This preview has intentionally blurred sections. Sign up to view the full version.View Full Document
Unformatted text preview: The Whitehead Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations Crafting a US Response to the Emerging East Asia Free Trade Area by Christopher Martin F ew would dispute Asia’s growing economic importance in the 21st century. While China and India have held the spotlight recently, their rise may not constitute the region’s most important economic shift. Japan is still by far the richest economy; while South Korea’s formidable industries are the envy of many. Furthermore, the ten-country coalition that makes up the Association for Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) boasts such economic dynamos as Singapore and Malaysia. Together, China, Japan, South Korea, and ASEAN (commonly referred to as ASEAN+3) account for 20 percent of global output, nearly 20 percent of global trade, and hold well over 50 percent of the world’s international monetary reserves. Moreover, the region is ripe for growth. It accounted for 31.4 percent of the world’s population in 2005 (more than Europe and the Americas combined) and the IMF’s 2008 – 2011 outlook figure clocked growth at 7.9 percent for Asia, dwarfing the 2.5 percent for major developed countries. How would the world’s economic landscape shift if these thirteen countries were to join together in some form of economic union? More importantly, how should the United States respond to such an event? It is a question the US needs to answer today. In January, the heads of state of the ASEAN+3 countries led the second East Asia Summit (EAS) in Metro Cebu, Philippines. Among other initiatives, ASEAN+3 countries reaffirmed their commitment to examining the possible creation of an East Asia Free Trade Area (EAFTA) between their respective economies, of which a study of feasibility is already underway. With continued uncertainty surrounding the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations, the summit included discussion of a regional trade agreement. Host Philippine President Gloria Arroyo declared last August that the East Asian countries must “draw up a collective response” to Doha’s failure. Though the EAS includes non-East Asian nations like India, Australia, and New Zealand, much of the summit focused on hastening the emergence of agreements between ASEAN+3 countries, where trade negotiations have come the furthest. 1 The summit itself is the culmination of a variety of forces and the indicators are clear; East Asia is quietly coming together. The trend is gaining Christopher Martin is a Policy Manager at the US Council for International Business. The views expressed in this article are his own. Mr. Martin has also served as an Irving B. Harris Fellow at the University of Chicago, and as a Global Policy Fellow at the World Trade Organization in Geneva, where he analyzed special and differential treatment mechanisms under consideration for the Doha Round of trade negotiations....
View Full Document
This note was uploaded on 02/01/2012 for the course INTERNATIO 101 taught by Professor Staff during the Fall '09 term at Boise State.
- Fall '09