Immigration - Latino

Immigration - Latino - IMMIGRATION, LATINO artifacts,...

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Unformatted text preview: IMMIGRATION, LATINO artifacts, including live chickens and a buiro draped in a Mexican serape, came furthest from represent— ing Cuba when Lucy emerged dressed as Brazilian performer Carmen Miranda, lip—synching in Portu- guese. The audience must either accept that all of these “Latin” elements can be just as easily attrib— uted to Cuba or believe that Lucy is so out of touch with her husband’s native culture as to confuse Span- ish with Portuguese. For Latinos in the 1950s, Ricky Ricardo’s charac— ter, as well as Desi Arnaz’s real—life story, came to embody the American Dream. I Love Lucy figures prominently in novelist Oscar Hijuelos’s The Mambo Kings Play Songs of Love. In this hybrid piece, fic— tional and historical characters mingled on the pages. The two protagonists, recent Cuban immigrants Nestor and César Castillo, Were struggling, aspiring musicians who reached the pinnacle of their career when a chance encounter with fellow Cuban Desi Arnaz led to a cameo appearance on I Love Lucy. The Castillo brothers constantly cited Arnaz as a source of inspiration throughout the novel. Hijue— los’s heavy use of references to I Love Lucy and its actors and characters assumes his reader’s familiarity not only with the show but also with its implicit message for Latin immigrants to the United States. On October 3, 1954, Arnaz and Ball appeared as featured guests on Ed Sullivan’s Toast of the Town. During this broadcast Arnaz tearftu addressed the nation, expressing his firm belief in the notion of the American Dream: “[My family] came to this country and we didn’t have a cent in our pockets. From cleaning canary cages to this night here in New York, it’s a long ways. And I don’t think there’s any other country in this world that can give you that opportunity. I want to say thank you, thank you, America. Thank you.” The Cold War context of the show’s broadcast— ing period seeped into the lives of the actors. In 1953 Ball addressed the allegation brought by the House Un—American Activities Committee that she in— tended to vote the Communist Party ticket in 1936, clarifying the matter by saying that she had done so only to appease her ailing grandfather. The subse— quent press leak that Ball was a member of the Communist Party briefly threatened the security of I Love Lucy. Amaz calmed the media flurry surround— ing the comedienne’s “red scare” by proclaiming that both he and Ball hated communism. Ironically, the subsequent Cuban Revolution of 1959 brought the a 344 Cold War even closer to the United States and the I Love Lucy set than could have been anticipated at the time. The December 13, 1956, episode titled “The Ricardos Visit Cuba” was removed from the daily rerun schedule in the early 1960s due to ten. sions between the United States and the island’s : newly established socialist government, and remained _ off the air until 1967. Ricky Ricardo’s seemingly innocuous character has actually sparked considerable academic attention in issues of ethnicity, gender, and popular culture. For example, Gustavo Pérez Firmat has decon- structed Ricky Ricardo’s name, shedding light on the culturally and ethnically charged nature of the name through intellectual abstraction. Many aca- demic essays have explored the ways in which Ar- naz’s character shaped issues of Latino representation in the media. I Love Lucy at once gave Latinos much needed media exposure yet relegated them to a ste— reotype from which they would spend the next 50 years of television history struggling to escape. gration from Latin America increased dramatically. Migrants have come to the United States in signifi~ cant numbers from Mexico, Cuba, El Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua, the Dominican Republic, and many other Latin American nations for jobs and fam— ily. Migration from Puerto Rico, a US. territory since 1898, also has had a lasting impact on the na— tion. Importantly, Latino immigration affects the en— tire United States, not just one region. Long an integral part of life in the border states of the South— west, Mexican immigrants have settled in growing numbers in the Midwest and the South. For example, Chicago and Milwaukee today have large Latino im— migrant populations. Meat— and poultry—processing jobs in Nebraska, Iowa, Arkansas, and North Caro— lina today are filled primarily by Mexican immigrants. Soon after Census 2000, in no small part due to im— migration, “Hispanics” became the largest ethnic minority in the United States. From the all—American pastime of baseball to popular cuisine, Latino immigration has forever changed the nation. Today Spanish is spoken on the streets of cities all across the United States. Political parties aggressively compete for Latino votes. Popu— lar music in the 19905 was hit by the “Latin music craze.” Businesses increasingly pursue Latino buyers by marketing a wide range of products geared to— ward Latinos, often with advertising in Spanish in the Spanish media. RELATED ARTICLES Amaz, Desi; Humor; Stereotypes and Stereotyping; Tele— vision. FURTHER READING Andrews, Bart. The “I Love Lucy” Boole. New York: Doubleday, 1985. Desjardins, Mary. “Lucy and Desi: Sexuality, Ethnicity, and TV’s First Family.” In Television, History, and Amen'can CHI- tnre: Feminist Critical Essays. Ed. by Mary Beth Haralovich and Lauren Rabinovitz. Durham, N .C.: Duke Univ. Press, 1999. Hijuelos, Oscar. The Mambo Kings Play Songs of Love. New York: HarperCollins, 1989. Pérez Firmat, Gustavo. “I Came, I Saw, I Conga’d: Con— texts for a Cuban—American Culture." In Ei/erm'ght Life: Culture and Dance in Latin/o Amen’ca. Ed. by Celeste Fraser Delgado and Jose Esteban Munoz. Durham, N.C.: Duke Univ. Press, 1997. Sandoval-Sénchez, Alberto.]osé, Can You See? Latinos On and Broadway. Madison: Univ. of Wis. Press, 1999. Watson, Tom. “I LOVE Lucy”: The Classic Moments. London: Running Press, 1999. More sizeable Latino immigration at various times throughout U.S. history has also contributed to po— litical pressure for increased immigration enforcement efforts, which have adversely affected the civil rights of Latino immigrants and citizens. The US govern— ment historically has used a variety of means to limit immigration from Latin America to the United States and to remove Latino immigrants from the country. “Nativist” calls for limiting Latino immigration have resulted in tough immigration laws and policies, with impacts on Latino citizens as well as noncitizens. For example, so—called racial profiling in immigration en— forcement, with people having a Latino appearance (citizens and immigrants alike) subject to question— ing of their immigration status, is a long—standing problem. ELENA JACKSON ALBARRAN IMMIGRATION, LATINO Immigration from Mexico has been a major influ— ence on the United States at least as far back as the Mexican—American War in 1848, which created what today is the nation’s southern border with Mexico. Toward the end of the 20th century, immi~ Major Immigration Laws Affecting Latinos Latinos have experienced a long, at times difficult, history of immigration to the United States. Until IMMIGRATION, LATINO late in the 19th century, the nation had relatively open borders and encouraged immigration. In the latter part of the century, a concern with immigra— tion levels and the racial composition of immigrants resulted in comprehensive federal laws that restricted immigration to the United States. In 1924 the Bor— der Patrol was established to police the border with Mexico and limit migration from the South. The exclusion of persons likely to become “public charges”—that is, potential welfare users—has been invoked aggressively throughout the 20th century to limit immigration from Mexico and Latin Amer— ica. At times of economic uncertainty and other so— cial stress, the United States engaged in campaigns to deport persons of Mexican ancestry from the country. In the depths of the Great Depression, state and local governments, with federal support, sought to “repatriate” Mexican immigrants and US. citi— zens of Mexican ancestry to reduce the welfare rolls. In 1954 the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) instituted Operation Wetback, in which thou— sands of persons of Mexican ancestry, immigrants and citizens alike, were deported from the United States. Such operations even occurred while the economy had programs that brought immigrant labor to the United States. Operation Wetback occurred at the same time that the Bracero Program, in place from World War II until 1964, allowed Mexican guest workers to come temporarily to the United States. In 1965 Congress abolished the discriminatory na— tional—origins quota system that had been a comer— stone of US. immigration law since 1924. While nearly 80 percent of all immigrants to the United States in the 19203 were from Europe, by the year 2000 only about a tenth of all immigrants were Euro— pean. High levels of immigration have brought sporadic calls for the tightening of the immigration laws. Many reforms of US. immigration law, however, have had little effect on the patterns of labor migration from Mexico and other Latin American nations but have had negative impacts on civil rights. In 1986 Congress passed the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA), which imposed penalties on American employers who knowingly hired un— documented workers. It also created an amnesty program that allowed undocumented immigrants who could prove continuous residence in the United States since January 1, 1982, to obtain lawful immi— 345 {tiff IMMIGRATION, LATINO gration status. By 1991 nearly 2 million undocu— mented immigrants, most of them Mexican nationals, became legal residents under the IRCA. Despite the employer sanctions provisions of the IRCA, millions of undocumented immigrants live and work in the United States. Undocumented workers readily find jobs. Employers often claim that undocumented immigrants will perform labor, such as farmwork, that “ordinary Americans” will not do for the wages that employers want to pay. Econo— mists credit immigrant labor for contributing to the booming US. economy in the 19905. Because the 1986 reform law authorizes sanctions against employers who employ undocumented per— sons, some businesses have discriminated against all “foreigners,” including U.S. citizens and lawful im— migrants of Latin American ancestry. Although such practices Violate the IRCA, the legal prohibition is rarely enforced. Studies confirm that discrimination by employers against job applicants of Latin and Asian ancestry is widespread. Events in California triggered national inmiigra— tion reform. In 1994 California voters passed Propo— sition 187, which would have eliminated all public benefits for undocumented immigrants and barred undocumented immigrant children from the public schools. The turbulent campaign over Proposition 187 played on anti—Mexican themes. A court ruled that most of the initiative’s provisions violated the U.S. Constitution; thus Proposition 187 for the most part never went into effect. In 1996 the U.S. Congress followed California’s lead by passing a series of tough immigration and welfare reform laws—the, Antiterrorism and Effec- tive Death Penalty Act, the Illegal Immigration Re— form and Immigrant Responsibility Act, and the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Rec— onciliation Act—designed to facilitate the removal of immigrants and to ensure that immigrants who remained did not access the welfare system. Con— gress also fiinded the Border Patrol at its highest levels in U.S. history. At about the same time, the INS instituted new military—style operations, including Operation Gatekeeper in San Diego and Operation Hold—the—Line in El Paso, along the southern bor— der, designed to cut off undocumented immigration from Mexico. The military presence redirected ini— grants to more dangerous routes in their desperate efforts to make it to the United States, often through at 346 rough terrain under inclement conditions. Thousands - of poor Mexican migrants have died as a result. The 1996 immigration reforms, which provide for mandatory detention, summary removal, and the elimination of judicial review of certain removal or— ders, have adversely affected the Latino community in the United States. Perhaps most importantly, the reforms ficilitated the deportation of long—term Latino residents. In 1999, for example, the INS formally deported a record number of aliens (almost 180,000), with Mexicans and Latin Americans making up more than 90 percent of those removed. Arab and Muslim noncitizens in the United States on temporary student Visas were responsible for the September 11, 2001, hijackings of commercial airlin— ers used as weapons of mass destruction. New secu— rity measures were primarily directed at Arab and Muslim noncitizens. However, the U.S. govern- ment’s responses to September 11 dramatically af— fected Latino immigration as well. The Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terror— ism (USA Patriot) Act of 2001 expanded the govern— ment’s surveillance powers, made it easier to deport immigrants, and otherwise tightened immigration controls. In addition, the U.S. government adopted policies designed to seal the borders, tighten visa monitoring, and facilitate deportation of noncitizens for minor immigration violations. Anti—immigrant sentiment growing out of the events of September 11 resulted in heightened border enforcement and restrictionist laws and policies that adversely affected Latino inmiigrants. Before September 11 the Mexican and U.S. gov— ernments had been seriously discussing a migration pact, with possible parts of an agreement being an amnesty for undocumented Mexicans living in the United States and a guest worker program. Septem— ber 11 marked the end of those discussions, as the U.S. government focused on restricting immigration. Efforts to deport undocumented immigrants and to crack down on identity fraud in the name of the “war on terror” led to the arrest and deportations of many Mexican and other immigrants having noth— ing to do with terrorism. Throughout U.S. history Mexican immigrants have returned to Mexico for economic and social reasons. They have tended to do so during times of economic downturn in the United States, such as during the Great Depression of the 19305. OtherS return because of discrimination suffered in the United States and a desire for the cultural and social familiar— ity of Mexico. Demographic Shifts in Immigration The U.S. immigration demographics changed drae matically after 1965, with the repeal of a discrimina— tory quota system. Today most lawful immigrants come from developing nations populated by people of color, including a large contingent from the Span— ish—speaking nations of Latin America. In the 19905 Mexico was the country of origin of about one—fifth of all lawful immigrants, and a much higher propor— tion of all immigrants if undocumented entries are considered. For decades, hundreds of thousands of immigrants from Mexico have come annually to the United States. Latin Americans also dominate the immigration that occurs outside of officially sanctioned channels. More than one—half of the estimated 5 to 10 million undocumented immigrants in the United States were natives of Mexico. In recent years Mexico, El Salva— dor, Guatemala, Honduras, the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru have been in the top 20 sending countries of undocumented immigrants. As has been true historically, most immigrants to the United States come to the country seeking jobs and economic opportunity. However, since 1965 the Immigration and Nationality Act has given immigra— tion preferences to family members of citizens and immigrants in the United States. As a result, many immigrants seeking jobs entered the country outside of legal means or entered lawfully but overstayed their temporary visas. Each year most lawful immi— grants from Latin America come to the United States on family preference visas. Refugee and asylum provisions of the U.S. immi— gration laws also offer relief to noncitizens fleeing political persecution in their homelands, which has proved to be an important legal avenue for Latino immigrants. For example, tens of thousands of Cen— tral Americans applied for asylum during the 19805. Salvadoran and Guatemalan enclaves emerged in Los Angeles and Miami. Since 1960, refugees from Fidel Castro’s Cuba have contributed significant numbers to the grow# ing influx of Latin American immigrants. They have transformed South Florida, “latinized” Miami, and deeply affected the national political scene. If noth— IMMIGRATION, LATINO ing else, the national furor focused on the extraordi— nary custody battle over young Elian Gonzalez in the year 2000 shows the political importance of the Cuban American community to national politics. The Cultural Influence of Latino Immigration Although immigrants and immigration at times have been unpopular in the United States, the nation has been deeply influenced, if not transformed, by Latino as well as Asian immigration over the course of the 20th century. Some pundits have proclaimed that the country has undergone a “latinization.” One can look at nearly any aspect of U.S. culture to see the influence of Latinos and immigration. Salsa has become the most popular condiment in the United States, displacing ketchup. Mexican food has seen a surge of popularity in recent years and has appeared throughout the United States as Latino im— migration hit all corners of the nation. Tortillas now are a staple in many U.S. households. Tacos have become almost as “American as apple pie” and are available in cities from coast to coast. Churros are sold at professional sports events. Nachos have be— come standard fare at bars and restaurants across the country. Latino immigration has transformed various re— gions of the country. Migration fiom the Dominican Republic has changed the flavor of New York, as well as the “all—American” game of baseball. Immi— grants from Mexico, Central America, the Domini— can Republic, Cuba, and other Latin American nations joined established Latino communities in this country, such as the Cuban American community in South Florida and the Mexican American com— munity in the Southwest. In the 19905 the United States saw Latin music stars enjoy incredible popularity. Jennifer Lopez and Ricky Martin drew the attention of millions with hit songs and music videos. Lopez became a movie star as well. Carlos Santana, a rock and roll musician with decades in the music business, enjoyed a re— newed popularity. Latin entertainers influenced the evolution of contemporary music in general in the United States. Latino immigration created a large market for Latino—oriented products. Magazines, such as Latina and Hispanic Magazine, and movies, including La Bamba and Selena, proliferated, as well as other prod- ucts designed to cater to the Latino community. 347 m in: IMMIGRATION, LATINO Spanish—language Univision became a national tele— vision network. Major banks accepted new forms of identification, including those issued by the Mexi— can government, in order to conduct business with the growing undocumented Mexican immigrant com— munity. Businesses scrambled to tap into the growing Latino market. Civil Rights and Immigration Persons of Latino ancestry, U.S. Citizens as well as immigrants, are often stereotyped as foreigners in the United States. Many persons of Mexican ancestry are stereotyped as undocumented, even though the best estimates are that only about one—half of the un— documented immigrant population are from Mexico. This affects the civil rights of all Latinos in the United States. However, a significant segment of the un— documented population enters the country from Mexico undetected. Similarly, southern Florida has seen a steady stream of Cuban migrants on boats seeking to make their way to this country. Immigration and immigration enforcement have markedly affected the Latino quest for civil rights in the United States. Immigration enforcement often involves Latinos who are U.S. citizens and whose citizenship and immigration status are frequently questioned. Latinos have long been perceived as “for— eign” in the United States, an enduring stereotype that continues to have a significant impact on Latino lives. The “foreigner” stereotype has helped to jus— tify harsh treatment of Mexican immigrants and persons of Mexican ancestry in border enforcement. This “foreigner” stereotyping can be found in popular culture as well. The depictions are positive as well as negative. For example, the popular film El Norte sympathetically considers the undocumented experience of asylum seekers in the United States, while “Born in East LA.” parodies the treatment of Mexican Americans as presumptive undocumented immigrants. The United States has also treated other Latino foreigners harshly. Although the country welcomed those who fled Cuba after the revolution as part of the Cold War on Communism, the 1980 influx of Cuban migrants, known as the Mariel Boatlift, saw a change in U.S. policy. Concerned with a possible mass migration of poor, black, criminal, and homo— sexual Cubans, the United States began detaining many Cuban immigrants. The courts authorized such conduct and even permitted the indefinite deten— at 348 fusal by Puerto Ricans to merge with American allow to return. In the 19905 fear of another infl- of Cubans led the U.S. government to Scramble: reach an agreement with Cuba designed to preve- another mass migration. In their attempts to keg Cuban migrants on rafts from reaching the Um i More generally, while contending that Latin Amer— an immigrants refuse to assimilate, the pro—assimi— lationists ignore the fact that enduring racism in the nited States makes it more diflicult for immigrants f color, particularly those from communities that ave suffered long histories of discrimination in this Country, to integrate with the mainstream. The con- tinuing segregation of Latinos in housing and public schools and continued discrimination and segrega— tion in the employment markets suggest that serious barriers to the assimilation of Latinos exist in mod— ern America. In any event, the social science data show that Latinos in fact acculturate in many important respects. As a group they learn English and embrace Ameri# can work and traditional family values. This fact is generally ignored in the public debate over immigra— tron. A baseline measure of immigrant assimilation has been the rate at which immigrants naturalize to be— come citizens. Naturalization rates among Latinos increased dramatically in the 19905. Political activ— ism among Latinos was the collective response to growing anti—imrnigrant sentiment, aggressive immi— gration enforcement measures, and the elimination of public benefits for noncitizens. Immigration re~ forms in 1996 generated fear in the Latino immigrant community and created pressure to naturalize. Facili— tated in part by the relaxation of legal requirements on dual nationality as well as the U.S. government’s efforts to encourage naturalization, the naturalization rates of Latin American immigrants, previously criti— cized for being low, surged. The increase provoked a backlash and claims that “criminal aliens” were un— lawfully naturalizing with the help of a presidential administration seeking to increase the number of Democratic voters. Thus Latinos were criticized for not assimilating if they did not naturalize, but were accused of abusing the process when they did. were made to restrict the immigration of Germans in the 17005, Irish in the mid—18005, Chinese in the ‘ late 18005, Japanese in the early 19005, and southern. and eastern Europeans in the post—World War I pe- 1‘ riod. Many of these groups now appear fully inte— grated into U.S. society. Nonetheless, some 1 commentators, including high—profile Latinos such as Linda Chavez and Richard Rodriguez, criticize r Latin American and Asian immigrants who allegedly maintain a separate ethnic identity and refuse to be— come a part of the American mainstream. Society demands assimilation of Latino immigrants as well as Latinos who are U.S. citizens. For example. Puerto Ricans, who are often perceived by the gen~ eral public as immigrants even though they (including those born in Puerto Rico) legally are U.S. citizens, have been accused of not acculturating. Although Puerto Ricans have been citizens of the United States for nearly a century, when assessed by any socioeco— nomic or political measure, it is clear that the Puerto Rican community remains on the margins of US- society. This, however, arguably results from discrimk nation against Puerto Ricans, not any failure 01' In the future, increasing naturalization of Latino immigrants, along with a growing Latino popula— tion, will likely translate into their greater voting strength. During the 19905 Latinos were elected in increasing numbers to political ofiices at all levels of government. Although Latino citizens generally have gravitated toward the Democratic Party, Republi— cans now court Latino voters. President Bush in his IMMIGRATION, LATINO 2000 presidential campaign, for example, reached out to the Latino community. Language Rights English language use is one measure of immigrant acculturation in the United States. Emigration from Latin America means the migration of people who, for the most part, are native Spanish speakers. Lan— guage proves to be another civil rights issue for persons of Latin American ancestry. In 1990 Spanish was the principal language spoken in more than 17 million homes in the United States, a number that has since increased. With millions of Americans now speaking Span— ish as their primary or secondary language, the wide— spread use Of Spanish in U.S. daily life is virtually guaranteed for the foreseeable future. Latin Ameri— can immigrants in all likelihood will continue to come to the United States, thus continuing to bring the Spanish language with them and thereby ensur— ing its continued presence in the United States. Pressures placed by U.S. society on immigrants to become “American” include their learning En— glish. Early in the 20th century, legal excesses in the efforts to enforce this language conformity resulted in Supreme Court landmark decisions protecting the rights of linguistic minorities. Assimilationist pressures, however, have generally been one of many factors, along with the need for English—language skills for economic opportunity, that contributed to immigrant minorities learning English. Some ardent assimilation— ists nonetheless condemn the tolerance of language diversity and claim that it is splintering U.S. society. Latin American immigration fueled the English— only movement in the United States. Cuban migra— tion spurred English—only legislation in Florida, and many other states have passed English—only laws. Some states, in response to the increase in Spanish— speaking immigrants, required that drivers’ tests be conducted only in English. In 2001 the U.S. Su— preme Court declined to disturb Alabama’s require— ment of this type. Access to Education for Latino Immigrants Beginning early in the 20th century, Latino advo- cacy groups, such as the League of United Latin American Citizens and the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund, brought lawsuits that slowly chipped away at the segregation of public ed— ucation that had characterized the educational expe— 349 at IMMIGRATION, LATINO rience of most, especially Latino, immigrants since the mid—19th century. Landmark cases won by Latino plaintiffs established important legal precedents in the national battle to end legally enforced segregation, which culminated in the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1954 decision in Brown V. Board of Education. The courts in these cases found that efforts to segregate Mexi— can American children in the public schools violated the U.S. Constitution. But as has been true for African Americans in the wake of Brown. V. Board of Education, Latinos con— tinue to be subjected to de facto segregation in public school districts across the nation. This primarily re— sulted from housing segregation throughout the United States and the practice of sending children to neighborhood schools. Indeed, school segregation of Latinos has increased in the 19805 and 1990s. One study found ever—increasing segregation of Latino stu— dents, who have been more segregated than African Americans for the last several school years. Many Latino immigrants live apart from other groups and attend predominantly immigrant public schools. Given the difficulties experienced in attempting to end de facto segregation of the schools and hous— Latinos have experienced a long, at times difficult, history of immigration to the United States. ing, Latino advocacy organizations have moved awa from desegregation efforts and pressed for equality: in public school financing. Public school funding 3 based on local property taxes has created and main tained inequitable educational systems; poor neigh borhoods have fewer resources for schools than do more aflluent localities. Successful school—finance liti‘ gation in several states has unfortunately failed to L meaningfully improve Latino access to equal educa- tional opportunities. Indeed, matters haVe gotten ‘ worse in certain respects. In California, as the per. ‘ centage of Latino students has increased in the public schools, spending per pupil has declined precipitously. Much of the demographic change in the public schools has stemmed from immigration. The efforts of Latinos to achieve educational eq— uity have proved increasingly important as the pro— portion of their students in public schools has grown, in no small part owing to rising levels of immigra- tion from Latin America. More than 40 percent of the students in the California and New York City public schools are Latinos. Latinos make up more than 50 percent of the students in public schools in Miami and Houston, 32 percent in Chicago, and 12 CI—IROMOSOHM / PHOTO RESEARCHERS percent in Milwaukee. Many of the students are im— migrants with English as their second language. Not coincidently, with the increase in Latinos in the public schools, efforts, including California’s Proposition 187, have been made to keep undocu— mented immigrant children out of the classroom. In the 1982 decision of Plyler v. Doe, however, the Su— 8, preme Court invalidated a Texas law barring undocu— mented children from public elementary and secondary school education. Similarly, bilingual ed— ucation, once required by the Supreme Court, has come under attack and now is generally banned in the public schools in California, Massachusetts, and other states. Attacks on affirmative action in higher education have had a disparate impact on Latino immigrants. Consistent with political efforts to keep undocu— mented children out of elementary and secondary schools, efforts have been made that effectively ex— clude the undocumented from public colleges and universities by charging nonresident fees. In 2003 Congress was considering a bill that would allow col— lege—age undocumented immigrants who live in a state to regularize their immigration status so that they could pay the same fees imposed on state resi— dents. This came at a time when relatively few Latinos—and even fewer undocumented immi— grants—were attending colleges and universities across the country. Conclusion Latino immigration to the United States has trans— formed the nation. The changes have accelerated in recent years as immigrants have increased in num— ber, owing to the globalizing economy as well as technological and transportation improvements. Im— migration enforcement also has deeply afiected the civil rights of persons of Latino ancestry in the United States. Those changes have also increased over time, and new civil rights issues and concerns have emerged. RELATED ARTICLES Aflirmative Action; Assimilation; Asylum; Bilingualism; Bracero Program; Census, United States; Deportation; Education, Higher; Immigration Acts; Jones Act; Labor; United States—Central America Relations; United States— Mexico Relations; United States+South America Relations. FURTHER READING Andreas, Peter. Border Games: Policing the U. S.-Mexico Di- vide. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 2000. IMMIGRATION ACTS Balderrama, Francisco E., and Raymond Rodriguez. Decade cf Betrayal: A/Iexican Repatriation in the 19305. Albu— querque: Univ. of N.Mex. Press, 1995. Chavez, Linda. Out of the Barrio: Toward a New Politics (yr Hispanic Assimilation. New York: Basic Bks., 1991. Garcia, Juan Ramon. Operation Wetbacle: The Mass Deporta- tion of Mexican Undocumented I/Vorkers in 1954. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1980. Garcia, Maria Cristina. Havana USA: Cuban Exiles and Cuban Americans in South Florida, 1959—1994. Berkeley: Univ. of Calif. Press, 1996. Gutiérrez, David G. l/Valls and Minors: lVIexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the Politics of Ethnicity. Berkeley: Univ. of Calif. Press, 1995. Higham,]ohn. Strangers in the land: Patterns of American Nam/ism, 1860—1925. 3d ed. New Brunswick, NJ .2 Rut— gers Univ. Press, 1994. Johnson, Kevin R. “Race, the Immigration Laws, and Do— mestic Race Relations: A ‘Magic Mirror’ into the Heart of Darkness,” Indiana Law journal 73 (1998): 1111. Portes, Alejandro, and Rubén G. Rumbaut. Immigrant America: A Portrait. 2d ed. Berkeley: Univ. of Calif. Press, 1996. Rodriguez, Richard. Hunger of Zl/Iemory. Boston: Godine, 1981. KEVIN JOHNSON IMMIGRATION ACTS Immigration laws regulate the flow of people into a nation and control the patterns of migration thereto. The nature of these laws has become predictable. A new nation, in need of laborers or mere residents, will establish a generous immigration policy. At some point, however, the nation will close off its borders and limit entry. The history of immigration in the United States illustrates this model. During its early history the United States did little to regulate immigration. The settlement and indus— trialization 0f the young nation demanded porous borders. There were times when the federal govern— ment passed laws that provided for the expulsion and exclusion ofnoncitizens, such as the Alien and Sedi— tion Laws of the late 18th century. But these laws quickly gave way to the principle of unfettered im— migration. This condition lasted until the latter part of the 19th century. The impetus for this policy was the seemingly insatiable need for labor following the Civil War. As the flow of immigrants grew, so did fears and concerns about them. The rise of nativism meant that immigrants became the focus of attacks. In response to mass immigration, Congress soon en— acted the first restriction on entry into the United States. Under the Immigration Act of 1875, Con— it 350 351 ...
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