facilitator - imperialism

facilitator - imperialism - Karl Pearson SOCIAL DARWINISM:...

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Unformatted text preview: Karl Pearson SOCIAL DARWINISM: IMPERIALISM JUSTIFIED BY NATURE In EIIC‘IELSE part of the nineteenth century, the tressed by application of Darwin's theory of evolution to human society. Theo- rists called Social Darwinists argued that nations and races, like the species of animals, were locked in a struggle for existence in which only the fittest sur— vived and deserved to survive. British and American imperialists employed the language of Social Darwinism to promote and justify Anglo-Saxon expansion and domination of other peoples. Social Darwinist ideas spread to Germany. which was inspired by the examples of British and American expansion. In a lecture given in 1900 and titled "National Life from the Standpoint of Science,” Karl Pearson (1357—1936), a British professor of mathematics, expressed the spirit of expansionism was but- beliefs of Social Darwinists. What I have said about bad stock seems to me to hold for the [enter races of man. How many centuries, how many thousands of years, have the Kaffir [a tribe in southern Africa] or the negro held large districts in Africa undis- turbed by the white man? Yet their in terrribal struggles have not yet produced a civilization in the least comparable with the Aryan1 [west- ern European]. Educate and nurture them as you will, I do not believe that you will succeed in modifying the stock. History shows me one way, and one way only, in which a high state of civilization has been produced, namely, the struggle of race with race, and the survival of the physically and mentally fitter race. . . . Let us suppose we could prevent the white man, ifwe liked, from going to lands of which the agricultural and mineral resources are not worked to the full; then I should say a thousand times better for him that he should not go than that he should settle down and live alongside the inferior race. The only healthy alternative is that he should go and completely drive out the inferior race. That is practi- cally what the white man has done in North America. . . . But I venture to say that no man calmly judging will wish either that the whites had never gone to America, or would desire that whites and Red Indians were to—day living alongside each other as negro and white in the Southern States, as Kaffit and European in South Africa, still less that they had mixed their blood as Spaniard and Indian in South America. . . . I venture to assert, then, that the struggle for existence between white and red I man, painful and even terrible as it was in its details, has given us a good far outbalancing its l immediate evil. In place of the red man, con- l tributing practically nothing to the work and thought of the world, we have a great nation, l mistress ofmany arts, and able, with its youth- ful imagination and fresh, untrammelled im— pulses, to contribute much to the common stock ofcivilized man. . . . But America is but one case in which we have to mark a masretful human progress fol- lowing an inter-racial struggle. The AustralianI nation is another case of great civilization sup— planting a lower race unable to worlt to the full the land and its resources. . .. The struggle means suffering, intense suffering, while it is in progress; but that struggle and that suffer- ing have been the stages by which the white man has reached his present stage of d6velop— ment, and they account for the fact that he no longer lives in caves and feeds on roots and nuts. This dependence of progress on the sur- vival of the litter race, terribly black as it may seem to some of you, gives the struggle for ex- istence its redeeming features; it is the fiery Crucible out of which comes the finer metal. You may hope for a time when the sword shall be turned into the ploughshare, when Ameri- can and German and English traders shall no longer compete in the markets of the world for their raw material and for their food supply, when the white man and the dark shall share the soil between them, and each till it as he lists [pleases]. But, believe me, when that day comes mankind will no longer progress; there will be nothing to check the fertility ofinfetior stock; the relentless law of heredity will not be controlled and guided by natural selection: Man will stagnate. . . . The . . . great function ofscience in national life . . . is to show us what national life means, and how the nation is a vasr organism sub- ject . . to the great forces of evolution. . .. There is a struggle of race against race and of nation against nation. in the early days of that struggle it was a blind, unconscious struggle of barbaric tribes. At the present day, in the case of the civilized white man, it has become more and more the conscious. carefully directed at- tempt of the nation to fit itself to a continu- ously changing environment. The nation has to foresee how and where the struggle will be carried on; the maintenance of national posi- tion is becoming more and more a conscious preparation for changing conditions, an insight into the needs of coming environments. . . . . . . lfu nation is to maintain its position in this struggle, it must be fully provided with trained brains in every department of national activity, from the government to the factory, and have, if possible, a reserve of [2mm and physique to {all back upon in times of national crisis. . . . You will see that my view—and I think it may be called the scientific view ofa nation-w is that of an organized whole, kept up to a high pitch of internal efficiency by insuring that its numbers are substantially recruited From the better stocks. and kept up to a high pitch of external efficiency by contest, chiefly by way of war with inferior races, and with equal races by the struggle for trade—routes and for the sources of raw material and of food supply. This is the natural history view of mankind, and I do not think you can in its main Features subvert it. . . . , . . Is it not a fact that the daily bread ofour millions of workers depends on their having somebody to work for? that if we give up the contest For trade-routes and for free markets and For waste iands, we indirectly give up our food—supply? Is it not a fact that our strength depends on these and upon our colonies, and that our colonies have been won by the ejection of inferior races, and are maintained against equal races only by reSpect for the present power oFour empire? . . . . . . We find that the law of the survival of the fitter is true of mankind, but that the struggle is that of the gregarious animal. A community not knit together by strong social instincts. by sympathy between man and man, and class and class, cannot Face the external contest, the competition with Other nations, by peace or by war, for the raw material of producrion and For its food supply. This strug- gle of tribe with tribe, and nation with na- tion, may have its mournful side; but we see as a result of it the gradual progress of man- kind to higher intellectual and physical effi- ciency. It is idle to condemn it; we can only see that it exists and recognise what we have gained by ir-—civilization and social sympathy. But while the statesman has to watch this ex- ternal struggle. . . . he must be very cautious that the nation is not silently rotting at its core. He must insure that the Fertility of the inferior Stocks is checked, and that of the supe- rior stocks encouraged; he must regard with suspicion anything that tempts the physically and mentally litter men and women to remain childless. . . . . . . The path of progress is strewn with the wrecks of nations; traces are everywhere to be seen oFthe hecatombs [slaughtered remains] of inferior races, and of victims who found not the narrow way to perfection. Yet these dead people are, in very truth, the stepping stones on which mankind has arisen to the higher in— tellectual and deeper emotional life of today. The White Man’s Burden (1899) (The United States and the Philippine Islands) Take up the White Man‘s burden— Send forth the best ye breed— Go bind your sons to exile To serve your captives’ need; To wait in heavy harness On fluttered follc and wild— Your new—caught, suilen peoples, Half devil and half child. Take up the White Man‘s burdenefi In patience to abide, To veil the threat of terror And check the show of pride; By open speech and simple, An hundred times made plain, To seek another’s profit, And work another’s gain. Take up the White Man‘s burden—— The savage wars of peace— Fill full the mouth of Famine Anti bid the sickness cease; And when your goal is nearest The end for others sought, Watch Sloth and heathen Folly Bring all your hope to nought. Take up the White Man’s burden— No tawdry rule of kings, But toil ofserf and sweeper— The tale of common things. Rudyard Kipling The ports ye shall not enter, The roads ye shall not tread, Go make them with your living, And mark them with your dead! Take up the White Man's burden— Antl reap his old reward: The blame of those ye better, The hate of those ye guard— The cry of hosts ye humour {Ah, slowly!) toward the liglitzw ‘Why brought ye us from bondage, ‘Our loved Egyptian night?‘ Take up the White Man’s burden— Ye dare not stoop to less—- Nor Call too loud on Freedom To cloak your weariness; By all ye cry or whisper, By all ye leave or do, The silent, sullen peoples Shall weigh your Gods and you. Take up the White Man’s burden— I-Iave dune with childish days—- The lightly proffered laurel, The easy, ungrudgetl praise. Comes now, to search your manhood Through all the thankless years, Cold-edged with clear-bought wisdom, The judgment of your peers! Part Two illua’tm Em‘upe Edmund Morel THE BLACK MAN’S BURDEN ED. Morel (1873—1924) was an English author and journalist with a lteen sense of moral responsibility, who was especially concerned with the colonial ex— ploitation of Africa. The most extreme abuses of the nineteenth century tool; place in the Congo Free State established in 1835 under the personal rule of King Leopold II of Belgium. By 1904 the king’s ruthless methods of enriching himself while destroying the native population had become a scandal widely publicized in England and the United States. Morel took a leading part in denouncing the selfish exploiters of the Congo System. As a result, in 1908 Leopold II was forced to turn over his colonial domain to the Belgian govern- ment, which initiated more humane policies. After World War I. Morel, moved by "the desolation and misery into which Europe was plunged,“ foresaw a new era heralding the birth of “an interna— tional conscience in regard to Africa." In 1920 he published his book, The Blame (Man’s Burden: T/Je lVbz'te Man in Africa from the Fifteenth Century :0 IVarld “Var 1. While recognizing the accomplishments of Europeans in Africa, “many of them worthy of admiration," he was foremost concerned with the immense suffering Europe had inflicted upon the peoples of that continent, pleading that "Africa is really helpless against the material goods of the white man, as em- bodied in the trinity of imperialism, capitalistic-exploitation, and militarism." He wanted to make the public aware of the evils that were still perpetrated in many African regions. As a left-wing intellectual and a member of Parliament for the Labour Party, he thus helped to set off an anti-colonial tide of compas— sion for the African people. The following passages are selected from Morel’s description of the Congo System. The Congo Free State—known since August, 1908, as the Belgian Congor-His roughly one million square miles in extent. When Stanley discovered the course of the Congo and ob- served its densely-populated river banks, he formed the, doubtless very much exaggerated, estimate that the total population amounted to forty millions. In the years that followed, when ‘ the country had been explored in every di- rection by travellers of divers nationalities, estimates varied between twenty and thirty millions. No estimate fell below twenty mil- lions. In 1911 an official census was taken. It was not published in Belgium, but was re- ported in one of the British Consular dis- patches. I: revealed that only eight and a balfmz‘l- liunpeuple were 113‘}. The Congo system lasted for the best part of twenty years. The $055 of life can never be known with even approximate ex— actitude. But data, extending over successive periods, are ptocutable in respect of a number of regions, and a careful study of these suggests that a figure of ten million victims would be a very conservative estimate. . . . It is very difficult for anyone who has not experienced in his person the sensations of the tropical African forest to realise the tre— mendous handicaps which man has to contend against whose lot is cast beneath its sombre shades; the extent to which nature, there seen in her mosr titanic and ruthless moods, presses upon man; the intellectual disabilities against which man must needs constantly struggle not to sink to the level of the brute; the incessant combat to preserve life and secure nourishment. Communities living in this environment who prove themselves capable of systematic agri- culture and of industry; who are found to he possessed of [teen commercial instincts; who are quick at learning, deft at working iron and copper, able to weave cloths of real artistic de— sign; these are communities full of promise in which the divine spark burns brightly. To cite stroy these activities; to reduce all the varied, and picturesque, and stimulating episodes in savage life to a dull routine of endless toil for uncomprehended ends; to dislocate social ties and disrupt social institutions; to stifle nascent desires and crush mental development; to graft upon primitive passions the annihilating evils of scientific slavery, and the bestial imaginings ofcivilised man, unrestrained by convention or law; in fine, to kill the soul in a people—this is a crime which transcends physical murder. And this crime it was, which, for twenty dreadful years, white men perpetrated upon the Congo natives. . . . From 1391 until 19l2, the paramount ob ject ofEuropean rule in the Congo was the pil- laging of its natural wealth to enrich private interesrs in Belgium. To achieve this end a spe— cific, well-defined System was thought out in Brussels and applied on the Congo. . . . The Policy was quite simplerNative rights in land were deemed to be confined to the ac- tual sites of the town or village, and the areas under food cultivation around them. Beyond those areas no such rights would be admitted. The land was "vacant," La, without owners. Consequently the "State" was owner. The "State" was Leopold iI., not in his capacity of constitutional Monarch of Belgium, but as Sovereign of the "Congo Free State." Native rights in nine—tenths ofthe Congo territory be- Cbapter'Q European Imperialism 245 ing thus declared non—existent, it followed that the native population had no proprietary right in the plants and trees growing upon that ter- titory, and which yielded rubber, resins, oils, dyes, etc.: no right, in short, to anything ani- mal, vegetable, or mineral which the land con- tained. In making use of the produce of the land, either for internal or external trade or in- ternal industry and social requirements, the native population would thus obviously be making use of that which did not belong to it, but which belonged to the "State," i.e.. Leo— pold II. It followed logically that any third person European or other—acquiring, or at- tempting to acquire, such produce from the native population by purchase, in exchange for corresponding goods or services, would be guilty of robbery, or attempted robbery, of "State property." A "State" required revenue. Revenue implied taxation. The only articles in the Congo territory capable of producing rev- enue were the ivory, the rubber, the resinous gums and oils; which had become the property of the "State." The only medium through which these articles could be gathered, pre— pared and exported to Europeleiere they would be sold and converted into revenue_ was native labour. Native labour would be called upon to furnish those articles in the name of "taxation. " . . . Regulations were issued forbidding the natives to self rubber or ivory to European merchants, and threatening the latter with prosecution if they bought these articles from the natives. in the second place, every official in the country had to be made a partner in the business of getting rubber and ivory out of the natives in the guise of "taxation." Circulars, which remained secret for many years, were sent out, to the effect that the paramount duty of Officials was to make their districts yield the greatest possible quantity of these articles; promotion would be reckoned on that basis. As a further stimulus to "energetic action" a sys- tem of sliding-scale bonuses Was elaborated, whereby the less the native was "paid" for his 244 loier Ter Mar/em Europe labs/(r in producing these articles of"taxarion," he. the lower the outlay in obtaining them, the higher was the Official's commission. . . . “Concessionaire” Companies were created to which the King farmed out a large proportion of the total territory, retaining half the shares in each venture. These privileges were granted to business men, bankers, and others with whom the King thought it necessary to com- pound. They floated their companies on the stock exchange. The shares rose rapidly. . . . These various measures at the European end were comparatively easy. The problem of deal- ing with the natives themselves was more com- plex. A native army was the {are—requisite, The live years .. . [From 1886 to 1891] were em- ployed in raising the nucleus of a force of 5,000. It was successively increased to nearly 20,000 apart from the many thousands of “irregulars” employed by the Concessionaire Companies. This force was amply sufficient for the purpose, For a single native soldier armed with a rifle and with a plentiful supply of ball cartridge can tertorise a whole village. The same system of promotion and reward would apply to the native soldier as to the Official— the more rubber From the village, the greater the prospect of having a completely Free hand to loot and tape. A systematic warfare upon the women and children would prove an excellent means of pressure. They would be converted into "hostages" for the good behaviour, in rub- ber collecting, of the men. “Hostage houses" would become an institution in the Congo. But in certain parts of the Congo the rubber- vine did not grow. This peculiarity of nature was, in one way, all to thegood. For the army of Officials and native soldiers, with their wives, and concubines, and camp-Followers generally, required Feeding. The non—rubber producing districts should feed them. Fishing tribes would be "taxed" in fish; agricultural tribes in Foodstuffs. In this case, too, the women and children would answer For the men. Frequent military expeditions would probably be an un- fortunate necessity. Such expeditions would demand in every case hundreds of carriers for the transport of loads, ammunition, and gen“ eral impedimenta. Here, again, was an excel- lent school in which this idle people could learn the dignity ot‘labour. The whole territory would thus become a busy hive of human ac- tivities, continuously and usefully engaged for the benefit of the "owners" of the soil thou- sands of miles away, and their crowned Head, whose intention, proclaimed on repeated occa- sions to an admiring world. was the "moral and material regeneration" of the natives of the Congo. Such was the Leopoldian "System," briefly epitomised. It was conceived by a master brain. Friedrich Fabri Does Germany Need Colonies? (1879) The Lat-heron pastor Friedrich Fabri (1824—1891), born to afa'niily ofGernian-schol- ars, became director ofthe Barnien Rhine Missionniy Society in 1857. Fabri hirnselfl however, had no experience as a missionary and never traeeled overseas. Fabri lJB- lieved that missionary activity should be united with econonncacnvines to provtdef— nancial support for religious work; however, his efiforts ni‘tlns direction led to fiscal disaster and his resignationfi'orn the Society in 1884. In his influential pamphlet Does Germany Need Coloniesi, Fahri avoided moralistic or religious arguments infer/oi of colonization. Instead, he focused on the development of colonies as beneficialto Get'l'llfli'l economic anclpoliticalpoi-ver and to the German working class, both of which were sufiferingfi'oin a severe downturn in the economy in the late 18-70'5. In the selec- tion below, Fabri links colonization to nationalpolitical and economic Interests. A German colonial policy can of course only develop gradually. 1f today Britain or Holland, in a spirit of the most sublime disinterest and in defiance of the old, yet ever new politico-diplomatic principle of do, at des,‘ should propose to cede one of their trading colonies to us, such munificence would, initially at least, place us in ' “Give that you may receive" (Latin). an embarrassing position. For what do we, as yet, know of colonies and colonial policy? . . . [lln regard to colonies, we are in the earliest preliminary stage. It is, above all, important to promote awareness of the importance and necessity of colonial possessions, and. on this basis, strongly to encourage the nation's resolve to focus upon this object. lf, from this point ofdepartui'e, and having overcome all difficulties and obstacles, we arrive at the start of real action, then these first at- tempts will justify the effort and difficulty inseparable from all new beginnings. But cannot the German nation, traditionally bred to the sea, well equipped for indus- try and trade, more suited than most for agrarian colonisation, and endowed with a more abundant and more freely available labour force than that of any other modern civilised people, make a successful start upon this new course too? We doubt this the less, the more confident we are that the colonial question has already today become a matter of vital importance for Germany's development. Were it to be tackled judiciously yet firmly, this would produce the most fruitful results for our economic situation, indeed for our whole national development. The very fact that we have here a new question, whose many implications offer the German peo- ple what is in truth an untrodden and virgin field ofaction, may have a wholesome effect in many ways. There is in the new Reich already much that has been so en~ venomed. so soured and poisoned by futile party bickering, that the opening up of a new and promising path of national development might well have, as it were, a widely liberating effect, in that it would powerfully stimulate the national spirit in new directions. This too would be gratifying, and an advantage. More important, it is true, is the consideration that a people which has been led to the pinnacle of political power, can succeed in maintaining its historic position only for as long as it recognises and asserts itselfas the bearer ofo cultural mission. This is at the same time the only way ofensuring the continuance and growth of the national prosper— ity. the necessary basis for the continued exercise of power. The days are past when Germany's share in carrying out the tasks of our century consisted almost exclu- sively in intellectual and literary activity. We have become political, and powerful as well. But political power, when it forces itself into the foreground as an end in it- self among a nation’s aspirations, leads to cruelty, indeed barbarism, if it is not ready and willing to fulfil the cultural tasks of its age, ethical, moral and economic. The French political economist Leroy Beaulieu concludes his works on colonisa— tion with the words: “That nation -is the world’s greatest which colonises most; ifit is not the greatest today, it will be tomorrow.”2 No-one can deny that in this direction Britain far surpasses all other States. There has admittedly often been talk during the past decade, particularly in Germany, of“the declining power ofBritain.” Those who can only estimate the power of a State in terms of the size of its standing army (as has indeed become almost the custom in our iron age), may well regard this opinion as justified. But those who let their gaze wander over the globe and survey Great Britain’s mighty and ever-increasing colonial empire, those who consider what strength she derives from that empire, with what skill she administers it, those who observe how commanding a position the Anglo-Saxon race enjoys in all countries overseas, to them this talk will seem the reasoning of an ignoramus. That Britain, IPaul Leroy-Beaulieu (18434 916) in De In colonisation cite: [es peoples modernes. moreover, maintains her world-wide possessions, her position of predominance over the seas of the world, with the aid of troops whose numbers scarce equal one- quarter of the armies of one of the military States of our continent, constitutes not only a great economic advantage, but also the most striking tostimony to the solid power and the cultural strength ofBritain. True, Great Britain today will remain as much as possible aloof from continental mass wars, or at most will only engage in action jointly with allies, which, however, will not harm the island kingdom’s power position. It wottld, in any case, be advisable for us Germans to learn from the colo- nial skill ofour Anglo-Saxon cousins and begin to emulate them in peaceful com- petition. When, centuries ago, the German Reich stood at the head of the States of Europe, it was the foremost trading and seagoing Power. 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facilitator - imperialism - Karl Pearson SOCIAL DARWINISM:...

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