8a - FEREEN £2??? ~ THE ERS OE r NA (mar- « I...

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Unformatted text preview: FEREEN £2??? ~ THE ERS OE r NA (mar- « I _"\./¢ C» f“ 4.» My I‘M/Jaw COPY 1 "CK; AND ,Wx «W». (L) C11) AFFLUENCE AND UNDERTOW The rodiooi of lho ihirlies come oui of (3 system ihoi hod stopped and the imporiohl job was lo orgonize new produciion relations whlch would siorl ii up ogoln. The slxiies rodiool opened his eyes lo (:1 sysiem pouring iis junk over everybody, or hourly everybody, and lho problem was lo slop just that, io escape being over“ whelmed by Q mindless, goolless flood which morooned each individual on his liiile island of commodilies, ~ mArihur Miller IE History rarely foiiows the decimal sysrem as neatiy as is: Clio in 3.960. Suddenly the campus mood seemed to shift. Without question a ma}or reason was that: {he and of the Eisenhower era was looming; whatever doubts attached to john E Kcnneciy, one could anticipate a thaw} a sense of the possible. What had been undergrouad floweé to the surface. After all the proiogues ami precursors, 2a insurgency materialized, and the climate of opinion hogan to shift, tho 4 way spring announces itself with scsms anci a scatter of bizdsong before the temperature Climbs to 5:3}: And thee it was as if, 332 over the country, young peepie had been waiting for: gust these signals.’ is} Gresnsbozo, North Carolina: on Eebmary I, four black (rhea knows: as Negro} scuciems from North Carolina Agricuimrai and Technicai College, weaxéng lackezs ané ties, sat éowr. at a Woolworth’s Whites—oak mach master, chimed :hei: righz to be served; and refused {C éeave. Century to movement legend: these four—mfizeii Blair, jg, Franklin McCaim joseph McNofiZ, and Davki Richmoaéw—dié not spzixg full—blown from the abstrac: idea of resiszance to segregation, Thor; had belonged to the Youth Councii of the Nationaé Association for 5hr: Advancement of Coiored Peopie {NAAC9}, and; knew of earlier sit~ios in Durham? North Caroiiaay and olsewhere. (lacked, without benefit of mass @ubficity or 2. mass base, m with thfi help of bEack churches? {he NIEACP; and the: Congress of Raaial Equality, théffi had been sit-ins m a: 3635: sixzem Cities since 1957.} They had Zoom nourished in a tradition of 82 WE SiXTEES liberation passed on to them by parents, ministers and teachers; by an active NAACP; by the Montgomery bus boycott, the SoutheroChristiao Leadership Coaference (SCLC) and its leaoet Martin Luther King; by participants in eeriier Freedom Rides; by the writings of biack heroes; by a teievision documentary about Gaodhi. The four returned or: February 2 with twenty-five Other young people, some wearing ROTC, uniforms, Twice as many went back to Woolworths the day after that; by the fifth day, there were more than three honored. Their audacious refusal to “know their place" touched off a wave of sic—ins at iunch counters across the urban South. The word “spread through church networks and civii rights movement ciuStersr and within days sienins were organized in other cities in North Caroiioa; within two weeks, the same impuise brought sit~ ins to Other southern scares, A generation has! been reared to expect that the 1934 Brown v. Board of Education decision truly spelleci the enci of segregation; by 1960, it Was cieat that popular aetion was necessary. ‘ Meanwhiies in northern cities, blacks anci whites organized picket linesat local Woolworth’s outlets Within two months, sit-ins haci been organized in fifty-four cities in nine States. The civil rights stalwart Elia Baker caiied a conference of sit—in activism; in April that conference organized the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCCZ’J to fight segregsa tion through direcr action. ‘ And under the rotunda of San firancisco’s City Hail, on May 13, anorher boéy of upstarts insisred on their right to attend hearings of the House Un~American Aetivities Committee. Kept outside the heating room, the oernonstrators, most of them stuéeots, sat down in the rotunda and started to sing "We Shaii Not Be Moveci,“ a song of the Thirties The poiice attacked them with high~pressure tire hoses; ciobheti them, and buried them ciowri the matbie Steps, charging one demonsrrator with a felony charge they could nor, in the eoci, make stick. The anti~HUAC demonstrations also brought to the surface a tradition that had been in the making for several years: an undergrounci stream combining Berkeley campus politics, iocai anti—HUAC sentiment, and the relatively strong local Communisr Party anti its feliow tmveierst Thinking to capitalize on the disruption, HUAC produced Operation Aéofizion, a fiim which scrambled footage and inventeti {ads to present the Committee as the victim of a Communist»tun campaign. Its soundtrack and pictures met at odd angles. Posing in from of a faked backdrop of the Capitol dome, Committee members with smaii-towo demeanors spoke ciumsily of “well-trained Communist agents”vmobiiizing their “dupes” to discreciit the Committee, while their footage showed no such thiog~ Kept - out of the hearing room, demonstrators chanted, “What are you afraid of?" and, “Open the doorsi”—-—hardly signs of conspiracy or insurreCtiorr. The police, caiieci “especialiy trained” (twice for good measure), looked bmtai. The demonstrators, calied “unruiy,” sang “The Star—Spangied Banner” and were shown being washeci ciown the steps. To anyone not convinced that HUAC had the corner on truth, the unfrieodiy witnesses LEFTNARD EGCKNG AME) SCREAMZNG 83 sounded heroic. Anti so Opmzzim Aést‘z'zisr: grovec‘ a camp favorite and an inspiration to campus acriviszs more than a cautionary taie. Civii iiberties acciviSts accompanied it to campusesy even refuted it wsth their own fiim, Qbemz‘z‘an Correction—pointing out along the way that one reason “idem tified Communism” had been present was that the Committee had subpoenaed them. But the refutation was scarceiy necessary, The Committee radfiated thickheadeciness and ineEeccuaiity; the anti—Com» mittee Left stooci for eloquence and humor. "When iiberei audiences hearci tine congressmen’s gradeB gangster movie lines and Dragnet—styie melodramatic music, they Eaughed. The mere appearance of a Communist on the screen no longer provoked universal horror. The Committee «mid sen} punish—«meteiy being served with HUAC subpoena-s cos: severai San Francisco teachers their jobs—wont it was losing its power to intimidate. The lumbering Committee had made a recruiting fiim for a New Left that barely existed. Between the sit—ins and the anti—HUAC demonstration, the Fifties expired. The sir—ins were the main dynamo that powereti the white movement, galvanizing the iittie nodes of opposition that had been forming in New York City, in the Boxer: an<i San fiancisco Bay areas, in Chicago’s Hyée Park, in Ann Arbor and Madisonwwherever the booming universities, thick with students, were promofing the value of reflection, cuitivaeing inteiieccual alienatéon, and providing sites for both. The sit— ins could only have reverberased across the country (as did the news of San Francisco three months Eater, though less so) because there were aiready‘ cultural and poiitical enciaves, zones of negativity, which had withstood the ieveiing pressures of affluence and. now that McCarthyism was no longer in the saddie, were read; to move. But Without the civil tighss movement, the beat and Oici Left and bohemian enciaves would not have opened into a revived pofitics. Youth culture might have remained jusr that—the cransitionai subcuktnte of the young, a rite of" passage on the route to normai aduithood~had it not been for the revok of biack youth, ciismpting the American celebration in ways no one hati imagineoI possibie. From expressing youthqu 452' ereme, many of the alienated, though hardiy ail, ieapeci into a seif—conscious sense of apposition. McCarthyism and the Old Left togezhes had discredited the iciea of a generafi maid-issue Left. The tesuEt was that the New Left maée its appearance in the guise of singEe—issne movements: civi‘; rights, civii iiberties, campus {storm} peace. But beneath was a common éian, a tangie of common principies, eventnaily a generationai iéentity: New Left, meaning neither Cid Left nor Iiberai. Over the next years this opposition gropeci for a language and a way of understanding itsek‘. Aiming so become a poiiticai force, it had to work out its relations to Other forces—— entrenched enemies: possibie aiiies, and political parents. The biack Student movement haci to come to terms with the bastions of the civil rights movemenzwthe iong-iived NAACP and the clergymen of Mattin Luther King’s Southern Chriszian ieadesship Conference. The bonding 84 THE SiXTIES w white Student movement haci to feei out its relations to the‘CommuniSt and sociai-dernocratic sectors of the Old Left, and to organizeci liberals. Both, crucially, had to figure Out where they stood in relation to the Kennedy and then }ohnsoo administrations, The hisroty of What became the New Left in the early Sixeies is in iarge part the history of these Struggles forself—definition. I I But first there had to be a movement: that which moves. The common chord in Greensboro and San Francisco was direct acrion. Foilowing these precedents, what came to cali itself “the movement” was a fusion of coliective wiii anti moral Style. The movement didn’t simpiy ciernand, it did. By taking acrion, nor jusr a position, it afirmeci the right to do so; by tefirsing to defer, it deprived the authorities of authority itself. How did you “join” the movement? An old—fashioned question from unhip reporters and congressmen, to which the answer was: You put your body on the line. Attions were believed to be the guarantees and precoriditions of ideas. The New Left’s first raison d’étte‘was to take aetions which testified nor only to the exisrence of iniustice but to the imperative-and possibiiity—of fighting it. The seconci was to take action in common, and to consriture, in here—and—now community, the future commonweai itself. " FirSt, though, came the ciecision. The movement was not going to take 'evii iying down—ethis ptacrical moralism was a good part of the move m’ent‘s appeal. As many Studies have shown, most of the movement’s young people, biack or white, took their parents’ iibetai or radical values seriously They tended to think that, in succeeding, their parents haci failed—“501118 by giving up, some by seeding for material rewards, some by beating their heads against stone walis. Now they wanted to live out What their parents haci repressed or abandoneé. This generation was haunteci by history. They had been taught that poiitical failure or apathy can have the direst consequences; they haci extracred the lesson that the fate of the worid is not something automati— cally to be entrusred to authorities. The red—diaper babies among them were often especiaiiy eager no: to be cowed; their own passivity might confirm their parents’ defeats. The black students, whose parents and teachers had stood up firmly and quietly againsr the humiiiations and terrors of white supremacy, had felt strong enough to stop putting up with the firm Crow their parents had been forced to eat. The jews-but no: the §ews alone-were nor going to Walk into any more gas chambers, or see any orhet good Germans go on about their business. Ali wanreci to redeem their parents’ ideals in the face of their parents’ faiiutes. A1} breatheci the inteliectuai air of existentiaiism; action might not avail, but one is responsibie for choosing. And so, from under the dead hand of history, they ieapeci to a paradoxicai conciusion: that hisrory was alive and open. Once touched by the example of Others taking history into their 0am hands—there, Cubans, anti here, in the American South, blacks—they took the ieap of faith expressed in the words of one civil rights song: , LEF'SNARD KECKiNG AND SCREAM§N<§ 85 One man‘s hands can‘t tear prison down Two men‘s 'narxis can't rear 2. prison (iown But if" two pins two pins fifty make a miiiion We’ii see that day come round We'ii that day come rounri Acrion in common was no: jusc a means, it was the core of the move- ment’s identity. An astonishing break with the mood ofthe Fifties, which counseled aciiustmenz, acceptance, and moderation at every turn. in this sense, the New Left had a praccice anci a spirit before—«3r more thanmir ever had an ideology, At its inminous best, what the movemenr did was stamped with imagination, The sit-in, for example, w% a powerful tactic partiy because the ac: itseif was unexceptionabie. What were the Greensboro studean doing, after 311, but: sitting at a iunch counter, trying to order a hamburger or a cup of coffee? They did not petition the authorities, who, in any case, wouici have paid no heeci; in strict Gandhian fashion, they asserted that they had a right to sit a: the counter by sitting at it, and threw the burden of ciisruprion onto the uphoiders of white supremacy instead of saying that segregation ought to stop, they acted as if segregation no ionger existed. That was the ciefinirive movement sryie, squarely in the American grain, barking back to Thoreau’s iciea of civii disobedience, to the uropian communards' idea of establishing the goocl society right here ané now—~bur also to the pragmatisrs’ insistence that experience is the measure of knowledge, and the éo—it—yourselfers' (and entrepreneurs'!) beiief in getting down to business.- UNEASY 2N AN ANTEROOM Sm“ groups of scouts cracked the iN ‘ self-satisfaction of the affluent society and deciareci that hismry-making was their business. Now this spirit moved on to the issue to end all issues: the Bomb hovering just over the horizon. if it was possible to act on behalf of raciai equality and civil liberties, wasn’t there 3 chance that coiiecrive action could prevent the uirimare catastrophe? Mickey Hacks, then a Student at the City Coiiege of New York and later one of the early 5138 cadre, recaiis that in May 1960 someone—mot the oici—h'ne iefrowing student groups she kner—caiied a campus demonstration agains: a civil defense rake—cover driii. She expecred that “the usuai suspects” wouiei show up to be counred. To her amazement, hundreds stayed aboveground to demonstrate. When a dean appeared to coiiecr the ofl'eneiers’ registration carcis, the demonstrators, insceaci of running away, crowded around him to make sure their cards were inciudeci. The Oid Left remnants on campus had been fighting to keep “Everybody Get Together” Nothing put the category youté on my own political map more resoundineg than a song callecl “Eve of Destruction? ' In August 1965 , within five weeks after its zeieasel “Eve of Destruction" surgeci to the top of the sales charts. It was, disk jockeys said, the faStest-rising song in rock hiscory. Even in an age when commercial fads materialize overnight, 2 success like this was amazing. For “Eve of Destrucfion” took off while a good many stations were banoiogitainciuding all of the ABC network’s—and a good many others were playing it only infrequently. This was a song which a vociferous group of campus barnstormers called the Christian Anti— Communist Crusade said was “obviously aimeci at inscllling fear in our teenagers as well as a sense of hopelessness,” hclping “induce the] American public to surrender to atheistic international Communism." Written by a nineteen-year—olé named P. E Sloan, “Eve of Desmuc» don” began with two funereal thumps of the kettledmm, leading into a pounding dmmbeat. Then the surly voice of Barry McGuire ground out a thunder-ané»brimscone sermon: ' The Eastern worléj it is explodio’ ' Vidlcoce flafin’, bullets loadln’ You’re old enough to kill but not for votin’ You cion‘t believe in war but what’s that gun you‘re totin’ And even the jorclan River has boclies floatin’ .196 THE SIXTIES Then the refrain: And you tell me ever and over and over again, my friend, You don’t believe we’re on the eve of desrructioo. There had been no song remotely like this one in “the decade~long history of rock music, although the ob§ecrions of the Chrisdan Anti- Commuaist Crusade suggest that here, at long last? was the song funda- mentalists had been anticipating through all their years of panic, the one that would confirm their dire prophecies about the dark, inexorable logic of “nigger music." Nothing could have been in Starker contrast to the previous year, 1964, when the Number 1 hits had included the Shaogri 1225' “Leader of the Pack,” the Beach Boys’ “Deuce Coupe” and “California Girls,” the Supremes’ “Baby Low,” and the Beatles’ "A Hard Day’s Night”—all bouncy. “Eve” was Strident and bitter, its references bluntly topical—mo precedent for thar, nor even in Bob Dflao’s allegorical “Blowin’ in the ‘Windr" Its strueture canie ~from folk: simple guitar strum, repeated refrain, forced rhymes. With an off—balance rhythm, it wasn’t much to dance to; it brooded. McGuire’s voice Started with a whimpet but go: surlier as it went along, punctuated by the occasional ripping Whine of a Dylanesque harmonica. The all-purpose apocalypse took in the Bomb—— “When the button is poshed there’s no mnnin’ awayfThere’ll be no one to save with the world in a grave"-—and even civil rights, which by now, with the passage of the Voring Rights Act that spring, had become an apple—pie issue: . . . Handful of Senators doo’t pass legislation And marches alone can’t bring integration ‘Whar human respecr is disintegratin' This whole crazy world is just too frustratin’. . . . Look at all the hate there is in Red China Then take a look around at Selma, Alabama. . . , ProreSt even engendered protest. An ad hoc group called the Spokesmeo recorded an answer song, “Dawn of Correction”-——which flopped. The Chrrsdaa Anti-Communisr Crusade was on the right track about what the song implied, though wrong that its aim was to demoralize. Growing numbers of the young had to have been demoralized in the firSt place or they couldn’t have relished McGuire’s growls. Students of popular culture later tried to downplay the significance of the lyricsf’k but the “A study of a sample of undergraduates at the time showed that only 14 percent uodersrood the song‘s "total" theme; 44 percent undersroo-d is “partially” A junior college survey showed 36 percent interpreting the song correctly. “EVERYBODY GE? TOGEE'HER" ‘19? iyrics conveyeci oniy part of the song's meaning. Pop music devoeees reset to the mood of a song Whether or no: they grasp the lyrics. The sound carried the point: "Eve of Descmcsioo” didn’t we}? up with all—Americas: high spirits; its drumbeat wasn’t martial but ominous. If any doubt was left about what the song means. the superintendents ané interpreters of popular culture (including right—wing aiarmiss) went to work to clear things up. Shorziy after “Eve of" Destruction,” a hearty ditty celled “Bailao’ of the Green Berets,” sung by Staff Sergeant Barry Sadler, rose to the top of the chases in march tempo with a dispiay of rat-a— tat—rat. That {all of 1965, Chicago’s leading rock Station sponsored a “battle of the Barrys,” McGuire versus Sadie): {3n the decisive day, iisceners were inviteé to c2111 in and case a balk): f0: their favorite: "Eve of Descmction” or “Green Berets.” “Berets” woo—by a singie vore out of thousands cast, For promotions sake, at least, the programmers of WCEL knew there was ciccuiation to be gained by hyping their comes: as if-an entire «seizure were a: stake. Plaioiy a new conscefiation of moods was in the air. “Eve of Descmccion” seemed t0 certify that a mass movement of {be American young was upon us. “i NO” No: out of the biue, of course. Bob Dyian heel groaned out his tripcych of wasteiand passions and rebeiiioos f0: two years now, in the aibums Toe Freewéeefin’ Bo}; Dylan and The @7226; They Are A—Céangifl’. The Zimmerman boy {com zip—country Minnesom haci adopted a name that was bozh iiterary (the besorzed and: lyrical Dylan Thomas) ané true-gritty American (63172572201255 Marsha} Matt Difioa), has gone to Greenwich Wllage and picked up a foéiowing with his foik anthems and ancieszabiishment gags. The tiny New Left éeiighted in one of our own generation ané mind singing earnest bailads about racist murderers (“The Lonesome Death of Hectic Carton"); the compensatory racism of poor Whites (“Oniy a Pawn in Theée Game”), Cold W’s: ideology (“Masters '05 War" and “With God on One Side"). Insiders knew Dyian had written the chifiing “A Hard Rains Gonna Fan” during :he Cuban missiie crisis, evoking the end of the worid; the anthem “The fimes They Are A—Changin’” sounded iike a musical version of the “new insurgency” rhetoric of America and the New Em. To make it ail more marveious, Dyian did 2.11 this not on the marginal, faintiy (io-itvyourseif Vanguard or Fokkways iabel, redolent of Pete Seeger and the fight against the biackiisc, but on big—league commercial Coiumbia Records. Teased by the idea of a popular movement, we admired Dyian’s abiiizy to smuggle the subversive into mass-circuiated trappings. \X’hether he liked it or not, Dyiao sangfirn, :15: we didn't have to know he had hung out in Minneapoiis’s ciropouc~ 198 THE SIXTEES _ 'W' nonsrudenr radicai scene in order to intuit that he had been doing some ' hard traveling through a famiiiar lanciscape. ‘We foiioweci his career as if he were singinggour song; we got in the habit of asking where he was taking us nexr. ‘ It was a delight: but not altogether a surpriseJrhen, when Dyian dropped in on SDS’s December 1965 National Councii meeting? We were beginning to feel rhar we——aii fifty of us in the room—were the vibrating center of the new cyclonic Left. Aiger Hiss came to visit the same meeting, anci drew an ovation; Aiiard Iowensrein also droppeci in, and sat in the corner, anonymous. Dylan arrived unceremoniousiy with a Mississippi civii rights lawyer, sat shyiy in the back liStened {0 a discussion about our pians for community organizing, and said nothing. ("We’d been aierteci he was coming, and ciecided not to put him on the spot with a public introductions) A recess came, and Dylan told a group of us he’d be interested in working in one of our incipient ERA? projects. (Too exciting to beiieyei This proved we were the center!) But Dylan warned us to be carefui-of him. A few weeks earlier, just ciays after the Kennedy assassination, he roié us, he had appeared as the banquet of the Cid Leftish Emergency Civii Liberties Committee. He thought he’d been invited to sing; he didn't know he was about to be given their Torn Paine Award. “Then I see these bald—headed, por—beilieci people sitting out there in suits," he toié us. He tankeé up at the backstage bar, conteinpiated the assemblage, then “went ranted that oid people in fins and jewels ‘ shouid retire, announced that he could see some of himseif in Lee Harvey Oswaici, and stalked ofi the platform. He was half warning us, haif apologizing for his bad-boy behavior.* in the meantime, Dyian said he would sing some benefit concerts for SDS. {Bur afterward he didn’t answer our ietters or phone caiis.) /Dyian wasn’r just putting on; or if his poiiricai commitment was a put—on phase designed to catapult him to Stardom, as he said in a iater and cynical incarnation, he was probabiy purring himseif on as well. The woman he iiveé with on anci OK for years worked for CORE. He sang to Negroes in the Mississippi corton fields {there is a touching sequence from this trip in the Pennebaker—Leacock documentary 0012’: Look Back). He visiceci movement organizers in rhe mining country of eastern Kentucky, ‘ where he wrote “The Chimes of Freedom Flashing? And so his next aiburn, Anotber Side of 895 Dyz'mz, struck the politicos as something of a personal betrayal, especiaiiy the Eine direcreci at the onetime lover: “I've heard you say many a time thar you’re better than no one and no one is better than youfif you reaiiy beiieve that you know you base nothing to win and nothing to lose.” ‘ *8: another version of the Tom Paine Award episode, Dyian reworked the experience to sound pureiy we simply dismissive of the spectacle of ridéeuious old-fart left-wingers: “A11 they can see is a cause, and using people for their causes" “EVERYBODY GE? YOGEIHER" $99 Througft a}: this, Dyim’s aibcms were never big successes, by American pap stanéazds (they mid bearer in Engiami}. ‘When two of his songs made the top tenw—“Biowin’ in the Wind” and “Don’: Think Twice, it’s AH Right"~—~it was :12: sweeteneé versiona by Pete: 93222 8:26 Mar}: By contrast the asmnishmg :zajecwry 01‘"‘Eve or” Desauetion" signaied a new mentaiicy an a grand scaie: smetching far beyond Berkeiey and? Arm Arbor ami Swarthmore an& ether havens of {he eziucated. For pepuiar music was suziéeniy brooding and seaming 33% we: the place. The: same menrh, foik’s prfncess, joan Baez, broke firm) me hit parade for the firs: time in five years of recorémg, with an siegiacai Phi} Ochs baiiad caiieé “There But for Famine," which oozed universai compassion. inciuded sympathy for wines, and referseci :0 “the city where The bombs had {a faiL" which I took as mean Hiroshima Dyian had 37:15: convened r0 eiecxzrified 50224” mack—.51 few hundred purists (out of twemy thousand fans} had booed him 05 the stage when he unveiied the new Style at {he Newpor: Pafk Eeszivai in jay—and his commerciaé insane: was rewarded: the foiicsinger whe wanted {0 be rock ’n’ mii star fimaiiy buts: .through :0 Number with the private} eieczzic, rocked~up hostilities 05 “Like a Roiiing 57:08:.” His stylistic breakthzough made “Eve of Beetmczioe” and 31% its foék—mck successors possibie, in fact, by “dragging {feik} screaming," as Charlie Gifiett writes, into the pop warm. breaking :he back of omhmiox {01k music in the pmcess. , And if these sufien bursrs weren’t eeoagh, what they faiioweci to the Numbez spat were ZhE grinding riffs of the Roiiing Stones” “Satisfie- zion,” which announced Ets intent with a guitar iick the: seundeci Like a sour buzz saw, and never seopped snazfing, The verges were ham} :0 understandwin fast they were digs a: the banality 9f zaciio, TV. ané advertising, if you maid decipher themwbuz it was hard so miss the sexual msinuazésn at" {he repeazeé can’t get an satisfeccian”; the imermpiw 01? “And I try, 32d 1 my, arid § my”; the dare and {aunt ii} the stopszertmg “E can't get n0—-”; the Sins: of 232 kinds of pLeasuze~hungry, thwarted, ravaged andw—what the heflémvagimg seives prociaiming once and for aii that 110 one was going to stop them when {hey {raised mm the wodd to get whatever i: was they hadn’t gozzem Angrier than the Stones’ mike: biues, and far more popuiar is: the Seances, “Satisfacziom” was a ewes—£3335 yeip 0f resentment (he: could appeai to waitresses and methanics ami :uderzts, aii stamping is} unisem The Smaes‘ {Gughqaugh bad‘fisy personae weze as much a tantrivance as the Beades’ fameus SW’BfiZflflSS; $325 the help of dearer weaseiors, the Stones éiscmereci to their awn satisfaccien gas: how vase was t; e marker for éacz’em, ...
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This note was uploaded on 03/18/2010 for the course COMM 1435 taught by Professor Schofield during the Spring '10 term at Santa Monica.

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8a - FEREEN £2??? ~ THE ERS OE r NA (mar- « I...

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