazione fascista’, Gerarcliia, VIII, 5 (April 1928), 304—7. 54. C. Poa, ‘Le basi fisiologiche dell’educazioneginnico—sportiva’, Gerarc/zia, VIII, 5 (May 1928), 386—92. ' 7' 55. G. Scalise, ‘L’addestramento sportivo e l’educazione guerriera’, I Commentari dell’Azioue Fascism, I, 3 (1 March 1934), 4—6. 56. A. Nasti, ‘Problemi del secondo decennio’, Critica Fascism, XI, 4 (15 Feb. 1933); Caporilli, L’eclucazioue. 57. Awareness of the function of social control as realized by the ONB also emerges from Fascist publications: see Piccoli, Le organizzazioni giovanili’, 66—70. 58. Vezzani, ‘I caposaldi dell’educazione fascista’, 211416. 59. Theories of this kind are to be found in numerous sources of the period: L. Grassi, ‘La giovinezza e il Fascismo. Parole ai giovani’, Etlutazione Fascism, 3 (March 1928), 161—9; C. A Bevione, ‘Chiesa, Stato ed educazione giovanile’, Gerarc/zia, VIII, 4 (April 1928), 263—7; Jovine, ‘Liberta e Disciplina’, 7; E. Codignola, ‘Dieci anni di educazionefascista’, Critlca Fascista, XI, 5 (1 March 1933), 98—100; A. Sacchetto, L’Opera Bali/la e la pedagogia virile del tempo mussoliaiauo (Padova: ONE, 1930); N. Padellaro, ‘Esiste una pedagogia fascistaP’, Politica sociale, IV, 4 (1932), 727~32; G. Marchello, La morale eroica a'el Fascismo (Torino: UTET, 1934), pp.l31~5; on the role of the Fascist party in the field of education, see T. Tomasi, Idealismo e Fascismo nel/a scuola italiana (Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1969). 60. B. Mussolini, ‘Il valore della Leva Fascista’, in Scritti ecliscorsi do! 1927 al 1928 (Milano: Hoepli, 1934), pp.155—6. 61. l B. Mussolini, ‘Educazione Fascista’, Ea’ucazione Fascism, V, l (1927), 7. I 62. Jovine, ‘Liberta e Disciplina’; Domenighini and Jovine, I l mauuale. «. 63. Collini, ‘Le organizzazioni giovanili’, 597. 64. Cammarata, Pedagogia lli Mussolini, p.25. 65. Disposizioni per il IV Campo Dux, Bollettino dell ’Opera Nazioaale Bali/la, IV, 21 (1 Sept. 1932), 4. 66. B. Mussolini, ‘Intransigenza assoluta’, in Scritti e a'iscorsi clal I 925 al 1926 (Milano: Hoepli, 1934). 67. For further information on the establishment and the function of the Fasci Giovanili di Combattimeuto (Fascist Youth Combat groups), there are many interesting publications of the period: ‘I giovani nel partito’, Critiea Fascista,VIII, 20 (15 Oct. 1930), 381—3; U. Guglielmotti, ‘Conquiste ideali del Regime. Fasci giovanili e ferma decennale’, Politico socia/e, II, 8—10 (Aug—Oct. 1930), 875—8; ‘1 fasci dei giovani’, Educazioue Fascism, IX, 1 (Jan. 1931), 56—7; ‘Il primo annuale dei Fasci Giovanili’, Educazione Fascism, IX, 10 (Oct. 1931), 991—2; S. Valitutti, ‘11 III annuale dei Fasci Giovanili di Combattimento’, Educazioue Fascism, XI (Nov. 1933), 991—3., ' 68. On the beginning of professional sport and sport as a spectacle, see E Fabrizio, Sport e Fascismo. La politica sportiva del regime 1924—1926 (ijini/Firenze: Guaraldi, 1976); Ghirelli, ‘Agonismo’, in Eaciclopetlia Eaaudi (Torino: Enaudi, 1977); P. Milza, ‘11 football italiano una storia lunga un secolo’, Italia Coatemporauea, 183 (lune 1991), 245—55. 69. Renato Ricci was totally against the idea of creating champions and the exploitation of the physical talents of the young. His ideas were shared by a leading figure in the world of physical 186 Militarism, Sport, Europe 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. education, Eugenio Ferrauto, who considered physical education to be hygienic, ethical and character—building, but not a race for medals and records. Among Ferrauto’s works, see . L’etlumzione fisim nell’edmozione giovoile fascism (Torino: UTET, 1939); L’edumzione fisim, bibliotem dell’etlumtore (Milano: Hoepli, 1942); ‘L’educazione fisica’, in Dal/[i Riforma Gentile Itllzi Carta del/a souo/Il (F irenze: Mursia, 1941). i V L. Ferretti, ‘Il Fascismo e l’educazione sportiva della nazione’, in La oiviltti foxoisto. (Torino: ONE, 1928). On the creation of consensus by means of the ‘sp01't~spectacle’ events in the Fascist period, see P. Cannistraro, Lo fablrrioo del consenso, Foxoixmo 6 mass media (Roma/Bari: Laterza, 1975); M. Argentieri, L’ooohio del Regime (Firenze: Vallecchi, 1979); Fabrizio, Sport e Fasrismo; Milza, ‘11 football italiano’. ' .. Rdl. 1839, 27 Oct. 1937; PNF, ‘Gioventfi Italiana del Littorio’, in La gioventti nellri legislazione fiiseixta (Roma: PNF, 1939). Ibid. ‘ Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fabrizio, Sport e Fascismo. CONI, Cromithe rotiiofonithe dello xport (Roma: IRCE, 1935—36), p.3. Fabrizio, Sport e Fascismo. Ibid. Marziali, I Giovom' (ii Mussolini, pp.121—2; L. Gatti, ‘l nostri giovani’, Problemi dolla Gioitentfi, 13—14 (May 1942), 503—4; G. Rossi, ‘Dei giovani e dell’obbedienza’, Problemi del/o Gioventli, 4~5 (April—May 1942), 213—15; G. De Matteis, ‘Il tempo dei giovani’, Problemi (loll/1. Gioventfi, 5—6—7 (March—April—Nlny 1942), 216—19. CONI, Crotmohe rariiofinithe tie/lo sport (Roma: IRCE, 1937—38), p.129. Ibid, p.22. Fabrizio, Sport 13 Fasrismo. Ibid. CONI, Cronoohe (1937—38), p.136. . Ibid., p.137. , * F. Fabrizio, Storiri (lello xport in Italia (Firenze: Guaraldi, 1977). ‘ Ferrari, ‘11 Fascismo e l’educazione’, 609. Commisxione per lo xtmlio (ii on progetto relative rill’ordinmnelzto dell’erluoozione fm'm c del/o prepru'ltzione militore delpoexe, relozione e proposte (Roma, 1926), p.8. ...
View Full Document

This note was uploaded on 02/07/2010 for the course HIST 303 taught by Professor Salesa during the Winter '10 term at University of Michigan.

Page1 / 11

Vescovi%20Fascist%20Italy%20Sports - 8 Children into...

This preview shows document pages 1 - 11. Sign up to view the full document.

View Full Document Right Arrow Icon
Ask a homework question - tutors are online