Jamieson%2C+2008%2C+Athletic+Fatness

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Unformatted text preview: _. . w—LW Branch Main Library Lending https://rapid2.library.colostate.edu/IllNierueue.aspx?ViewType=... Ra id #: -17592 Ariel IP: 165.230.139.63 3 Mill lllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllil5 lllllllllllllllllll lllllllllllllllllllllilllll \ Status Rapid Code Branch Name Start Date Pending 805 Main Library 4/17/2008 8:05:06 AM CALL #: Current Periodicals LOCATION: BOS :: Main Library :: Mugar Library stacks TYPE: Article CC:CCG JOURNAL TITLE: Sociology of sport journal USER JOURNAL TITLE: Sociology of Sport 805 CATALOG TITLE: Sociology of sport journal ARTICLE TITLE: Athletic Fatness: Forgiving Corpulence in elite bodies ARTICLE AUTHOR: VOLUME: 25 ISSUE: 1 MONTH: YEAR: 2008 PAGES: 148-163 ISSN: 07414235 OCLC #: CROSS REFERENCE ID: 47890 VERIFIED: BORROWER: NJR :: Main Library PATRON: Gomes,Kimberly PATRON ID: ‘ PATRON ADDRESS: ' PATRON PHONE: ' PATRON FAX: - PATRON E-MAIL; kimgomes@eden.rutgers.edu PATRON DEPT: - PATRON STATUS: Rutgers Graduat PATRON NOTES: ’ - This material may be protected by copyright law (Title 17 US. Code) ~' ' "-2’: “J'- System Date/Time: 4/17/2008 8:20:14 AM MST 3 OfS 4/17/2008 10:20 AM m. wwmmmmmnmh \ W w. sociology 0/ Sport Journal. 2008. 25 148463 © 2008 Human Kinetics. Inc. Athletic Fatness: Forgiving Corpulence in Elite Bodies Katherine M Jamieson, University of North Carolina-Greensboro Melissa Blair Andrews University of North Carolina- Greensboro Amy Stringer Elon University in crafting this analysis of professional golfers John Daly and Laura Davies. we were struck by the contradictions to corporeal rationality that elite. corpulent athletes might enact through their mere presence. as \\ ell as through their public ability to compete with idealized athletic bodies. That sport and dominant beliefs about sport contribute to disciplining bodies is not a point of contention for us. it is. however: unclear where the disciplining lines are drawn. and \\ hat happens \\ hen bodies that resist corporeal rationality refuse to disappear. \Vhat are the consequences of/for prrblicly successful. trndisciplined bodies operating instead in a corporeal irrationality”? Ofcourse this entire litre of qrrestionitrg strggests fissures in the disciplining systems of corporeal rationality outlined by several scholars rKirk. ZOO—l: Shilling. 2005). it is to when and where such disciplining systems come unhinged that we aim this analysis of John Daly and Laura Davies. Darts cette analyse des golfeurs professionnels John Daly et Laura Davies. nous e’tions frappe's par les contradictions de la rationalité corporelle des athletes d'e'lite corpulents et de leur habilete’ ptrblique a entrer en competition avec des corps sportif ide’alise’s. Nous rte contestons pas l‘idée que le sport et les croyances domi- nantes sur le sport contribuent a la discipline des corps. Les lignes disciplinaires ne sont cependant pas clairement e’tablies. Qu'arrive t-il donc lorsque les corps qui re‘sistent a la rationalité corporelle refusent de disparaitre 2’ Quelles sont les consequences des corps indiscipline’s mais vainqueurs et populaires‘ qtri operent plutot au sein d‘une irrationalité corporelle ‘.’ Bien .srfrr. ces questions suggerent des fissures aux systemes disciplinaires de la rationalite’ corporelle déct‘its par plusieurs auteurs (Kirk. 2004: Shilling. 2005). Cette analyse de John Daly et Laura Davies est centrée sur de tels systemes disciplinaircs ainsi que le moment et le lieu de leur cassure. \ Katherine M. .lamieson and Melissa Blair Andrews are with the University of North Carolina» GTE‘eltsboro. Department of Exercise and Sport Science. 2373 HHP Building. Greensboro. NC: Amy Stringer is with Elon University, Department ofHealth and Human Performance. Koury Athletic Center I43 F. 2525 Campus Box. Elon. NC. 148 Athletic Fatness 149 How did Daly and Davies come to occupy the space of elite athleticism? How have they each been able to maintain their right to this space that is typically inhabited by other kinds of bodies? Just what does their presence in professional golf illuminate in the way of their tactics of resistance. as well as their ability to negotiate ongoing currents of corporeal rationality"? Through these questions. we will intentionally locate fatness in the elite athleticism of Davies and Daly. thus recuperating corpulence as a complex aspect ofelite performance. not merely an anti- or postathletic subjectivity (Gilman. ZOO-l). Another frame for this inquiry focuses on what is exposed as fat athletes tf/athletes) experience and rise their bodies as sites of resistance. When does size matter. and to what extent do different figurations of body size produce different consequences? Borrowing from Pillow (1997). a key question here might also be how do f/athletes "enact. resist. and live with the increased interest and control their [fat] bodies incite in others?" (p. 353 i. it is in pondering such matters that we arrive at this analysis of two high—performing. large bodies—John Daly and Laura Davies. Daly and Davies as Body Projects These days Davies and Daly do not regularly defeat their more lit competitors. but each has managed to remain competitive in a field of overly disciplined bodies. Interestingly. corptrlence is not all the two share in common» they are both also known as outspoken. bold. antiestablishment professionals who lea\ c their fans desiring more of their familiar. everyman or rev ery woman) way of being in the world. Both came from working-class lxrckgrounds. and ncithcr completed a college degree. Daly and Davies are known as long—ball hitters. making their nav igation of the very space ofgolfdifferent from that ofother tour players. They are both garri— blers. equally undesirous of a coach. and dislike practicing at golfevents. althottgh both have practice facilities at their homes. Daly himself is clear to suggest that one "warms up at events. One does not really practice" (Daly & Waggoner. 2006. p. l63). Toward this end. the straightforward analysis of this dynamic duo lays in their apparent appeal to a dominant media that insists on echoing the mediealized rhetoric about obesity. lives ofexcess. individual responsibility for health risk man~ agement. and belief in progress through corporeal discipline. Both of these bodies are readily used to prop up a moral discourse and ideology that would lead many to wonder why Daly and Davies would choose to live in these bodies. Yet. these physically competent. publicly productive. f/athletes seem differently complicated. and might have a different experience in the social world as compared with less publicly productive persons who also live fat. Laura Davies Laura Davies was born in Coventry. England. on October 5. l963. Her professional golfing career began in 1985 at age 22. Davies. who had worked stocking shelves at Sainsbury"s. borrowed money from her mother to play in the British Curtis Cup in l984. Two years later she won the women‘s British Open. and in the following year she became first British woman to capture the us Women‘s Open as an amateur. Daviesjoined the LPGA Tour in 1988. a rookie season that included two wins. Among her 20 LPGA career victories are four majors. Davies has amassed 150 Jamieson. Stringer, and Andrews 67 total professional wins. 46 international victories. and earned the Rolex Player of the Year award. John Daly John Daly was born in northern California. one of 3 children. and was raised in Arkansas until the family moved to Virginia to accommodate his father's employ— ment (Daly 8; Waggoner. 2006). Daly began playing golf at the age of four. and prematurely ended his collegiate career at the University ofArkansas to "go pro" in l987. Failing to qualify for the PGA tour. hejoined the Sunshine tour in South Africa for 2 years. then played the Hogan Tour (now known as the Nationwide tour). In [990. Daly earned his PGA Tour card for the l99l season (Daly 8; Waggoner. 2006) and won that year‘s PGA championship after a last-minute call up as 9th alternate. To date Daly has amassed l2 wins. including 5 PGA wins and 2 majors. Sizing up the body The intellectual focus on corpulencc and athleticism might be linked with a revi- sionist moment that some scholars refer to as the mum/iv turn an intellectual moment where the body has gained the attention of social scientists and is at the core of many scholarly analyses of (postlidentity and subjectivity (Kuhlrnan 8: Babitsch. 2002: Williams. I996). That is. social scientists of all stripes and hues have expressed renewed interest in the body as both natural and cultural phenom— enon ( Blrrrn. 2002; Gremillion. 2005: Joyce. 2005: Reislrer & Koo. 2004: Wolputte. 200-1). In large part. social scientists are calling for several core analytic priorities. including ( l ) dismantling of dualisms: the nature vs. culture debate (Grosz. I994; Hoogland. 2002): (2) recognition that biology is not constant: an acknowledgment of the ways bodies and bodily systems are always in flux (Corbin. 2003; Grosz. I994: Hoogland. 2002: Kelly & Field. 1996: Williams. I996): and (3) analytic distinction between analyses of the socially constructed selfas expressed through the body vs. a sociological analysis of the body (Williams. I996). Getting outside ofa nature—culture dualism. recognizing how biology matters. and attending to the disarray that is biology are key to any scholarly analysis ofthe body that "attempts to unite the physiological. psychological, and social realms of bodily being" (Wil— liams, I996. p. 703). Accordingly. both natural (prediscursive) and cultural (discursive) analytic positions are problematic on their own. because neither offers an innocent analysis of the body. Gremillion (2001 ) suggests that in failures to properly theorize the “lived mate- riality of bodily experience" the problem is not that the material body is ignored. but rather when the body is considered. it is often treated as though it exists in some unitary way. reflective of some agreed upon set of functions (p. 383). In reality. the body is always in transition. both biologically and culturally. thus the need to theorize bodies as in process. Fat bodies are indeed always in process and subject to the discourses avail- able to them in any given politco-historical moment. For example. in August of 2000. 4—year old Anamarie Regino was removed from her parents because her body size was deemed dangerous to her health. For Regino. biology and culture Athletic Fatness 151 came together to situate both her and her parents (deemed negligent) as dangerous bodies. despite the fact that. at the time of her abduction by the state. there was no evidence that Regino’s health was in danger—it was her size that mattered. Campos (2004b) notes that the state's actions were motivated by a racialized narrative of the Regino family. largely based on the fact that her father was born in Mexico. A state-sponsored narrative of the family as uneducated and culturally deficient lead to a number of sanctions and surveillance routines all aimed at weight loss for Anamarie. The Regino case reveals the emergence of dangerous social sanc- tions as motivational tools for failed bodies. especially “when the war on obesity. the war on poverty. and the war against immigration all converge on one body" (Herndon. 2005. p. 139). ' Moreover. Her'ndon (2002) suggests that in the absence ofa standard for defin— ing what is “fat” in Western society. an impression ofcultural fatness gets imposed to stigmatize individuals. especially women. marking them not only fat but also immoral (p. 132). Echoing this. Longhurst (2005 ) argues the wordfiir is in the very least incendiary and. at its core. may be rhetor'ically violent in Western society. especially because it typifies an “immoral dirty-tress." or “a moral and physical decay" (p. 249). Yet. John Daly and Laura Davies move in and out ofcr'itiques of their corpulcnce. Although their corpulence does show up in the media as a problem. it also gets articulated as a crucial aspect of individuality It seems corpulence is somewhat forgiven in these publicly productive bodies. We remain curious about the basis ofsuch cultural forgiveness and try to ascertain its grounding throughout this analysis. As well. we are interested in the ways fatness gets taken up differently in these two athletic bodies. including howfiu could become a rhetorical device for articulating other categories of difference. In the Rough:The Loss of the “Pure” Golfing Body Negotiating questions of fat identity involves a fluid. alternating pattern of invocation and refusal of mainstream tropes of health. nature. and beauty. (LeBesco. 2004. p. l23) ln golf. history and nostalgia are on the side ofcorpulence. In fact. it seems a more "real" and maybe even “pure” golfing body has been snatched from existence and replaced with machine-like. fitness—trailerjunkies—not golfers as rntrch as fitness experts who also excel at golf. In the face ofthis shift. some argue for the original golfing body as a desirable, nostalgic. pure body. One newspaper reported: Golf is the game where guys who can barely get their backswing past their bellybuttons can make a ball land on a green like a butterfly with tired feet. You can be pint-sized, ponsified. or. like Laura Davies. resemble a linebacker in drag. There is no cookie cutter for great golfers. just that stroke of magic. that golden touch. (Harris. 2004. (II 3) Another suggested: It seems like only yesterday that professional golfers were known for puffing on cigarettes between shots and peering over their beer bellies to find their FootJoys. But golf has moved to the mainstream of sports. where time spent MN 152 Jamieson. Stringer, and Andrews conditioning has becomejust as important as time spent on the putting greens. Some exceptions exist—Tim Herron and John Daly seem intent on landing Twrnkie endorsements. (Sheeley. I999. (ll l—2) Moreover. some suggest that fatness might actually be preferred over the glamorous. hard body physiques that many younger members of both men‘s and women‘s golf now perform. I think [the Americans loss of the Ryder Cup] has something to do with the European fatties being more comfortable inside their natural skins than America's golf supermodels. Golf. after all. is the world‘s last. great. soft- muscle sport. What the Americans needed was talented flab. the likes ofJohn Daly. (Harris. 2004. “ll l2) With that bodily diversity seemed to come a purity of intention as well. In this regard. Daly was quoted as saying: "Fur/y (Zoeller) tells me I should have played in the old days. with him and Tom Watson and Lee Trevino and those guys." Daly says. "They never worked out. All they cared about was winning. not the money. Trophies. that‘s all that has ever mattered to me. l never cared about the money" (Osler. 300531127). ' Thus. Daly's insistence that golfis about the quality ofthe game. not about the pay -off locates him among the "old—school" golfers rather than among his cohort ofeconomically elite peers. Despite his own rhetoric. he fits in both groups. seem» ingly having enjoyed elite competition and also having earned significant economic reward for his talent. On the LPGA tour. the pure golfing body seemed more about intent rather than a license to inhabit a fat body. That is. certain members of the LPGA have been described as “throwbacks” to a more pure game of golf (Maty szczyk. l993)~a time of love for high—quality performance. not compensation for said performance. “Johnson. Davies. and Alfredsson like to live a little. They are throwbacks to the days before golfers played to earn rather than to win. They play for love first. money second. They play for a win. not a place" (Matyszczyk. (ll l3). These nostalgic remarks loeate golfing bodies as previously liberated and unencumbered by a healthism metric. whereas today's golfing bodies are measured by an expert—certified fitness standard. Interestingly. the PGA had no formal corn- mitnrent to Tour members” fitness before the year 2000. although the Tour regularly made an injury rehabilitation trailer available to Tour players (Rothman. 2005). The success of extremely fit golfers Annika Sorenstam. Tiger Woods. and Vijay Singh. in concert with a general commodfication ofexercise and individualization of health risk management. surely paved the way for the PGA and LPGA to commit to fitness trailers at every tour event location.2 Rothman suggests that "as many :ds half the competitors each week spend significant time working out instead of Just working out the kinks" (i 2). In a conversation with Michael Ryan, a strength and conditioning expert for the PGA, Rothman asserts that the technically trained golfing body will translate into a lower scoring golfing body. This is clearly a move from a natural, pure golfing body to a highly disciplined. technically advanced golfing body that pushes the limits of human performance. Ironically, the same klnd of mechanistic logic about physical performance of fit bodies explains a good Athletic Fatness 153 amount of the strengths of Davies‘ and Daly‘s games in spite of their seemingly problematic large bodies.‘ In a contradictory twist. the 3006 Women‘s Open championship featured an l8—hole play—off (an extra day of play) between the machine—like fitness junkie. Annika Sorenstam. and the “rotund” Pat Hurst (Wiederer. 2007. ‘ll 48). In the end. Sorenstam was victorious. but the refusal of Hurst‘s fat body to go away or give in illuminates the limits of corporeal rationality (Shilling. 2005). Yet. corporeal rationality is clearly powerful in golf. despite the presence of resistant bodies. For example. even with a fit and healthy appearance when. because of a disability. Casey Martin was unable walk the entire l8 hole course for the duration of the tournament. he was disqualified by the PGA (Mass & Hasbrook. 200] ). The Martin case further reveals the layers of corporeal rationality that privilege some bodies and literally disallow others. Thus. even as both tours make fitness trailers available at each tour event. (Harper. 2005). and many tour players ha\e their own physical trainers (Harper: Wiederer. 2007). there remain many contradictions in w hat counts as athletic. tit. fat. and productive (Gilman. 2004). Moreover. a rotttantlci/cd era of hanging out in the clubhouse after l8 holes ofgolf has been replaced with a technologi/ed era of hanging out in the fitness trailer'. In the case of Laura Davies and John Daly. two athletic and fat bodies. a linear progression ofbody projects sccms inadequate. because they each continue to be productive in their differently contoured bodies. Moreover. their bodies have changed (r\ cr time. in back and forth directions. rather that) a linear. progression toward an externally directed body project. Lying in Weight? The act of livitrg fat is itself an act of defiance. an eschewal of discursive modes of bodily being. . . . In order to be accorded personhood. [the fat body I is expected to engage in a continual process of transforrnation. of becoming. and indeed ofunbecoming. (Murray. 2005. p. l55) Samantha l\'Iurray‘s (2005) conceptualization of the necessary impermanerrce of the fat body is especially relevant here. Despite the apparent comfort. wellness. and ability in these corpulent bodies. both Daly and Davies often became markers of failed body projects. primarily through unmet weight loss and visible health management goals. Moreover. media texts offer weight loss as the sole reason for increasing success for' Davies and Daly. Adding another layer to Murray‘s concept ofthe necessary impermanence of fat bodies. Corbin (2003 ,) found that people with chronic illness have varied. problematic. and even nostalgic relationships w ith their bodies. She posits being healthy as marked by “feeling good once again." "feeling like my old self." or "seeing my health come back" 1 p. 206). Ironically. a core neces— sity in this kind oftransformation is the “disavowal ofone‘s own flesh" (Murray. p. 155) even as one is searching for a familiar way of being in their body. Relatedly. although an ill individual might have a sense of self as healthy and capable (e.g.. controlled diabetes). the sense of self will also be deeply tied to routines of manag— ing the illness (insulin. activity choices. diet. etc.; Kelly & Field. I996). To our knowledge. Daly and Davies are not ill. they simply live in large bodies. yet the analogy fits well in that they have each made varied attempts to change or 154 Jamieson. Stringer. and Andrews manage their bodies. Although Daly and Davies have both defended their fat bodies by commenting on their disdain for externally enforced fitness regimens. they also have both endeavored to lose weight. and when successful. commented on their improved health. however short-term the changes might have been. For example. in the early l990s. after seeing the Tommy LaSorda advertisement for Slimfast. Davies went on a crash diet. This becatne a central focus of the media around her. Davies. kindly. was a “big girl." She was big built and questions about her weight were abruptly turned away. In her view no one had a need to know and, until the middle of this year. no one did. “I used to hide behind scoreboards." she says. “and wear an old slipover that l felt made me look thinner. Everyone used to ask ‘Aren‘t you hot'?’ and I’d say ‘No.' but in reality I was roasting" (Davies. l992.‘l[ l‘l1l3). The author goes on to comment on the benefits of weight loss for Davies. and Davies herself offers some insight. “Her new found form has led to a reappraisal of her ambitions. . . . ‘I atn certain I‘m a tnuch better player than I‘ve ever been” (Davies. [992. (ll l5). And another author comments on the potential increase in benefits to the Ladies European Tour (LET) through Davies new. tritn body: The slipover. and much else besides in her wardrobe. has been thrown out Like Davies herself..the women's tour is trying to shed its old image. Forget about the feminist argument. Andrea Doyle. the executive director. wants to sell glamour and the European team. (Glover. I992. (ll 7) Despite any previous marketing of Davies in this way. the possibility for her body to be commoditied toward the glamorization of the LET seems to be the desired goal. at least for one reporter. Thus. Davies” elite performance would be more valuable to the LET if she performed a heterosexy image concurrently. A common refrain regarding Davies‘ size is that she is “built like a linebacker" or a “linebacker in drag" (Davies & Mair. I996; Harris. 2004, (ll 3). It is interest— ing. given the complete absence of any rhetoric around Davies' sexuality. that a presumed asexualin and at times homosexuality gets mapped onto fatness in descriptions of her body. To the contrary. the fat body of Nancy Lopez. or even Pat Hurst, is heterosexualized through public pregnancies. Thus, these bodies are allowed because they are not only fat. they are reproductive; they are not only sexual. they are presumably heterosexual. Yet. for Davies. the masculinzing effect of fat cannot be countered by any other public feminizing performance. Thus. fat might also be read as lesbian, and at the same time. the category fat might actu— ally provide a rhetorical prophylactic to expressions of homophobia itjust is not uttered in the same ways as it might be around a body presented as hegemonic in Sexual desirability (see Gilman. 2004: Lebesco. 200! : and Murray, 2005 regarding sexual desire of fat bodies). Alas. the so-called benefits of the slimfast diet also took a toll on Davies‘s game. as she herself suggests below. My swing had not suffered, but my concentration was not at its best. . . . The mere possibility [that the concentration loss was a result of her weight loss] made it a little easier for me to convince myselfthat I was making a wise deciv sion in stopping the Slim-Fast. (Davies & Mair. 1996, p. 25) Athletic Fatness 155 Thus. it is in such public failures that the body of Laura Davies becomes contained by the marker/hr. Even so. her athletic skill continues to raise questions about her fatness: How can she be fat and athletically elitc'.’ This contradiction illuminates the necessary impermanence of fat bodies in new ways. especially because high—performing athletic bodies also operate in such impermanence. There is always the question of when the athletic body will have reached its peak and cease competition. Lest you think this is a critique cast upon women's bodies only. John Daly was also described in terms of his weight loss and performance potential. His body was injust as bad a shape as his game. He turned it around. dropping close to 40 pounds and rising from No. 507 to No. 4| in the world ranking. which earned him a return trip to the Masters last month. "If I could zap my fingers. I‘d love to weigh l95 or 200. but l don‘t see that happening." Daly said. (Daly faces . . .. 2001‘“ 5) In contrast to Davies. Daly apologized for his large size by suggesting that equipment was the key to a winning golf game. As Daly once argued. “My slogan is. ‘who needs fitness when you can have great equipment?” (Sheelcy. 3004. ‘ll 4). Contrary to Davies portrayals. Daly is somehow lauded for his corpulence. as though he is some sort of Renaissance man. In an era of automated golf. concentrated coaching. sports psychologists. lil~ ness regimes. and diet sheets. John Daly is his own man. By any definition of the term. Daly is no athlete. At least four stone overweight. heavy footed. he plods around the course in a cloud of tobacco smoke. The impression you get is that Daly wasn‘t born but constructed. that he vas swung into this world on a crane. He is a monument to junk food. and the brewing industry. Daly is one off. a natural. (Jones. 2004. (ll 1 ) Resisting notions that fat bodies are not athletic bodies. Campos (3004a) argues. “From a public health perspective. an athlete is anyone who is physically active enough to garner the immense health benefits that come from being active" (p. I34). In a similar tone. Daly suggested. "The way I see it is that I walk 5 miles per day. 4 days a week. assuming I make the cut. Ifthat's not enough to keep me fit. then I better start looking for another line of work" (Daly & Waggoner. 2006. p. 156). Surprisingly. Daly‘s calculation of his fitness regimen falls right in line with the President‘s Council on Physical Fitness and Sports. which suggests that all citizens take 10 thousand steps each day. which is roughly five miles (President‘s Council on Physical Fitness and Sports. 2007). Diverging from the embrace of Daly’s anti-athleticism. the media. and to some extent Davies herself. 00 to great lengths to prove her athleticism. Thus, although Davies is pretty quiet about most aspects of her life outstde of golf. she has at times articulated a struggle to get comfortable in her own body. To some extent this comfort needed to come from "experts." and three of them are cited: an LPGA fitness trainer. LPGA staff member. and LPGA touring professional. People have suggested that I cannot be fit because I am so big. but that is not the case. Confirmation came from the fitness trainer on the LPGA tour. He had been telling one of the press that I had never been into the fitness trailer 156 Jamieson, Stringer, and Andrews other than to ask for a bandage. and went on to say that l was one of the most natural athletes that he had ever known. . . . l am as I am. and. as I like to remind myself. life has dealt me a wonderful hand. (Davies & Mair. I996. p. 26) A lot of my friends did their best to make me feel good about my size. . . . Barb Thomas [an LPGA staff member] said. “For a large girl. Laura looks really good. She could definitely teach some of our fuller-figured professionals a thing or two." Others would tell me that I had big bones and that l was never meant to be slim. (Davies & Mair. [996. p. 3—1) "She is very talented and coordinated. lfyou watch her play tennis. she is awe— some. And she is great at pool. I hear she is good at hoops. too. Fora big gal. she moves well with a soccer ball. . . . She‘s not fat. She’sjust big and solid" says [Julie] lnkster [LPGA professional]. “Her feet are big: her calves are big. She'sjust the way she is. It sounds funny. but I think she is in good shape for her. . , . She‘s a real athlete." (lnkster quoted in Huggan. 3003. (ll 20%| ) The rhetoric above reveals an intriguing contradiction: For Davies. athleticism is used to question fatness. whereas for Daly. fatness is used to question athleticism. ln each ofthese media transcripts there is a hint of art apologety. brit simultaneously a location of Davies in a bodily class all by herself. .-\s (‘ampos (2004a) points out. what counts as fat and obese runs contrary to the high level of fitness and training that many athletic bodies complete. Moreover. when asked whether her fitness regi— men has changed given the recent fitness focus of the younger tour players. Davies replied “[my fitness routine] hasn‘t changed at all." and added. "I play a bit of soccer and I play a bit of tennis. and that‘s about it"(\\'iederer. 2007. ‘l{ 4445). Interestingly. the documentation of sport involvement was a crucial strategy in establishing Anamaric Regino as "normal." but bigger than her peers (Campos. 2004b). Thus. sport is a complicated space in which particular body projects are (dis)allowed under various regimes of control (e.g.. curricula. rules. health stan- dards). Thus. despite the comfort both Davies and Daly attempt in living these bodies. the media continues to circulate the notion ofthe necessary impermanence of the fat body. That these two large bodies have demonstrated a wellness and elite performance is not enough; they should also desire to be thin. well-muscled. and. glamorous in their body projects. Performing Excess and Resisting Experts In this current historical epoch in the West. we believe ourselves to be quite enlightened about “correct” body maintenance. Consequently. we are skilled at reading andjudging the bodies of those who do not appear to be managing their bodies properly. We do a lot of regulating and policing of certain bodies and their practices—not least the fat body. (Murray. 2005. p. l l l) Increasingly. analyses of “living fat" indicate that the association between fatness and deficiency of character is grounded in the belief that the appearance of the bOdy provides access to inner truths about the individual (Jutel. 2005; Reisher & K00. 2004). Davies and Daly do not fall outside of such analyses. yet their abil— ity to perform a valued skill changes the discourse around their lives of excess. r— mum—m...» .. . , , i . . Hm“... MW...” “~me fl..rv.hw*_~W~ Athletic Fatness 157 Reisher and Koo argue that the notion of consumption is a core value in body projects. especially because “the body is seen by others as a signifier ofa person‘s principles and values. A person‘s physical comportment is read as a ‘retleclion‘ of personality traits possessed. including self—control and will" (p. 300). Related to Reisher and Koo’s claim. an article by Pillow (I997) traces the experience of pregnant teen bodies in US. high schools. especially as their very presence con— tradicts a curriculum that attempts to disallow such bodies by disciplining sexual desire. ln addition. the pregnant teen body presumably tells a narrative of values. principles. and morality. Similarly. as the sport ofgolfatternpts to create an increas» ingly athletic image. fat bodies become markers of limited commitment. lack of goal orientation. and lack of self control. Pillow also reported that pregnant teen bodies easily get co—opted in high school curricula as narratives of failed body projects. Not unlike Pillow's' participants. Daly and Davies have both adapted to and resisted attempts to fortify a healthism discourse through their very public body projects. Thus. fatness is sometimes used to present Daly and Davies as less than professional and. at times. out of control in terms of their varied desires for consumptive practices. Daly has added obesity to his list ofconditions that include problem drinking. problem gambling. problem weddings. Some of them are behind hiinwwell four of the weddings. . . . l think its safe to say that. while Tiger Woods and the gang are busy in the gym. Daly isn‘t. While they are all demonstrating golf‘s serious professionalism: clean living and hard practicing. fitness regimes. dietary tables and brain consultants . . . Daly is—well. l guess he must practice a lot. too. (Ashforth. 3004. ‘II 5) Moreover. Dtrl)”s switch from alcohol to junk food offered new narrative forms for the media in terms of a new level of fatness for Daly. True to form. Daly articulates a productive capacity of this new body. and yet the media reflect simultaneously on choices of excess. Daly said his abstinence from alcohol had created cravings for sugar. which he gleefully quenches with junk food. He accepts his weight gain as a better alternative to a reckless alcoholic blur, and not entirely a bad thing on the course. “Actually it‘s helped because my right arm hugs this fat belly right here. and it never gets out ofplace now. When [lose weight it flies all over the place." said the American. “I’m tnade to be fat. so there‘s no sense worrying about it." (Marshallsea. 1998.‘l[ l7) An interesting twist here is Daly's former simultaneous sponsorship by TrimSpa and Dunkin‘ Donuts: two supposedly competing interests in bodily projects. Herein lies the ongoing contradictions—TrimSpa wants a body like Daly‘s to exist and needs a desire for Dunkin’ Donuts to exist. And yet. TrimSpa supposedly rescues bodies from such forms of excess and delivers them to a thinner. happier embodie ment. Additionally. in contrast to the reports of the financial costs of obesity and fatness in the US. (Campos. 2004a: Gard & Wright. 2005). Daly's fat body is quite productive in current forms of capitalism. Davies case is dissimilar to that of Daly. Yes. she has some very public “vices"— gambling and shopping——but she also is excessively wild about all kinds of sport, both as a participant and a spectator. These vices. however. do not 158 Jamieson. Stringer, and Andrews seem to garner the same kind of capitalist benefits. Instead. her forms of excess are reported as personality flaws that she is financially able to withstand. “Davies once played a competitive round at a tournament in San Diego. flew to Las Vegas. gambled all night. then flew back in the morning in time for the next l8 holes“ (Huggan. 2003. ‘1! lb). On another memorable occasion. she was fined by the Ladies European Tour for watching an England versus Spain European Championship soccer match on a portable television during the final round of the I996 Evian Masters in France. And. yes. she won anyway. (Huggan. 2003. ‘l[ [6) Thus. media reports ofexcess in Davies life tit well with Jutel's (2005) list of frames within which fat people are located as part of the current war on obesity. "Fat people are seen as less trustworthy. self—indulgent. hedonistic. . . and described as weak—willed . . . in a society that privileges thinness“ (Jutel. p. l 14). Interestingly. not so unlike the documented eXcess of Davies and Daly. "Tonya Harding was accused ofturning the ‘dignified‘ sport of skating into a 'circus‘ (Stoloff. 2000. p. 246). But. Stoloff argues. circus—or the carnivalesque—is the inherent flip side to spectator sport. especially. but not only in those sports that emphasize display" (p. 246). Although golf does not emphasi/e display in the same way as figure skating. clearly. golfing bodies. especially those newly technologically trained. fit golfing bodies. are always on display and. thus. bring fat bodies into relief. Therefore. to the extent that fat golfing bodies also “act fat.” they jeopardize the dignified and newly athletic image of golf. Daly's vices. however. seem to tnakc him even more embraceable. as though the commonality aspect ofepidemic is all that is seen. .»\ccordingly. the media reports a public embrace of Daly as the "everyman." an identity that is clearly wrapped up in hierarchies of race. social class. gender. ability. and sexuality. For example. even to the most disinterested observer. Daly would clearly represent an over-determined. U.S.. White. working—class identity. And Daly capitalizes on this connection. while the media help to solidify his race-class location. "John Daly. whenever his current form and personal disasters permit. shows up in his motorized home the owner of a dream as intoxicating as it is crumpled“ (Lawton. 2004. ‘l 4). And. as to his equipment line. there is no question the marketing of this is aimed at a particularly imagined race~class group. Contrast this marketability of race—fat—class to the state-sponsored control of the non-White, fat body of Anamarie Regino. In this context. it seems that Whiteness gets strategically marketed through a particular race~tat—class conflation that John Daly performs well. John Daly stood next to his yellow and blue Dunlop bag—with “Red Neck" sewn on one side and “LOCO” on the other—as if it were the bar at Hooters. He inhaled a cigarette as if he was sucking a piano through a straw. with one hand on a belt that disappeared under his belly. (Roberts, 2005. ‘H 3) The gallery at Baltusrol yesterday reflected what has been apparent since Daly came along as the Arkansas wonder, as an unknown blond with a mullet. to win the I99! PGA Championship. And by the way he was the ninth alternate. (Roberts. ‘1{ 6) Athletic Fatness 159 He travels much of the PGA circuit in his RV. His favorite thing is hanging with country and pop performers. . . . Daly talked about a recent late»night hotel—room jam session with some country singers. saying. "It doesn‘t get any better than that." (Oslcr. 2005. ‘ll 22) Osler failed to mention that Daly travels in a [.5 million dollar RV: hardly a hand—me-down airstream trailer. Moreover. descriptions of Daly as everyman suppose an essential male (read White. heterosexual). Thus. in this historically and currently segregated game of golf. a White. tat. male body comes to mark the everyman. Daly represents everyman. those of us who play the game scejust a little bit of ourselves in the Arkansas native: the undisciplined swing. perhaps the extra weight around the midsection. and the penchant to play quickly and get to that post round burger and beer. (Stinton. 2005. (ll 4) “John Daly has definitely helped enhance Dunlop. along \\ ith our LoCo and Red Neck lines. among golfers and golf fans." said Villareal. “He brought a lot of validity to what we do." And what Dunlop has been doing since l9l0 is making equip for the everyday player. . . . For Dunlop and fans of golf. Daly is truly a man of the people. (Stinton. ‘ll l0) Thus. in the case of .lohn Daly. his fatness seems to solidify his location in a particular project of Whiteness that is deeply tied to a US working-class. rural identity. His Redneck putter line has three products: Bubba. Doublcwide. and Lurch. Thus. it might indeed be the case that fatness is the rhetorical device that gets used to articulate race and social class without having to speak about these identity cat~ egot'ies with any specificity. SIolost (2000) anlaysis of the way class and gender get mapped onto and over each other through a cultural transruption such as the Tonya Harding/Nancy Kerrigan episode is quite useful here. Similar to the Hard— ing/Ken‘igan episode. in the case ofJohn Daly. the body is the axis on which all his race. gender. sexuality. and class connotations hinge. lt is through Daly's body that race. gender. class. and sexuality get articulated in ways that resonate with broader cultural literacies around such hierarchies (Stoloft). Stoloff also asserts that a denial of the body’s weightiness in sports of bodily display makes high culture alignment possible, yet. low culture is always already present and simply awaiting a body through which it may be willingly displayed (p. 246). Thus. in their excessive. fat bodies. Daly and Davies might indeed accomplish both such alignments. (Far From) Conclusions: Queering Fat The call to come out presupposes that such an action is in itself transforma- tive and that the identity that one publicly declares is unambiguous (Sullivan. 2003. p. 3 l. emphasis added).‘ As Sullivan alludes in the quote above. acts of coming out are complicated. [n so many ways, Davies and Daly continuously come out as f/athletic bodies. and each event holds different consequences for both the actors and their observers. Throughout this analysis. we sought to recuperate corpulence as a complex aspect 160 Jamieson, Stringer, and Andrews of elite performance. not merely an anti- or postathletic subjectivity (Gilman. 2004) Notably. we set out to illuminate how Daly and Davies came to occupy and maintain spaces ofelite athleticism. especially as it is typically inhabited by other kinds of bodies. We also identified what their presence as f/athletes reveals about forms of resistance and negotiation within ongoing currents of corporeal rationality (Shilling. 2005). Additionally. given that size does matter. and that different figurations of body size produce different consequences. a key revelation here surrounds how these f/athletes “enact. resist. and live with the increased interest and control their [fat] bodies incite in others" (Pillow. [997. p. 352). To be sure. Daly and Davies live in bodies that trouble the boundaries of nature and culture and move us toward "nuanced understandings of how bodies. agents. symbols. and social structures articulate" (Gremillion. 2005. p. l5). Moreover. to the extent these bodies resist technologies of healthism. they bring into relief the uncritical acceptance and promotion of healthism through individual body projects. That is. their athletic excellence. and productivity might be a rupturing point in the tightly knit story about the fall of Western society because ofa lack of physical activity and increas- ing girth (Gard & Wright. 2006). Perhaps. the most intriguing aspect of reading Davies‘ and Daly's bodies is how they refuse and yet rely on fixed categories of bodily configuration. There is no simple binary configuration of resistance or co-optation operating here: instead. there are multiple examples ofthe ways powerful identity categories get scaffolded through the body. Just as pregnant teen bodies are made to be outsiders in K—l 2 schools. so too are fat bodies ushered to the margins in high perlormance sport.‘ Yet. in both cases. these bodies refuse to stay on the margins. choosing instead to articulate their particular embodiments within and against the current corporeal rationality that attempts to contain them. It seems this refusal to go away is crucial to a public embrace of both Daly and Davies as unique. individual. anti antiestab— lishment. To the extent Daly and Davies persist in modeling productivity (winning tournaments) through their f/athletic bodies. they may continue to enjoy a cultural forgiveness around their corpulence. In the end. the f/athletic bodies of Daly and Davies raise more questions than answers. but they lead us down an important path of inquiry. We are left wondering what a more thorough queering of fatness might offer. To the extent f/athletes take up new subject positions. they might also disrupt medicalized knowledge of fatness. and ultimately open up new analytic spaces for interrogation of when. how. and why body size matters (Gremillion. 2005). In the very least. this analysis of Daly and Davies has raised critical questions about how size matters. what kinds of bodies are athletic bodies. how fatness resonates with other hierarchies of bodies. and in what ways sport opens up and/or closes down particular bodily ways of being. Thus. we Close with Helen Gremillion’s call to analytic action. as she states, "When body size matters. the cultural politics of understanding why matters as well" (p. 26). Notes 1. Beginning in 2009. an Indiana-based company will charge employees for their lack of fit- ness. with externally set standards for weight. blood pressure. and other health indicators as the metric for employee fitness (see Costello. 2007). Athletic Fatness 161 3. Since l985. Healthsouth. a health care provider, llils sponsored lhc llllk‘ss trailcr lot 'I‘ottr members. but it \\as almost exclusiyely' Ust for injury treatment and rehabilitation ( Hul'PCl‘. 2005~ ‘ll l5). _, .\. Thch are two biomcchanical rcasons \\hy Daly and Da\ ics are long ball hittcrs: ( l ) large ground reaction forces as a result of their \\cight (very important in thc \\ctght transfct phase) produces greater torqttc on the long a\is of the body; and (2) they are both tall with long levers giving them a greater speed range adutntage in ct shorter limbcd golfers (same reason longer clubs bit farther). (Personal communication. Dr. Joy cc Da\ is. February l‘). 2007). t I am indebted here to Samantha Murray (2005) for her insightful inlcrrogation of fat pridc movements and the compleyities of coming out as fat. She brought Sullivan‘s \\ ork to my attention. its well as offered an intriguing analysis ofthe problems ofclaimittg an essentialist fat Identity. 5. This is a diflicult point to make. as well. given the medicaliicd ways that fat is dctcrminct. Campos (2004a) offers examples ofelitc. tit. higlt-pcrforming athletic bodies that \\ ill be labeled obcsc by current metrics such as BMl. Additionally. Gilman (2004) offers an interesting reading of Babe Rttth and his athlctic fatness. Thus. tat bodies arc aluay s already present in sport. References .»\shforth. I). (2004. February 2|). Battlcr Daly weights in for thc hcmyucight brigade. Rating [’00. Retrieved October" 26. 2006. lrom http://libprmy.uncgcdu: 2084/uni~ vet'sc/pri n tdoc. Blunt. |..;\l. (2002). Body wars. the clash of the paradigms. Qua/ironic sociology: 25(2). 305—; l4. Campos. I). (2004a). T/H’ o/n’ritv mvr/t: lllit' .‘lllIt'l‘lCtl '\ o/m'vsion will) mag/1r l\ /l(l._(ll'(/UII\' to roar llt’tlll‘ll. New York: Gotham books. Campos. P. (2004b. July l3). The lock-up diet. S/u'ltcil—ou/inv. Retrieved Fcbruary 7. 2007. from http://www.spiked—on]ine.com/;\rlicles/0000000CA5E7.htm. ('orbin. J.l\l. (2003). The body in health and illness. Keynote address: Eighth Qttalitath c Health Research Conference. thIi/(trivv Ht’tlll/I RI’.\'('(H'('/I. l.\’( 2 ). 256467. Costello. D. (2007. Jttly 29). 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