{[ promptMessage ]}

Bookmark it

{[ promptMessage ]}

Reading22-MacIntyre-SelectionsAfterVirtue1

Reading22-MacIntyre-SelectionsAfterVirtue1 - 1 i I I i i 1...

Info icon This preview shows pages 1–11. Sign up to view the full content.

View Full Document Right Arrow Icon
Image of page 1

Info icon This preview has intentionally blurred sections. Sign up to view the full version.

View Full Document Right Arrow Icon
Image of page 2
Image of page 3

Info icon This preview has intentionally blurred sections. Sign up to view the full version.

View Full Document Right Arrow Icon
Image of page 4
Image of page 5

Info icon This preview has intentionally blurred sections. Sign up to view the full version.

View Full Document Right Arrow Icon
Image of page 6
Image of page 7

Info icon This preview has intentionally blurred sections. Sign up to view the full version.

View Full Document Right Arrow Icon
Image of page 8
Image of page 9

Info icon This preview has intentionally blurred sections. Sign up to view the full version.

View Full Document Right Arrow Icon
Image of page 10
Image of page 11
This is the end of the preview. Sign up to access the rest of the document.

Unformatted text preview: 1 i I I i i 1 1 l l 1 A Disquieting Suggestion Imagine that the natural sciences were to suffer the effects of a catastrophe. A series of environmental disasters are blamed by the general public on the scientists. Widespread riots occur, laboratories are burnt down, physicists are lynch-ed, books and instruments are destroyed. Finally a Know- Nothing political movement takes power and successfully abolishes science teaching in schools and universities, imprisoning and executing the remain— ing scientists. Later still there is-a reaction against this destructive move- ment and enlightened people seek to revive science, although they have largely forgotten what it was. But all that they possess are fragments: a knowledge of experiments detached from any knowledge of the theoretical context which gav em significance; parts of theories unrelated either to the other bits and pieces of theory which they possess or to experiment; instruments whose use has been forgotten; half-chapters from books, single pages from articles, not always fully legible because torn and charred. Nonetheless all these fragments are reembodied in a set of practices which go under the revived names of physics, chemistry and biology. Adults argue with each other about the respective merits of relativity theory, evolutionary theory and phlogiston theory, although they possess only a very partial knowledge of each. Children learn by heart the surviving por- tions of the periodic table and recite as incantations some of the theorems of Euclid Nobody, or almost nobody realizes that what they are doing is not natural science in any proper sense at all. For everything that they do and say conforms to certain canons of consistency and coherence and those contexts which would be needed to make sense of what they are do- ing have been lost, perhaps irretrievably. In such a culture men would use expressions such as 'neutrino', ",mass specific gravity’ “atomic weight“ in systematic and often interrelated ways which would resemble 1n lesser or greater degrees the ways in which such expressions had been used 1n earlier times before scientific knowledge had been so largely lost. But many of the beliefs presupposed by the use of these expressions would have been lost and there would appear to be an element of arbitrariness and even of choice in their application which would appear very surprising to us. What would appear to be rival and competing premises for which no further argument could be given would 2 ' ‘ After Virtue abound. Subjectivist theories of science would appear and would be criticized by those who held that the notion of truth embodied in what they took to be science was incompatible with subjectivism. This imaginary possible world is very like one that some science fiction writers have constructed. We may describe it as a world in which the language of natural science, or parts of it at least. continues to be used but is in a grave state of disorder. We may notice that if in this imaginary world analytical philosophy were to flourish, it would never reveal the fact of this disorder. For the techniques of analytical philosophy are essentially descriptive and descriptive of the language of the present at that. The analytical philosopher would be able to elucidate the conceptual structures of what was taken to be scientific thinking and discourse in the imaginary world in precisely the way that he elucidates the conceptual structures of natural science as it is. Nor again would phenomenology or existentialism be able to discern anything wrong. All the structures of intentionality would be what they are now. The task of supplying an epistemological basis for these false simulacra of natural science would not differ in phenomenological terms from the task as it is presently envisaged. A Husserl or a MerleauLPonty would be as deceived as a Strawson or a Quine. What is the point of constructing this imaginary world inhabited by fic— titious pseudo—scientists and real. genuine philosophy? The hypothesis which I wish to advance is that in the actual world which we inhabit the language of morality is in the same state of grave disorder as the languiage of natural science in the imaginary world which I described. What we possess, if this view is true, are the fragments of a conceptual scheme, parts which now lack those contexts from which their significance derived.fi possess indeed simulacra of morality, we continue to use many of the key enip‘rESsions. But wehave—very largely, if not entirely—lost our com— prehension, both theoretical and practical, of‘morality. But how could this be so? The impulse to reject the whole suggestion out of hand will certainly be very strong. Our capacity to use moral lan- guage, to be guided by moral reasoning, to define our transactions with others in moral terms is so central to our view of ourselves that even to envisage the possibility of our radical incapacity in these respects is to ask for a shift in our view of what we are and do which is going to be difficult to achieve. But we do already know two things about the hypothesis which are initially important for us if we are to achieve such a shift in view— " point. One is that philosophical analysis will not help us. In the real world the dominant philosophies of the present, analytical or phenomenological, will be as powerless to detect the disorders of moral thought and practice MKW1‘TQ\W§XSM%EVM%mw‘mmmxl1mEM‘l‘flkfllIflleimVIWVRD»:aulmwd-‘AnhuwkIIVAMWIaMn-Ano-(nmnvommw‘zw-mvflmpvImmm—WnuI-w|vwnwmmmwmwImwmmmwwmmwmm—u-x-mn—m .m..._.._ a.“ . .umw.wmmmm._mm.nmmmm A Disquictz'ng Suggestion 3 as they were impotent before the disorders of science in the imaginary world. Yet the powerlessness of this kind of philosophy does not leave us quite resourceless. For a prerequisite for understanding the present dis- ordered state of the imaginary world was to understand its history, a his— tory that had to be written in three distinct stages. The first stage was that in which the natural sciences flourished, the second that in which they suf- fered catastrophe and the third that in which they were restored but in damaged and disordered form. Notice that this history, being one of de— cline and fall,- is informed by standards. It is not an evaluatively neutral chronicle. The form of the narrative, the division into stages, presuppose standards of achievement and failure, of order and disorder. It is what Hegel called philosophical history and‘what Collingwood took all success— ful historical writing to be. So that if we are to look for resources to in- vestigate the hypothesis about morality which I have suggested, however bizarre and improbable it may appear to you now, we shall have to ask whether we can find in the type of philosophy and history propounded by writers such as Hegel and Collingwood—very different from each other as they are, of course—resources which we cannot find in analytical or phenomenological philosophy. But this suggestion immediately brings to mind a crucial difficulty for my hypothesis. For one objection to the view of the imaginary world which I constructed, let alone to my view of the real world, is that the inhabitants Of the imaginary world reached a point where they no longer realized the nature of the catastrophe which they had suffered. Yet surely an event of such striking world historical dimensions could not have been lost from view, so that it was both erased from memory and unrecoverable from historical records? And surely what holds of the fictitious world holds even more strongly of our own real world? If a catastrophe sufficient to throw the language and practice of morality into grave disorder had oc— curred, surely we should all know about it. It'would indeed be one of the central facts of our history. Yet our history lies Open to view, so it" will be said, and no record of any such catastrophe survives. So my hy— pothesis must simply be abandoned. To this I must at the very least con— cede that it will have to be expanded, yet unfortunately at the outset ex- panded in such a way as to render it, if possible, initially even less credible than before. For the catastrophe will have to have been of such a kind that it was not and has not been—except perhaps by a very few—recog— nized as a catastrophe. We shall have to look not for a few brief striking events whose character is incontestably clear, but for a much longer,“ more complex and less easily identified process and probably one which by its very nature is open to rival interpretation. Yet the initial implausibility of WNQ‘ 4 Afier Virtue this part of the hypothesis may perhaps be slightly lessened by another suggestion. History by now in our culture means academic history, and academic history is less than two centuries old. Suppose it were the case that the catastrophe of which my hypothesis speaks had occurred before, or largely : before, the founding of academic history,'so that the moral and other evaluative presuppositions of academic history derived from the forms of the disorder which it brought about. Suppose, that is, that the standpoint of academic history is such that from its value-neutral viewpoint moral disorder must remain largely invisible. All that the historian—and what is true of the historian is characteristically true also of the social scientist— will be allowed to perceive by the canons and categories of his discipline will be one morality succeeding another: seventeenth-century Puritanism, eighteenth—century hedonism, the Victorian work-ethic and so on, but the very language of order and disorder will not be available to him. If this were to be so, it would at least explain why what I take to be the real world and its fate has remained unrecognized by the academic curriculum. ‘For the forms of the academic curriculum would turn out to be among the symptoms of the disaster whose occurrence the curriculum does not acknowledge. Most academic history and sociology—the history of a Namier or a Hofstadter and the sociology of a Merton or a Lipseta-are after all as far away from the historical standpoint of Hegel and Colling— wood as most academic philosophy is from their philosophical perspective. ' It may seem to many readers that as I have elaborated my initial hypothesis I have step by step deprived myself of very nearly all possible argumentative allies. But is not just this required by the hypothesis itself? 'For if the hypothesis is true, it will necessarily appear implausible, since one way of stating part of the hypothesis is precisely to assert that we are in a condition which almost nobody recognizes and which perhaps nobody at all can recognize fully. If my hypothesis appeared initially plausible, it would certainly be false. And at least if even to entertain this hypothesis puts me into an antagonistic stance, it is a very different antagonistic stance from that of, for example, modern radicalism. For the modern radical is as confident in the moral expression of his stances and consequently in the assertive uses of the rhetoric of morality as any conservative has ever been. Whatever else he denounces in our culture he is certain that it still possesses the moral resources which he requires in order to denounce it. Everything else may be, in his eyes, in disorder; but the language of moral- ity is in order, just as it is. That he too may be being betrayed by the very language he uses is not a thought available to him. It is the aim of this book to make that thought available to radicals, liberals and conservatives alike. >mfl£$m7mmfl\“iE:mmfimflmwlilmfli“w‘mnwmamlmmium“mm-u:ImlmnwunvwmwmlulvimwwssmHmwumlII““swimmiflumhwhew1mmnmkhHaw-RM-ram-unwin-our-«mumm---—m‘m~‘-mmnmuW.-uu—wur—mnnwnmun—nI“wm—flwum..W.—Wwwmuwwwu.ww A Disquieting Suggestion ' 5 I cannot however expect to make it palatable; for if it is true, we are all already in a state so disastrous that there are no large remedies for it. Do not however suppose that the conclusion to be drawn will turn out to be one of despair. Angst islan intermittently fashionable emotion and ' the misreading of some existentialist texts has turned despair itself into a kind of psychological nostrum. But if we are indeed in as bad a state as I take us to be, pessimism too will turn out to be one more cultural luxury I that we shall have to dispense with in order to survive in these hard times. I cannot of course deny, indeed my thesis entails, that the language and the appearances of morality persist eVen though the integral substance of morality has to a large degree been fragmented and then in'part destroyed. Because of this there is no inconsistency in my Speaking, as I shall shortly do, of contemporary moral attitudes and arguments. I merely pay to the . present the courtesy of using its own vocabulary to speak of it. 2 , The Nature of Moral Disagreement Today and the Claims bf Emotivism The most striking feature of contemporary moral utterance is that so much of it is used to express disagreements; and the most striking feature of the debates in which these disagreements are expressed is their interminable character. I do not mean by this just that such debates go on and on and on—although they do— but also that they apparently can find no terminus. There seems to be no rational way of securing moral agreement in our culture. Consider three examples of just such contemporary moral debate framed in terms of characteristic and well—known rival moral arguments: 1 (a) A just war is one in which the good to be achieved outweighs the evils involved in waging the war and in which a clear distinction can be made between combatants — whose lives are at stake —- and innocent non- combatants. But in a modern war calculation of future escalation is never reliable and no practically applicable distinction between combatants and noncombatants can be made. Therefore no modern war can be a just war and we all now ought to be pacifists. (b) If you wish for peace, prepare for war. The only way to achieve peace is to deter potential aggressors. Therefore you must build up your armaments and make it clear that going to war on any particular scale is not necessarily ruled out by your policies. An inescapable part of making this clear is being prepared both to fight limited wars and to go not only to, but beyond, the nuclear brink on certain types of occasion. Otherwise you will not avoid war and you will be defeated. , (c) Wars between the Great Powers are purely destructive; but wars waged to liberate oppressed groups, especially in the Third World, are a necessary and therefore justified means for destroying the exploitative domination which stands between mankind and happiness. 2 (a) Everybody has certain rights over his or her own person. includ- ing his or her own body. It follows from the nature of these rights that at the stage when the embryo is essentially part of the mother’s body, the Moral Disagremsm Today and the Claims qf Emorz'm'sm 7 mother has a right to make her own uncoerced decision on whether she will have an abortion or not. Therefore abortion is morally permissible and ought to be allowed by law. ' (b) I cannot will that my mother should have had an abortion when she was pregnant with me, except perhaps if it had been certain that the em— bryo was dead or gravely damaged: But if I cannot will this in my own case, how can I consistently deny to others the right to life that I claim for myself? I would break the so-called Golden Rule unless I denied that a mother has in general a right to an abortion. I am not of course thereby committed to the view that abortion ought to be legally prohibited. (c) Murder is wrong. Murder is the taking of innocent life. An embryo is an identifiable individual, differing from a newborn infant only in being at an earlier stage on the long road to adult capacities and, if any life is innocent, that of an embryo is. If infanticide is murder, as it is, abortion ' is murder. So abortion is not only morally wrong, but ought to be legally prohibited. 3 (a) Justice demands that every citizen should enjoy, so far as is possi- ble, an equal opportunity to develop his or her talents and his or her other potentialities. But prerequisites for the provision of such equal opportunity include the provision of equal access to health care and to education. Therefore justice requires the governmental provision of health and educa- tional services, financed Ont of taxation, and it also requires that no citizen should be able to buy an unfair share of such services. This in turn requires the abolition of private schools and private medical practice. (b) Everybody has a right to incur such and only such obligations as he or she wishes, to be free to make such and only such contracts as he or she desires and to determine his or her own free choices. Physicians must therefore be free to practice on such terms as they desire and patients must be free to choose among physicians; teachers must be'free to teach on such terms as they choose and pupils and parents to go where they wish for edu- ' cation. Freedom thus requires not only the existence of private practice in medicine and private schools in education, but also the abolition of those restraints on private practice which are imposed by licensing and regulation by such bodies as universities, medical schools, the A.M.A. and the state. These arguments have only to be stated to be recognized as being widely influential in our society. They have of course their articulate expert spokesmen: Herman Kahn and the Pope, Che Guevara and Milton Fried- man are among the authors who have produced variant versions of' them. But it is their appearance in newspaper editorials and high-school debates, on radio talk shows and letters to congressmen, in bars, barracks and board- 8 After Virtue rooms, it is their typicality that makes them important examples here. ‘ What salient characteristics do these debates and disagreements share? They are of three kinds. The first is what I shall call, adapting an expres- sion from the philosophy of science, the‘conceptual incommensurability of the rival arguments in” each of the three debates. Every one of the arguments is logically valid or can be easily expanded so as tolbe made so; the conclusions do indeed follow from the premises. But the rival premises are such that “59.995355. no rational way of weighing the claims of one. as against another. For each premise employs some quite different normative or evaluative concept from the others, so that the claims made upon. us are of quite different kinds. In the first argument, for example, premises which invoke justice and innocence are at odds with premises which in- - voke success and survival; in the second, premises which invoke rights are - at odds with those which invoke universalizability; in the third it is. the claim of equality that is matched against that of liberty. It is preCisely because there is in our society no established way of deciding between these claims that moral argument appears to be necessarily interminable. From our rival conclusions we can argue back to our rival premises; but when we do arrive at our premises argument ceases and the invocation of one premise against another becomes a matter of pure assertion and counter-assertion. Hence perhaps the slightly shrill tone of so much moral debate. , ‘ But that shrillness may have an additional source. For it is not-only in arguments with others that we are reduced so quickly to assertion and counter—assertion; it is also in the arguments that we have Within ourselves. For whenever an agent enters the forum of public debate he has already presumably, explicitly or implicitly, settled the matter in question in his . own mind. Yet if wepossess no unassailable criteria, no set of compellmg reasons by means of which we may convince our opponents, it follows that in the process of making up our own minds we can have made no...
View Full Document

{[ snackBarMessage ]}

What students are saying

  • Left Quote Icon

    As a current student on this bumpy collegiate pathway, I stumbled upon Course Hero, where I can find study resources for nearly all my courses, get online help from tutors 24/7, and even share my old projects, papers, and lecture notes with other students.

    Student Picture

    Kiran Temple University Fox School of Business ‘17, Course Hero Intern

  • Left Quote Icon

    I cannot even describe how much Course Hero helped me this summer. It’s truly become something I can always rely on and help me. In the end, I was not only able to survive summer classes, but I was able to thrive thanks to Course Hero.

    Student Picture

    Dana University of Pennsylvania ‘17, Course Hero Intern

  • Left Quote Icon

    The ability to access any university’s resources through Course Hero proved invaluable in my case. I was behind on Tulane coursework and actually used UCLA’s materials to help me move forward and get everything together on time.

    Student Picture

    Jill Tulane University ‘16, Course Hero Intern