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2AC-Coercion-BQ-lab

2AC-Coercion-BQ-lab - Dartmouth 2K9 1 2AC Coercion(1/4 1...

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12539ef1c3831c481b744308573a0adc0b6daf4f.doc Dartmouth 2K9 1 2AC Coercion (1/4) 1. Case outweighs – we access the only solvable internal link to extinction. [Explain advantage impact/internal link] Even if coercion in the abstract is bad, it shouldn’t be the first priority in politics – the plan results in something positive for the world. 2. The role of a policy maker is to evaluate consequences first – obsessions with moral purity plunge the neg into an infinite regression Isaac , PhD.Yale, Prof. PoliSci Indiana-Bloomington, dir. Center for the Study of Democracy and Public Life, 02 (Jeffrey C. Isaac, PhD.Yale, Prof. PoliSci Indiana-Bloomington, dir. Center for the Study of Democracy and Public Life, Spring 2002, “End, Means, and Politics,” Dissent Magazine, vol. 49, no. 2) As writers such as Niccolo Machiavelli, Max Weber, Reinhold Niebuhr, and Hannah Arendt have taught, an unyielding concern with moral goodness undercuts political responsibility. The concern may be morally laudable, reflecting a kind of personal integrity, but it suffers from three fatal flaws: (1) It fails to see that the purity of one’s intention does not ensure the achievement of what one intends . Abjuring violence or refusing to make common cause with morally compromised parties may seem like the right thing; but if such tactics entail impotence, then it is hard to view them as serving any moral good beyond the clean conscience of their supporters; (2) it fails to see that in a world of real violence and injustice, moral purity is not simply a form of powerlessness; it is often a form of complicity in injustice. This is why, from the standpoint of politics--as opposed to religion-- pacifism is always a potentially immoral stand. In categorically repudiating violence , it refuses in principle to oppose certain violent injustices with any effect; and (3) it fails to see that politics is as much about unintended consequences as it is about intentions; it is the effects of action, rather than the motives of action, that is most significant. Just as the alignment with “good” may engender impotence, it is often the pursuit of “good” that generates evil. This is the lesson of communism in the twentieth century: it is not enough that one’s goals be sincere or idealistic; it is equally important , always, to ask about the effects of pursuing these goals and to judge these effects in pragmatic and historically contextualized ways. Moral absolutism inhibits this judgment. It alienates those who are not true believers. It promotes arrogance. And it undermines political effectiveness. 3. Perm – do the plan and reject coercive politics. The alt is only possible in a world of policy action. Harvey , J.D. Yale, 02 (Philip Harvey, J.D. Yale, Spring 2002, “Human Rights and Economic Policy Discourse: Taking Economic and Social Rights Seriously,” 33 Colum. Human Rights L. Rev. 353) Perhaps the clearest illustration of this compromise or balancing principle is the distinction drawn in constitutional
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