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fuzi shozo-jan 6 - 1895—1945 ll TAIWAN UNDER JAPANESE...

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Unformatted text preview: 1895—1945 ll TAIWAN UNDER JAPANESE COLONIAL RULE | | I | + History, Culture, Memory EDITED BY LIAO PING-HUI AND DAVID DER-‘WEI WANG Cnfurnbia [-‘niversiry Prey: New ‘Jhrfi CUP “is hes to expires; its appreciation for assistance given by the Council for Cuitural iii—airs. Taiwan, RU C. and the Chung Ching—kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange toward the cost ofpuhhshing this hoe-k, I Editorial Board for Taiwan Studies This book is dedicated Io the memory oft-Liming Wit-Chung {1949—2005.}, Lian Ping—hui {Tsing-i'iua University, Taiwan] writer, ediwr, coitector, scholar, teacher, and pioneer Fuiii Stu-525 [Tokyo University} in Taiwan's New Literature movement fieidumrk. David Depwei Wang [Harvard Un'wersityi Columbia University Hess Publishers Since :39; New Hind-L Chiral-neuter. ‘West Sussex Copyright 3 2006 Columbia University Press All rights resen'ed Librari- oFCnngress Cataloging-in—Publicalion Data Taiwan under Japanese cuioniai rule, L39 5—1:}45 : history. culture, memory If I edited bf; Lian Ping-hui and David Der-wei W'ang. p. Cm. I Includes hibiiographicai references and index. ISBN 0—231—131998—2 {cloth} :. Taiwan —-Civiiizationfizolh century. 2. Taiwan —Ci\i]izati0n —]apanese infiuencu. I. Lian. Hinghui. ll. 1I.“."at'.ig, Dewei. Dfiqu.j-'I2_I33 2006 q;l.24rqo4—dczz 200509798 f i 9 Coiumbia University Press banks are printed (in permanent and durable acid—free paper. This boo}: was printed on paper uith recycled content. Printed in the United States nfr‘imen'ca Ci0937654321 DUTCH RULE AND ZHENG RULE Taiwan had been inhabited by Austronesian aborigines since ancient times. Han Chinese migrated from the Fujian FEE and Cuangdong ran provinces begin ning in the sixteenth century. In 1614 the Dutch East India Company established organizations to rule and trade in Tainan and ruled the island for thirty-eight years as its first foreign ruler. According to Chen Shaoxin Pfiflg. the popula» tion of Han Chinese was about 10,00o when the Dutch first occupied the island; by 1661. it had increased to 34.,00o.5 The Dutch set up churches and missionary schools for the purpose ofproselytization. In 167,3 there were 400 students from four villages registered in these schools, learning church doctrine via an alpha- betically represented indigenous language called Xinlrung Frifi. Further, in 1657 a seminary was setup to educate thirty indigenous seminarians. They were also taught the Dutch language. In 1656, ollo,1oo members of the aboriginal popula- tion, 6.078 understood Christian teachings, and 2334 of them understood more than simple prayersf" The Dutch missionary education and its rule came to an end in 1661 when Zheng Chenggong (also known as Kosinga @Efil} attacked with 25,ooo soldiers. Zheng Chenggong plotted to use Taiwan as a base to eradicate the Qing, a conquest dynasty of Manchurians, and to reestablish the Ming dynasty. He en— couraged the immigration of Han Chinese, and it is estimated that by 1630 the population had reached two hundred thousand."r Scholarly opinion on this period is divided, with some claiming that "the educational system was well established through the pyramid structure otshexue Fifi, Rune Fifi, and xueyuon $Fa“,"fi while others maintain that “political and economic stability and military expan- sion superceded concerns for education."q In any case, the three generations of Zheng rule lasted twenty—two years, and in 1633 Taiwan was oihcially incorpo- rated into Qing territory. Though the missionaryeducational system and the examination-centered edu- cation institutions were instituted under Dutch rule and the Zheng regime, their impact on the formation of Taiwanese identity was less than that of three later foreign rulers, the Qing, Iapan, and KMT, because of the shortduration of their power. Qing rule ushered in a period of rapid population growth. According to the esti- mates of Chen Shaoxing, the Han ethnic population increased by 1.8 million, reaching 2 million. during the period from 1630 to 1310. However. during the last eight decades of Qing rule leading up to 139a, there was an increase of only half a million. with the rate of expansion deereasing from 1.8 to 0.3 percent.” In re sponse to rebellions in the interior ofTaiuan and to the advance of foreign coun- tries into the island during the late nineteenth century, the Qing government expanded administrative institutions, so that by 1335. when it became an indepen- dent province. the one prefecture and three districts initially established in south- west Taiwan had grown into a networkéof three prefectures, eleven districts, three subprefectures, and one directly administered department—that covered the entire island. Further, during the nineteenth century Han immigrants began to worship in their ancestral temples not the clan founders from mainland China [tongshunzu 3;”- rJJ El but rather those who had first established their consanguineous lineages in Taiwan {hoishonzu 3% LL] ifl }. The “armed fights among various regional groups" [fenlei xierlou sutltfitdtgfii of the early period gradually developed into conflicts between clan groups, an indication that groups from the mainland had reconv stituted themselves and matured as a local Han society settled in Taiwan. Chen Chi-nan fififi identifies 1860 as the turning point for the establishment ola governing system and the natisization of the Han immigrants.” In an article published last year that focused on the local administrator and traditional educational institutions. the lapanese researcher Nakarna Kaauhiro Bil Faint? discussed the relationship of the formation of the Han elite class to the process of maturation of local Tainan E? E society. He notes: l“The economic and social development of the Taiwanese local community was clearly reflected in the establishment of educational institutions, the number ol'students en rolled, and in the number of local gentry and intellectuals who were produced."12 One might venture to say that the examination system and the educational institutions that supported the system were the major cultural policies during the period of Qing rule. Nakama quotes from the Tainan City Gazetteer: "The lQing education system followed that ollhe Ming dynasty in focusing on the examination system as a way to gather talented individuals and consolidate the foundation for the regime."” However, Nairama failed to consult the most significant study on the Taiwanese examination system, namely, Yin Chang-yi sfififi's "Taiwan. Fuiian. and the capital: The impact of examination groups [tofu shequn filififi} on the development olTaiwan and on Taiwa n's relationship with the mainland." 1" i would like to analyze the examination system during the period of Qing rule on the basis of‘fin's article. mt... many gruups muILlaICLI wmi rne examination entered. including individu- als who, having residency on the mainland but being unable to get into schools there. counterfeited Taiwanese registration documents and crossed over to Tat» wan in hopes of attending the newly founded schools there. Paralleling economic growth, population increase. and the elaboration ofthe administrative infrastruc- ture. by 1891: there were thirteen prefecture and district schools with an enroll- ment of 155 students. During the liaqing Eli period {late eighteenth century}, a reverse phenomenon occurred when some Taiwanese students counterfeitcd mainland registry to get into schools on the mainland.ls On the other hand, the central government worked hard to strengthen the re- lationship between Taiwan and the center by adjusting the quota of stn dents who would pass. Beginning in 1687'. Taiwan was allowed one provincial graduate (in. ran $11,] among those from the Fujian province examination, on the model of remote regions such as Gansu Fifi and Ningxia $3. The quota for Taiwan gradually expanded. Between 135.1. to 1858. when Taiwanese gentry donated a great amount of money toward the military expenses incurred in suppressing the Taiping diff—35$ Rebellion, the number of Taiwanese ,iuren was increased to seven. In 1393 quuta ofone in ten Taiwanese examinees was allowed the finalist status of jinshi Ed: and, in 13's}: the first Taiwanese jinshi was awarded. Later. around 1850. the quota of Taiwanese juren 9% A, was expanded and as a conse- quence. from 132; to 1894. twen -six Taiwanese jinstrr' were produced.lfr While the examination system and the immigration of groups involved in ex- amination society advanced the sinicization and confucianization ofTaiwan, the natii-izing examination-society groups made great contributions to the opening up ofagricultural land through contracts with aboriginal people based on the Qing legal system, which had as its goal the preservation of aboriginal land rights. Further, they assisted in providing funds and lodging for Taiwanese students to participate in local and national examinations. The lengthy “pilgrimage” tor the examination not only promoted interactions between various elite groups around the island. it also strengthened the ties between the center and the periphery.” Finally, Yin Zhangyi finds in the political. social, cultural, and economic con di- tions that facilitated the examinations the reason why Taiwan developed ditier- ently from the Philippines, Indonesia, and Singapore. all areas to which lChinese were immigrating at this time. Tracing the history of how the prefectural and district schools established at the beginning of Qing rule developed into a vast examination system that formed the backbone of Taiwanese society, Yin estimates that by the Cuangxu tfiifi period {1373—1895}, Taiwanese exam-takers numbered around 37,000.” However, con- sidering that the Han population had by this time reached two and a half mil- lion. and that the examinees ranged from teenagers to men in their sixties. seven Moreover, as scholars such as Li Yuanhui ¥ Q and W'ang Zhiting Elm$ have pointed out, the prefectural and district schools did not other classes on a daily basis. They conducted rituals and ceremonies at the Conhjcian temple and ofieied poetry instruction once or twice every month.” Similar to these schools were the private academies [shuyuon SE]. Distinct from these, there were also actual educational entities such as yime fi$ (charity schools], minxue E$ (schools for commoners], and shaft:ng a E [private schools] that taught read- ing and writing in literary Chinese and the abacus. [t was in these schools that students were instructed in the classics in preparation for the examination. The educational language used was not Mandarin Chinese but Taiwanese. I Sh rifting continued under Japan ese role. In 1398, a few years after the colon]- nation. there were rho? shufang schools with an equal number of teachers, and the number of students amounted to 29,876. Numbers decreased for the follow- ing three years. and though they rebounded in iqog, they immediately began to decline again. In rooa the number of students dwindled to 21.000 and was sur- passed by the public schools [kogolrlzfi flirt?) set up by the colonial government; by 1919- 302 schools remained. with less than 11,000 students: by 1941. there were only 7: schools with 254 students.an From these numerical data. we can surmise that there were about 30,000 students studying in shutting schools and the best ofthose who graduated constituted the 7,000 examinees. . [n 1941, near the end of lapanese colonial rule. the population of Taiwan numbered 5,63o.ooo, of whom 5} percent understood the Iapanese language. 744.ooo students were enrolled in primary schools for Taiwanese {194.2 statistic: see Zhong Qinghan Egg. 3). 177}. On top ofthat. there were middleschool stu- dents {'5,895], girls' high school students {3,354}. agricultural and forestry school students [1,3 5.4}, industrial school students {993}, business school students { 1.6“; 5). vocational school students [9.141], and teachers' college students [479]. The stu- dents enrolled in secondary education were 23,354. compared with a late Qing literacy rate of less than in percent. Although in late fling Taiwan there was a cultural circle with fire group participating in examination society at its core,1nd1- viduals who participated in this society were a very small minority. What sort of media environment. then, was constructed by this small elite group? According to the MEL thesis of an assistant professor at Cheng Kung Universitv. Taiwan, Li Cheng-chi $fifi. even though the technology of wood- block priiiting was brought into Taiwan during the Zheng's reign, movable‘type printing of Chinese was never introduced into Taiwan, even at the very end of fling rule. Liu Mingchuan $1 $3 E's ofiicial newspaper Dich'oo Elli? in 1886 was printed by woodblock print. After Taiwan opened its ports In 1860, the com— modity economy prospered and there was most likely a hunger for news, yet neither newspapers nor magazines were published.“ 10531 and entire congran fi'SfiE-Ji (Shanghai, 135?]. in 1872 the British mer- chant Major Funded the first Chinese language newspaper. Shenboo Fifi. Pro- testing Shenbao's biased editorials, Rong Hung '3“ Ed [1328—1912) countered with his own Huibeo Efi, which was funded by Chinese capital. Shenbno published only 600 copies initially, but by ion; the circulation had reached 30.noo. [n 1909 Xi Yufu Jill to EE bought the newspaper.22 thus returning it to Chinese manage— ment. Incidentally. japan published its first newspaper. the Yokohama Daily tfi fig E film. in 1870. For this period the literacy rate in both Taiwan and the mainland has been esti- mated as In percent. The population otShanghai in 1865 was already 690,000,” the Chinese population of Hong Kong in 18y2 was around 1o0.ooo.“ but the population ofTaipei fault: even in 1396 was only 4y.ooo. We can conclude from all this that the resident population had a great influence on the appearance of newspapers. The intrastmcture for transportation in Taiwan was not well developed. Even by the end oning rule, narrow roads only thirty centimeters wide connected the cities with neighboring villages. For travel most people relied on walking or single- wheeled rinrii’is ho Jx 3‘} i. or sedan chairs. Seaports on the west side of the island traded with Quanzhou and Zhangzhou in Fuiian province by boat and modern means of transportation were unheard of. As a consequence, commodity prices varied greatly. For example, in Taipei one lasso E {bushel} otrice costs ydn [E 36 sen E. but it would have cost only 3 yen 20 sen in the southern pa rt ofthe islan d; in liayi one hundred kilograms of coal cost one yen. but in Taipei would have only cost 34. sen.“ Although the island has an area only the size of Massachusetts and Connecticut combined. an island—wide market had not yet been formed. With its low literacy rate, absence of modern publishing media, and nonexis- tent public transportation network. Taiwanese societywas a longwayfrorn Haber- mas's idea of a “public sphere." The cultural apparatus built upon the examina- tion system. though effective during Qing rule. had become an obstacle to the self-determination of the Taiwanese people. I shall now look back at the “Taiwan- ese Democratic Nation" established at the point when the Qing ceded Taiwan to lapan in ides. According to a study done by Huang Zhaotang $533, when it was decided in the Shimonoseki as Treaty of 1395 that Taiwan would be ceded. native elites ioined with the bureaucrats appointed by the Qing court to protect their own rights, and to persuade the Three Nations that not only should they focus their attentions on the Liaodong iEi Peninsula, but they should also intervene to overturn lapanese mle in Taiwan.“ As stated in their declaration of indepen- dence: "All national attain should be conducted by oFFrcials who were chosen by citizens through public elections."27 the Ftl'Sl.’ evidence of a decisive action being said: “Taiwan belongs to us Taiwanese. How can it be given and taken by others? The Qing court abandoned us. but how can we abandon ourselves?" For some intellectuals, aTaiwanese consciousness that tool: Taiwan as its boundary had al- ready sprouted .23 However, the Qing soldiers who were stationed in Taiwan were Cantonese; they disbanded before ever fighting the Iapanese army and eventually turned into a gang of bandits. As a result. city dwellers awaited the anival otlapanese soldiers to restore order. There was no national army to fight for the newly established democracy. Not only were the soldiers Cantonese. but Tang lingsong Efifii. who was made president over his own protests. was also a Cantonese who prob- ably could not communicate with fire Taiwanese inhabitants. He fled baclr to the mainland only ten days after the proclamation of independence. On the other hand. though the declaration of independence proclaimed loudly the ideal ota dernGCratic nation. there was no movable-type printing to print it, no newspaper to publish it. Several hundred copies were printed through woodblock printing. but the only railway that could distribute them was a hundred-kilometer stretch linking Keelung Ellé and Hsinchu fit H. and even it the declaration could be delivered by foot or by boat. only one in ten could have read it. Local organizations drawn from the inhabitants did fight the lapanese for six months. Huang Zhaotang identifies this resistance as r‘the genesis otTaiwanese consciousness?” but he notes: Resistance arose spontaneously in response to the japanese invasion. but in organi- zational terms, it was mostly immature small groups. Their reasons For joining with the Taiwanese democratic government in opposingthem were primarily their tra- ditional contempt toward Iapan and their disgust at the behavior at the lapanese soldiers; theywere not necessarily fighting under the command olthe Democratic Nation. Even though there were those who resisted the Japanese with great gusto, there were also many who did not care about the war and even some who cooper- ated with Iapanese soldiers.m Qing rule lasted about two hundred and ten years; the intention from the beginning was to set up the cultural institution of the examinations. But it was only during the last thirty years olQing rule, the Tongzhi l'fi‘jifi [sSfizvrSyal and Cuangxu ilfillg (1315—1395] periods, when twelve presented scholars were gradu- ated, that it resulted in a shared Chinese communal identity and a Taiwanese identity among the literati. In the nineteenth century, the nativized descendants ofthe early immigrants created their own ruling examination elite groups by ac‘ tivelyassimilating the examination culture bestowed by the Qing court. However, this was still a long way from forming a modern Taiwanese identity that could JAPANESE RULE AND THE JAPANESE NATIONAL LANGUAGE APPARATUS Under Japanese colonial rule, there were those Taiwanese intellectuals who op- posed the colonial system and even some who sysnpathized with revolutionary movements to create a nation‘state after the May Fourth cultural movement that began in the latter half of the 19:05. But the Mandarin that formed the Founda— tion of the continental vernacular movement was clearly differentiated from the Taiwan regional language in terms ol— both pronunciation and vocabulary. For the Taiwanese, isolated from the continent and its emerging citizen market, as- similation of the mainland's vernacular culture was impossible. On the other hand, colonial Taiwan was slowly but surely being incorporated into the Japanese economic sphere. On top of that, the colonial government implemented assimilation policies to popularize Japanese language education. in log, 3:; percent of children were enrolled in elementary schools and one- quarter of the population understood Japanese. Creative endeavors in Japanese also started fonnally when Yang Kui Ellis (loos—1935} “Newspaper boy" and Long Yingzong semen { 1910—1999} "The town vs th papaya” were both awarded prizes by Kuizfi E’Iifi. the representative general interest journal of that time. The outbreak of the SinoeJapanese ‘War in 19;”; and the Pacific 1War in 1941 prompted Japan to intensity its advance to the south. 'lio mobilize Taiwanese as the vanguard of its southern advance, the colonial government promoted the “imperial subject movement," an assimilation campaign that sought to Japanize everyday customs {weddings Funerals. and festivals, etc.) and to draft the natives into the Japanese military forces. As a result, enrollment in the elementaryschools and Japanese literacy doubled in less than ten years. The reading market for Japa— nese language materials increased rapidly to 3.2 million. It was under these cir- cumstances that the colonial government concocted the “Imperial Subject lit- erature" to promote the campaign. Other than the cultural campaign, there was a planned economic campaign called "controlled economy," with an aim to ex- pand military-related industries. in tort}, industrial output for the first time out~ paced agricultural output. thus propelling Taiwan into the industrial age. From 1040 to 1941, various literary journals with circulations totally around 3,000 were created in Taipei and a fierce competition ensued for shares of the cultural mar- ketplace. In other words, "the public sphere"! as conceived by Habennas had finally made its way to the colony. Zhang Wenhuan §E It? noon—197:8}. Lu Heruo E.fi=%' {1914—1947:}. Wang Changsiong EEaiillE 0916—2000], and Zhou Jinbo iii] tram—1996,] were all wcnxueshi EEIE Em, Kaohsiung Efi: Wiensue zazhishe TI$§$E$HJ has been revised recently and he is now seen as someone who “expresses the suiter- ing of an identity that is torn apart." ‘1 Taiwan's Imperial Subject literature can be said to depict the logic and senti- ment ofa Taiwanese people who, tho ugh not Japanese, claimed equality with the Japanese and asserted their superiority toward the inhabitants of Japan's newly acquired colonies. These sentiments and rationales were media ted through liter- ary journals, which circulated in the reading market, and through a cyclic pro- cess of production, consumption, and reproduction entailing reading r—J critique —i» new creation —> reading, they became the shared cultural experience of the Taiwanese masses. “’e can say that the Taiwanese masses, through their reading, came to sympathize with this argument and sentiment and to imagine that they belonged to a single community. In discussing the formation of nationalism, Benedict Anderson maintains that "national citizens are an imagined political community depicted as a mental image." *3 we are justified in thinking that Taiwanese citizens during the war had formed, or were on the verge of forming, a nationalism, with imperial Subject literature at its core. 'When Japan launched the Great East Asia War, its proclaimed purpose was to construct a lGreater East Asia Co-Frosperity Sphere. In reality, the so-called Greater East Asia Co—Prosperity Sphere was not intended to liberate various East Asian ethnic groups but rather to transform the Euro-American colonies into Japanese colonies by invading China. Nevertheless, in Taiwan the masses that emerged together with the ongoing war actively fashioned a Taiwanese national- ism. Attention must be paid to the recent study otthc educational system by Chen Peifeng. in his book Chen points out that: As for la nguage cducat ion under colonial rule, Taiwanese realized the significance of assimilating civilization and enthusiastically pursued the goal of "assimilation leading to civilization" that was embedded in the Japanese language education sys- tem". In a sense. their acceptance ofthe language education because ottheir desire for modem civilization subverted Cato Shiinpei iééfi hi Eli’s theory that "assimi- lation equals discrimination" and Functioned to advance the evolution of civiliza- tion toward equality. in other words, deconstruction by popularization. It was the Taiwanese poaition of"acceptanee as resistance" that gave rise to this possibility.“ The Japanese language apparatus matured in the mid-1930s, rougth thelast third of the colonial period, with 1933’s Japanese literacy rate of 24.; percent as its tum- lng point. One example is the inaugural edition. in September 1934, ol'l'biu-un posttace [in Japanese} to the April 1935 issue, he remarks, "We were accused of limiting the number of articles in Mandarin, but nothing could he further from the truth. We were always worrying about the small number of submissions [in Mandarin]? ’5 The examination system under Qing rule focused on the literary language, or “poetic language" {shiwen fit} Literary Chinese was pronounced throughout the island in a variety of local dialects. During the Japanese period the national language system was focused on modern Japanese, a language that tool: shape through the garrbrm itehi Eff—ti movement { unity of spoken and written lan- guages} after the Meiji ElEI is Restoration. Though Japanese, lilre literary Chinese and Mandarin Chinese, did not accord with the native spoken language, with the advances in literacy it nevertheless was able to fisnction as an official language. A yawning gulf separated the language of the examination cultural system, with its roots in the traditional literary language, and the Japanese national language system, which was based upon the modern colloquial language, but there were also some points of continuity, such as the poetry societies. or shishe grit which functioned as a transitional mechanism from the end of the Qing dynasty to the mid~193os and early roses. Zhang ‘Woiun fiififi pointed out in 1924 that “perhaps this was true through- out history, but there is no Taiwanese literature other than poetry.“S Neither prose fiction nor drama was produced during the period of Qing rule. Perhaps because of the limited literary market and frequent trade with the mainland, all classical popular literature was imported from Fujian province across the straits. The ideologies of the examination social groups were created amid the poetic exchanges at banquets for government ofiicials and landowners. Gradually this type of poetic exchange was institutionalized in the poetry society. Although it is often said that the first poetry society. the Dongydnshe i Eli," was cre- ated by Shen Cuanwen fti'fiit' during Zheng Chenggong’s time, according to Huang Mailing Eif‘n, it was not until the end of Qing rule, when Tang Jing- song and Qiu Fengjia created the Peony Poetry Society { Mudanshe fi Hit], that poetry societies appeared.3a They appeared only when the examination system had reached maturity. Poetry societies were in vogue during the early days of Japanese rule. Lian Yatang iElJ’EE wrote in the preface to his Collection of Taiwanese Poems {Toi- wnn shihui gfiiéfi] in 1924: “After the storm and fire, they first used the Joy of chanting poetry to dispel the feelings ofdepression. When one voice sang lead, a hundred harmonized, and north and south vied to compete in establishing poetry societies so that now there are almost seventy.”" By 1934. the number of poetry societies had reached 98.4” Whydid poetry societies, relics of the Qing examina- tion cultural apparatus, prosper under Japanese rule? {Taiwan nichinichi shinpo aria“ E El htfi} was founded in 1898, a Chinese sec- tion was inaugurated and a column called “The forest of letters and the garden of literature" published poems in Chinese {leanshi ii 33f) by both Japanese and Taiwanese authors. It is estimated that at the beginning of the twentieth century Taiwan had two to diree hundred readers of literature,“ and after 189:;- represen- tative figures like Lian Yatang often served as editor for the Chinese section.‘2 The representative modern Japanese writer Sato Haruo $fifif visited Tai- wan in 192p. Five years later, based on his experiences, he wrote “Jokaisen kidan fifififig” {Strange tale of the fan with women’s precepts}, which was not only a representative work of modern Japanese literature at that time, but also became a primary source for the prewar Japanese language literature of Taiwan.” The protagonist, a Japanese reporter for a newspaper in Tainan, becomes the close friend of a Taiwanese man named Segaimin flirt-E when he publishes in his newspaper Chinese-style poems opposing the Japanese. In contrast to the examination cultural system, under which only a small num- ber of wealthy literati had the opportunity to publish a few volumes of poetry, the newspaper, which relied on the new technology of movable-type printing, was able to publish several, or even ten-odd. poems that had been composed only a few days before. presenting them every day to an audience that had on m- bered several hundred at the beginning ofJapanese rule but had grown to several thousand or several tens of thousands of readers by the 19205. The old examina- tion social groups were pleasantly surprised by this and produced large numbers of poems to express their thoughts and feelings, including anti-Japanese ones. Through the newspaper, they were able to gather many poets from a large area. Ye Shitao has highlighted the conciliatory approach adopted by the colonial authority: “Many ofthe Japanese officials and staff members who came to Taiwan were familiar with literary Chinese. Promoting Chinese poetry became part of the policy of administering the island, and poetry societies were encouraged."“ in 1900 Covemor—Ceneral Kodama Centaro ital and his number two man, the governor for civil alfairs, Coto Shimpei. sponsored a poetry group called the Yohunfai $17 Q (Gathering to promote literature) and (Into promoted the idea of “study of the daily new affairs and the virtues of civilization." 151 invita' tions were sent out, and ya people attended. The headquarters was established in Taipei, with branch offices in Taipei, Taichung é‘qJ,Tainan, Yilan Elli, and Penghu fijifl. The headquarters held a grand meeting once every three years and the branch ofiices held a smaller meeting every fall, The governor-general served as the president of the society and was also in charge ofsetting the poetic tlreme.‘5 The 151 invitees were no doubt drawn from the poets who had published in the Chinese poetry sections of the newspapers, Almost halfofthem resided in Taipei: they were able to plan regular grand and branch meetings because of Governor wide, 2,900 kilometers of roads wider than I5 feet, 800 kilometers of roads 13 feet wide, and So kilometers of roads that were wider that 2.1. feet. In 1899 he began to repair the old rail lines and build new ones, so that by the time the project was finished in 1908. he had created a 395 kilometerwlong trans-island railway con— necting Keelung and Kaohsiung.“ Yobuni'ai almost stopped its activities, but in 1902 the poetry society Rehisha git was founded in Taichung, then in root; Eisha aid: was founded in Tai- pei and Nanshcr fifi in Tainan. in 1921 Eisha held an island-wide gathering attended by more than one hundred poets.“r Thus the classical poetry that was a remnant of the Qing examination culture, supported by the Chinese sections in Japanese newspapers all over Taiwan as well as the network of railways and roads. reached its apex during the first halfof the Japanese colonial period. With the consolidation of the Japanese national language system, the younger ge nera- lion abandoned Chinese poetry and began to write in Japanese. After the 19205 Chinese-style poetry declined precipitously. OLD KMT RULE. AND MANDARiN NATIONAL LANGUAGE APPARATUS .555 l come to the end ofrny paper, ] would like to end with a brief oversiew ofthe period of KMT rule. Just as there was a major breal: between the Qing period, with its examination cultural system based on literary Chinese, and the Japanese colonial period, with its national language system based on Japanese, there was also a major shift be- tween the Japanese colonial period and the period of KMT rule, arising from the transition to a system that tool-c Mandarin as the national language,“ The KM'I' Fully exploited the Japanese educational system, which had achieved a level of secondary education so high that it almost qualified as compulsory education. They took control of all educational institutions, from primary school through university, and all organs of mass communication, including newspapers, maga- zines, and broadcasting, in order to move in a short period of time to a system based on Mandarin as the national language. Whereas forty years after the inception of Japanese rule, literary Chinese was still being used in mass media, the KMT language policy was much stricter: little more than a year after occupying Taiwan, they had prohibited the use of Japa- nese in newspapers and magazines. This was no doubt because Japanese was six times more widely used as a common language than literary Chinese had been, but the KMT in promoting Mandarin made full use of the educational system between foreign powers of a cultural inheritance. Li Ang 51%, a young amateurTaiwanese writer who had been educated under the new language system, debuted in the 1960s, some fifteen years after the end ofthe war. In 1932 she published The Butcher's ‘v'v’i e {Shufii flit—j. At the time of the unveiling of the Cennan translation in 198}, it was also translated into the national languages of America, France, Japan, Sweden, and Holland, and won praise around the world. This was very similar to the early 1930s, when native Japanese-language writers first published in local cote rie magazines but soon ap- peared one after another on Japan's central literary scene. —easse— 1n the two hundred and ten years oning rule, the last thirty years can be seen as the period when the examination system achieved maturity, and it was during the last ten-odd years of the half-century of Japanese rule that the Japanese na- tionallanguage system reached maturity. Thelatter half of the three-plus decades of pro-democratic Kit-{T rule saw the maturation ofthe system taking Mandarin as the national language. By actively assimilating the cultural policies imported by foreign regimes, the Taiwanese people under each regime fostered the devel- opment ofa Taiwanese identity and in the logos finally achieved a democratic nation-state. The question then is: How will the national la nguage transform itself after a citizenry has taken shaped based on a Taiwanese identity and how will this change of linguistic consciousness affect the development of an already highly hybrid Taiwanese literature? NOTES *Translated by Faye Yuan Kleeman, 1. Shiba Ryfitarc‘r, Kaid'fio yulru 40 Taiwan iriifi (Tokyo: Asahi shinbunsha. 1994], 4.95—4.93. a. Ito Kiy'oshi,Taiunn.-4oo man no rekishi to tenbfi (Tokyo: Chfifikoronsha, 199;], 241—235. 3, Ito, Taiwan, 3:6- and r60. .1. Fuiii Show, " 'Daitoa senso'lri ni okeru Taiwan homin bungaku —dokusho shiio no seil iulru to Taiwan nashonarizumu no IreiSBi." in Tail-mm bungai‘u ton-a hyukunen (Tokyo: Tabs she-ten. 1993}. 25—67. 5. Chen Sh aoxing, Tawirrn de renkou bienqien yu shehui hienqien (Taipei: Lia ngjing chul banshe, igyg), 18 and 25. 6. Taiwan wenxian weiy'uanhui, Chongxiu Tairrnnsheng tongflri v.6 nenfioozhi Inexng finely-11 pien (Taiwan: Taiwansheng wenxian weiyuanhui, I993], 3—1}: 19:31. a. o. Yuanhui Li, Nihon tfiiiim ni oil-era Taiwan siroifi kyfiika no i-eni-yfi (Taichung: Taiwan silenin Taichung shiian ahua ngkc xucxiao. 11931], 3. 10. Chen .‘Srhimxing1 'ihwian tie renkou hicnqien ya silanai bienqien. 19—20. II. Chen Qinan. Tannin dc cnuaniong :ironggaosheiwitTaimn:Ynnci1en wcohua shiye, 193]}. 25. 12. Nakama Kaauhiro. "Shiodai Tainan chihfi ni oiccm kanzoku eriito no kciseikatci ni twine," Siiigaiea 3.4{2m|]:41. 1;. Tainan sliizhengfil. 'I'ainnnshiziii v.5 .iianyuzhi ranging} iiaoya .uiraxhipien I'Tainan: Tai- nan shizhcnfu. long}. a. 14. 1r'in Zhangyi. "Taiwan -:—-—+ Fiijien <——+ iingshi: ‘Kaiushocun' duiyu Taiwan kaifa yiii Taiwan yo dalu gnanxi zhi flog-sizing." in Taiwan knifashi yeniiu fTaiwan: Liangjing chuhan Rhiye, 1939}. :5. Tin Zhangyi, Taiwan kaifizsni yenjiu, 535-5gz. 16. Yin Zhangyi. Taiwan l'aifaaiii yenjia. 56T—533. I';. ‘I'in Zhangyl. mum: izaifaahi fluffy, 375—539. 13. Yin Zhangyi. Taiwan knifaahi yeniia. 55.1. 19. Li Yuanhui, IVE—i!!!” infinite ni oiiera Tainan show kyfiiim no kemljifi [Taichung Taiwan shengii Taichung shiian zhnangkc xuexiao. 1931): 15. Wang Zhiting, Taiwan iiaoyusiiiiioo zininien (Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan. 1978} I4. 20. Taiwan hfiikukai, cd.. Taiwan iryfiii'a enicaimahi {1939] I'rcprint Tokyo: Scisllislla. IQSZJ.‘ 934. 111ng gingham, Nikon sirnimmincnika ni often; Taiwan hfiikuaiii i'i'oityo: Taga shuppan. I993}. 1:1. 2|. lnionnaliun delivcd fioin Li Cimngchi's unpublished MA. thesis. Int-old like to ex- prcsa my thanks to Mr. Li. Aiso. there wen: lat-2 Qing intellectuals such as Li Chunshcng who advocated creating newspapers. See Huan ionjic. Li Churn-iang de sixiang yo ahidai [Tai- wan: Zhengzhong shuiu. Iqq5]. 54—158. :2. Lin Huiuni, L-d.. Shanghai iiminisni analog xia [Shanghaiz Huadong shifan damn- chu- banshe. :935}. 2:8 and 2.60. 2;. Zoo Yircn. iii: Shanghai Harri-on biennial: dz yeniiu (Shanghai: Shanghai Icnmin chu— Iianshc. Jgiio}. go. 24. Norman Miners. Hong Kong [I'nder imperiai Rafe, 1912-1941 (Oxford: Oxford Univ-or- sity Press. 198?). 191. 15. Tsururni ‘I'fisnkc. Carr:- shinlpei. 4 vois. [Tab-o: Kins?) shobn. lgfis—lqfij], 333. :61. Huan Zhaolang. Taiwan- minsilfll'oku no Emlyn Tainan drakurii‘su Lindfisiai no icnidan- xhfi [Tab-o: Tokyo Universit},r Pross. logo}, 3. :7. Huan Zhaotang. Taiwan minsiifiiroim no iceniji, 60. :3. Huao Zhaotang. Taiwan marshal-aka no bani-ya. lag. 29. Huan Zhaotang. Tainan minairfléoka no kE'FIIh'E. 2.1.45. :0. [loan Ziiaotang. Tainan minsiififioiu no kenijrfl. ;. 3|. Iiirgcn Hah-crrnaa', 'i'he .‘iiniciarai Transformniion nfiire- Pubiic Sphera::‘ln inquiry into a Caiegorjr nfBourgaois San-icon Hans. Hoamani Sadao (Tokyo: Miraisha. 1973}. 1:. Tammi Chic. 'iiJin-un no niimngo bargain: [Tokym Con-fl shoin. was; 34. Chen Pcifong, Dfika no dosaflmu: Ninon roman: Ianmn no actugn anon-nan: saint: iTokyo: Sangensha. 20m], 236. I 35. Fuiii Show. Taiwan bangai-a keno inuizunen (Tokyo: T631?) shotcn. 1998}, 343. I ‘ 36. ZhangWoiun, “Zaogao dc Taiwan wenmcjie." in Ziinng Wojun pingianji [Tanpc1:Taa- pci xicnii wonhua zhongxin. 1993}, 6. Also, Huan Mailing. Liang Yaiaug d2 u-enxue yanfln (Taipei: Wenjin chuhan. 2000]. 6-9. 7 ‘ _ — I 37. Yo Shitao. Taiwan bangakushi. trans. Nakaiima Toahio and Sawal Nam-11in [Tokym Ccnbun shuppan, 20cc}, 5. _ n 38- Huan Mailing. Liang Tar-1mg dc wenxae yenjia [Taipen ‘Wenpn clmban. zooo]. 7o. 39. Huan, Liang Van: rig dc wenxua )‘eniiu. 7o. 4.0. To Shitao, Tainan bangaicusiii. 193 n. L I — r r 41. Shimada Kinii. “Taiwan no bungakutciii kagunzai." in Henge: Taiwan 3 I. iii-1a}.r I941}. Also included in Shimada Kinji. Kamila fiengairashi {Tub-o: Meiji shoin. I995}. 42. Huan. Liang Training d8 wenxae yenjia, 393—401. I I - u 43. For Satfi Haruo's [rip to Taiwan1 sec "Salfi Hamo Siloi’amincin no iabr no shinso. in Kawahara lsao. Taiwan shinbungaku undo nn feniiai: Nihonbimgaim to no setter: iTuiq’O: Gcnbun shuppan. I997]. 3—2;. For discussion of"]okaisen kidan." see "Tani-if: bongaku lo shokuminchi Taiwan: Satfi Haruo ‘Ioicaison lzidan.” in Fuiii Shozo. Taiwan bangaim iono- iiyainman. 79-10;. 44. To Sliiiao. 'I'aiwan bungal’usili. 20. I n 45. chlan, "Cong‘fingwcnimi' tandao 'Shinxnc Ineniiuhui.” in Taiper wenn‘u fJ‘IE'CII'I 23 {january I960]: 40. 7 7 _ 46. Kilaoka Shin'ichi. Cori) Shimpei: Gaiia‘: to biion {Train-o: ChooL-omnsha. 1938130. 4?. Yr Si‘ritau. 'J'aiman hinrguhisiii. 193. I L 43. For :itlaiis. «cc I [nan ‘l‘ingclio. 'i'ainun bunka .eaikficiiika awgwagaf no initan in angel [Tokym Sfitusha, logo}. ...
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fuzi shozo-jan 6 - 1895—1945 ll TAIWAN UNDER JAPANESE...

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