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POL 100 Pt 2 - An Aral PhilosoPhy of History Selections...

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Unformatted text preview: . An Aral) PhilosoPhy of History Selections from the Prolcgomcm of lbn Khnldun of Tunis (1332-1406) translated and arranged by CHARLES [SSAW’I M.A. Adjunct Rafi-nor qf Poliu'tal Sn'mt: in (It: Amrrfmn Univerxily of Brim! jo/m [Murray Albcxmrl: Srrcct London .....—__.._. .— CHAI’TER SEVEN. RELIGION AND POLITICS RELIGION AS THE BASIS OF EMPIRE Vast midpowerjltl Empires arefinmded «in a religion. This is because dominion can only be secured by victory, and victory goes to the side which shows most solidarity and unity of purpose. Now men's hearts are united and co-ordinated, with the help of God, by participation in a common religion. . . . [VOL I, p. 284] A Religion reinfimes the power which a state has already acquired from it‘s solidarity and numbers. This is because, as we mentioned earlier, a religious fervour can efTace the competitiveness and envy felt by the members of the group towards each other, and turn their faces towards the truth. When once their eyes have been fixed on the truth, nothing can stand in their way, for their outlook is the same and the object they desire is common to all and is one for which they are prepared to die. The people of the state they are setting out to conquer, on the other hand, how- ever superior in numbers, have different and unworthy goals and are ready to flee for fear ofdeath. Hence the latter will not succeed in resisting the attack, in spite oftheir numbers, but will soon suffer defeat and annihilation, especially in view of the luxury and oppression prevailing in that country. This is what happened to the Arabs during the early Muslim con- quests, For the Muslim armies at each of the battles of Yarmuk1 ‘ The Yarmuk is a tributary ofthe jordan ; the Aral) victory over the Byzantines on its banks. in 636, gave them control over practically the whole of Syria. K 131 fill. HISTORY . F'- .. ' . - r- " = ,- 132 AN ‘xItAn PHILOSOPHY O and Qadesia 1 numbered little over 30,000 men, whereas the Persians numbered at Qadcsia 120,000 men, while Heraclius' army, according to al Waqidi, consisted of 400,000 men.’ Yet neither of their two opponents was able to stand up against the Arabs, both being defeated. Consider, too, the dynasties of Lamtuna’ and Al Muwah— hidun. There were many tribes in Morocco which rivalled or even surpassed them in numbers and cohesion. Yet their religious fervour, by fixing their eyes on the truth and making them ready to die for it, as we said, so reinforced their solid- arity that nothing could stand in their way. Consider, too, how matters change when the religious fervour begins to weaken and gets corrupted so that religion ceases to play an important part and victory goes to the more cohesive side. A state may then be defeated by those same tribes which it had formerly subjugated, thanks to the power which religion had given it, but which were in fact ofequal or superior strength to it because they were more cohesive or nearer the nomadic stage. This was the case of the Al Muwahhidun and the Zenata; for the Zenata were more savage and nomadic than the Musa- mida, yet the latter, by following the Mahdi,‘ acquired a religious ‘ Qadesia is situated not far from Al Najaf, in iraq. The Arab victory over the Persians at Qadesia. in 637, gave them the mastery over Iraq and Persia. ’ The Arab army at Yannuk is estimated at 25,000, that ofthe Byzan- tines at 50,000 ; at Qadesia the number of Arabs was probably smaller and that of Persians larger. "The Lamtuna, one of the subdivisions of Sanbaja, Were the veiled tribesmen inhabiting the desert south of Morocco. They constituted the nucleus around which the empire ofthe Al Muwahhidun was formed. “Die “God inspired", a title frequently claimed by political or religious leaders in islam. ~—————————%__._————————___ RELIGION AND porxrrcs 133 fervour which redoubled their strength and enabled them to overthrow and subjugate the Zenata, in spite of chata's being more cohesive and nomadic. When, however, the religious fervour ofthe Musamida began to wane, chata rose up against them, defeated them and wrested hegemony from their hands. [‘lol. I, p. 284] RELIGION AND SOLIDA RI'I'Y No religious movement can succeed unless based on solidarity. This is because, as we said before, the masses can only be moved to action in virtue of some solidarity. . . . Such, too, are those rebels both from jurists and from the masses who rise up to redress wrongs. For many who follow a religious vocation rise up against oppressive rulers, calling for the prohibition ofinjustice and iniquity and for the injunction of virtue, which God will reward. These leaders soon collect 'a large following among the rabble and the mob ; and yet they expose themselves to destruction, till most of them are in fact destroyed and get no thanks but only blame, for God did not demand so much of them. For God demanded only that men should seek to redress those evils which lie in their power. Thus the Prophet said, " if any of you should see iniquity let him change it with his hand: if he cannot, let him change it with his tongue ; and if he can- not do that, either. then let him change it with his heart." ‘ For the power of kings and dynasties is great and deep—rooted and can be shaken and overthrown only by a vigorous attack, supported by the solidarity ofa tribe or clan, as we said before. ‘ The end ofthe quotation. omitted by lbn Khaldun, runs as follows : “and that shows the weakest faith ". , ___ ,4 r...- la n . 134‘ AH ARAB PHILOSOPHY or-arrsrorty And this was what the Prophets did, peace be upon them, when they spread their teachings among the tribes. . . . [VOL I, p. 286] THE Sl’llLlTUAL AND TEMPORAL PO\VERS ‘ KINcsmp arises out ofthe necessary association ofhuman beings and is based on conquest and coercion, which are manifestations of anger and animal tendencies. Hence, the orders ofthe king, for the most part, deviate front righteousness and are oppressive to the worldly interests ofthe subjects, on whom are put unbear— able burdens in order that the king may gratify his aims and desires, these orders differing according to the different aims of successive kings. It becomes dillicult, then, to obey such com— mands and the consequent rebellions will lead to disorder and loss of life. it therefore becomes imperative to have recourse to imposed political laws, accepted and followed by the masses, as took place among the Persians and other stations. And no state can estab‘ lish and consolidate itself without such laws. Should these laws be laid down by the notables, sages and wise men ofthe nation, the polity is said to be founded on reason : if, however, the laws are those laid down by God, through a religious Lawgiver, the polity rests on a religious basis. And such a religious polity is useful both for this and for the after life, for men have not been created solely for this world, which is full ofvaniry and evil and whose end is death and annihilation. And 1The chapter on the Caliphate and hnamate in which 1in Khaldun discusses the relations between the spiritual and temporal powers, has become the starting point for modern discussions: of the problem in Islamic countries: see, for instance. 'Ali 'Abd el llaziq, AI KIN/Jr: wn tun! .rl lmkmjil Irlum, Cairo, 19:5. I . !§l$l! . i a ' .— RELIGION AND POLITICS 135 God himselfhas said, " Think you that We have created you in vain ! " . Rather, men have been created for their religion, which leads them to happiness in the after life, and " this is the path of God, who possesses Heaven and Earth ". Divine laws, then, seek to prescribe the conduct of men in all their affairs, their worship and their dealings, even in those relat— ing to the state, which is natural to human society. The state, therefore, is pattemed on religion, in order that the whole should come under the supervision of the Lawgiver. Those aspects of the state, then, which arise from conquest, coercion, and the letting loose ofthe force ofanger are oppression and aggression and are regarded as blameworthy both by the Lawgiver and by political wisdom. And those aspects that arise from the requirements ofstatecraft are also blameworthy because they lack the light ofGod, “ and he who does not take God as his light has no light". . For the Lawgiver knows the interest ofthe people in matters of the other world, which are beyond their ken. . . . Now political laws reveals to the people only apparent, worldly interests, whereas the object of the Lawgiver is men’s salvation in the Hereafter. It is therefore imperative. by the very nature of religious laws, to have the people conform themselves to religious laws in matters concerning both this world and the next. And this authority belongs to the Lawgivcrs, that is to say, the Prophets, and those who succeed them, i.e. the Caliphs,l and this is the meaning of the Caliphate. Natural Kingslsip, then, involvu the ruling of the people according to the aims and desires of the ruler. Political action is the ruling of the people according to the dictates of reason for the promotion of worldly interests and the warding off of evils. lTllC.\VOId Khalifa in Arabic means Successor. r.’ "J: r'ul. 130 AN AIIAB PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY The Caliphate is the ruling ofthe people according to the insight ofreligious dictates in other-worldly matters as well as in worldly matters derived from them. for in the eyes ofthe Lawgiver all worldly matters must be judged from the angle of the interests of the afterworld. The Caliphate, therefore, is the succession [by the Khalifa] of the Laniver. as guardian ofreligion and as director of worldly affairs in the light of that religion. ' (Vol. I, p. 342] SPIRITUAL AND TEMPORAL POWERS 1N CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM Evnnv religious community stands in need ofa leader who will watch over it. in the absence of its Prophet, and enforce the rules and prescriptions ofits religion and be looked upon as his successor. . . . Moreover, in view ofthe need for authority in every human grouping and society. a chief is needed who will guide men towards objects which are advantageous to them and will force them to keep away from those things that are harmful. Such chiefs are known as Kings. Now in the Muslim religion, which is all-inclusive irrits appeal I and seeks to convert all, by persuasion or by force. the jihad [Holy \Var] against infidels is obligatory. Hence. in Ilhn Khaldun may mean that Islam aims at converting the whole world ; ifso the contrast he draws between it and Christianity is baseless. since Christianity has also sought to spread itself by persuasion or force. Or he may mean that it seeks to regulate all aspects of life, while Christi- anity confines itself to spiritual matters. If the latter interpretation be correct. Ibn Khaldun has seized upon one of the most fundamental differences between the tsvo religions and one of the main sources of the divergences between their histories. I -_——..._._._—. flit—l reef“ RELIGION AND POLITIC137 Islam. Caliphate and Kingship ‘ arc conjoined,2S in order to unite all efforts towards a common end. The appeal of religions other than Islam. on the contrary. is not all-inclusive. nor is Holy War permissible for their adherent: except in self- defence. Hence their religious leaders do not concern themselves with political affairs. but leave the temporal power in the hands of men who have seized it by chance or for some reason with which religion hasnothing to do. Sover— eignty exists among such peoples ‘owing to social solidarity. as we said before ; their religion as such. however, does not impose any sovereignty on them seeing that it does not demand ofthern dominion over other peoples, as is the case with Islam. but merely the establishing of their faith among themselves. [Vol. I, p. 41;]. I TRANSFORMA’IION OF THE SI'IIKI'I UAL PO\VEIL ' INTO A TEMPORAL ONE Kincsme is the natural end to which social solidarity leads. And this transformation is not: a matter of choice but a necessary consequence of the natural order and disposition of things. as we said before. For no laws, religions. or institutions can be effec- tive unless a cohesive group enforce and impose them and with— out solidarity they cannot be established. Social solidarity is, therefore, indispensable ifa nation is to play the role which God has chosen for it. . . . \1 For unless religious laws derive their sanctions from social solidarity they will remain totally inoperative. . You see, therefore. how the Caliphate was transformed into a monarchy. At first [i.e. after the immediate successors of 1Le. the spiritual and temporal powers. ’ Reading " ittahadat " for “ ittakhadhar " PHILOSOPHY OF :38 AN ARAB HISTORY Mohammad] the rulers behaved like spiritual leaders, in that they enforced the articles ofthe Faith and for their part observed moral standards in their dealings. The only point of change was that the sanction on which they relied was no longer religion but coercion and social solidarity. This state ofaiiiairs continued to prevail until the time ofMu'awia, Matwan, and his son ‘Abdel Malilc,‘ as also under the first Few Abbaside Caliphs, until the time of I-Iarun al Rashid and his sons. After that nothing remained of the Caliphate and spiritual rule but the name, the reality being an absolute kingly rule in which the spirit of domination was indulged in freely, for conquest and (or the gratification of desires. This latter condition prevailed under the late Omayyad Caliphs, as Wcll as under the Abbasides under the successors 0F Al Mu'tasim and Al Mutawaltkil.’ These kings, however, retained the title of Caliph as long as they had to depend on the support of the Arabs. Thus, in the two stages described above, Monarchy and Caliphate were intertwined. \Vhen, however, the solidarity of the Arabs began to weaken, their numbers to fall off, and their power to decline, :1 Further change took place. Absolute Mon- archies grew up in the East,3 under non-Arab rulers, who, because ofteligious sentiments, recognized the authority and the titles of the Caliphs but who ltept the substance of power for themselves. . . You have seen, then, that in the first stage [ofMuslim history] the Caliphate existed alone, without any monarchy: later on lMu‘awia (died A.D. 680) was thefouuder ofthe Omayyad dynasty; Marwan (died 685) and 'Abdel Malik (died 705) were among his most distinguished successors. ‘ Al Mutawakkil (822—61). The son of al Mu'tasim succeeded his brother 21 \Vathiq as caliph. ’ I.e. the eastern halfofthe Arab world; Iraq, Syria, Egypt and Arabia. RELIGION AND POLITICS I39 Caliphate and Monarchy Were intertwined and intermixed: finally ,Monarchy stood out. independently of the Caliphate, because it could lean on a power and solidarity distinct from that of the Caliphate. , [VOL I, p. 364] Modern Library College Editions _.._—.__~-__s..____.______._.—————-——— A distinguished paperbound series acclaimed for its excellent translations, outstanding critical introductions, and reliable texts. Included are American, British, and Continental classics newly edited especially lor this series as well as volumes selected lrom the Modern Library titles most frequently used in colleges and universities through- out the country. _~\~ “1.x ._.5. - .-_ ‘- I l; V L-.— vi: . . ' '-'. flung/7 UJOPOW: - 'h " 3, 973/103 9159110? .- -. 7'1"; I . t n n n 9. 0 Q n ET 0 < o... ‘ 2/112- byMax 4. L‘éfner} ~—~._ ._.__'«~ 56 N1cc0Lo Macmavnnu Chapter XV OF THE THINGS FOR ‘v‘VHICll MEN, AND ESPECIALLY PRINCES, ARR PRAISED 0R BLAME!) IT now remains to be seen what are the methods and rules for a prince as regards his subjects and friends. And as I know that many have written of this, I fear that my writing about it may be deemed presumptuous, differing as I do, especially in this matter, from the opinions of others. But my intention being to write something of use to those who understand, it appears to me more proper to go to the real truth of the matter than to its imagination; and many have imagined republics and principalities which have never been seen or known to exist in reality; for how we live is so far removed from how we ought to live, that he who aban— dons what is done for what ought to be done, will rather learn to bring about his own ruin than his preservation. A man who wishes to make a profession of goodness in' every— thing must necessarily come to grief among so many who are not good. Therefore it is necessary for a prince, who wishes to maintain himself, to learn how not to be good, and to use this knowledge and not use it, according to the necessity of the case. Leaving on one side, then, those things which concern onlynan imaginary prince, and speaking of those that are real, I state that all men, and especially princes, who are placed at a greater height, are reputed for certain qualities which bring them either praise or blame. Thus one is con- ”a- sidcred liberal, another miscro or miserly (using a Tuscan term, seeing that auaro with us still means one who is ra- "I ‘. . paciously aeguisitive and misero one who makes grudging use of his own); one a free giver, another rapacious; one. cruel, another merciful; one a breaker of his word, another trustworthy; one effeminate and pusillanimous, another fierce and high-spirited; one humane, another haughty; one lascivious, another chaste; one frank, another astute; one hard, another easy; one serious, another frivolous; one re- ligious, another an unbeliever, and so on. I know that every one will admit that it would be highly praiseworthy in a prince to possess all the above-named qualities that are re- puted good, but as they cannot all be possessed or observed, human conditions not permitting of it, it is necessary that he should be prudent enough to avoid the scandal of those ' vices which would lose him the state, and guard himself if possible against those which will not lose it him, but if not able to, he can indulge them with less scruple. And yet he must not mind incurring the scandal of those vices, without which it would be difficult to save the state, for if one con- siders well, it will be found that some things which seem virtues would, if followed, lead to one’s ruin, and some others which appear vices result in one's greater security and wellbeing. Chapter XVI I 0F LIBERALITY AND NIGGARDLINESS BEGINNING now with the first qualities above named, I say . that it would be well to be considered liberal; nevertheless liberality such as the world understands it will injure you, because if used virtuously and in the proper way, it will not ~76 9Q 21 ‘\ . . The Marx-Engels Reader Edited by ROBERT C. TUCKER Princeton University This new anthology brings together the essenti and l§n' gels—“those works necessary for an introduction to Marxist thought and ideology. The volume is so arranged as to show both the chronological and the thematic development of the two great thinkers. Selections range from history, society, eco- and the strategy and tactics of social .iaeh selection is introduced by at writings of Marx in coverage to politics, philosophy, revolution. l nonries. Professor Tucker and, where possible, is presented in its entirety. ‘l’art l presents the writings of the young Marx. the works which have aroused so much intc rest and cause ll includes works critic an anthology, suhst )ortant work, (.'rr/)iI(I/. in d so much debate in the al of capitalism. and, {or antial portions of Marx's most ’art lll are the Works which outline the program. strategy, and tactics of the revolutionary movement. l’arl lV includes those writings critical of society and politics in the uiucttwnth century, not only European hut Asian or ll lln- tonelurliniz section. ’at‘t V loot-ls. ir' alll'lr past decade. l’art the lirst time in inn and Russian as , presents the later writings of Marxism was popularized and systemati7ed for lln lit llt'lll ml the masses, /»’/l .llmi [mgr/x Ri...
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