MGW10-GT-Korea-AFF-K - MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex...

Info iconThis preview shows pages 1–2. Sign up to view the full content.

View Full Document Right Arrow Icon

Info iconThis preview has intentionally blurred sections. Sign up to view the full version.

View Full DocumentRight Arrow Icon
This is the end of the preview. Sign up to access the rest of the document.

Unformatted text preview: MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff Korea Affirmative sex trafficking Korea Affirmative sex trafficking ...................................................................................................................................... 1 Korean sex bases 1ac............................................................................................................................................................ 3 Korean sex bases 1ac............................................................................................................................................................ 4 Korean sex bases 1ac............................................................................................................................................................ 5 Korean sex bases 1ac............................................................................................................................................................ 6 Korean sex bases 1ac............................................................................................................................................................ 7 Korean sex bases 1ac............................................................................................................................................................ 8 Korean sex bases 1ac............................................................................................................................................................ 9 Korean sex bases 1ac.......................................................................................................................................................... 10 Korean sex bases 1ac.......................................................................................................................................................... 11 Korean sex bases 1ac.......................................................................................................................................................... 12 Korean sex bases 1ac.......................................................................................................................................................... 13 Korean sex bases 1ac.......................................................................................................................................................... 14 INHERENCY: RAPE NOW............................................................................................................................................... 15 INHERENCY: SEX TRAFFICKING NOW....................................................................................................................... 16 INHERENCY: REFORMS FAILING................................................................................................................................. 17 INHERENCY: KOREAN EFFORTS FAILING................................................................................................................. 18 INHERENCY: MILITARY PRESENCE INCREASING.................................................................................................... 19 INHERENCY: MILITARY PRESENCE INCREASING.................................................................................................... 20 INHERENCY: MILITARY PRESENCE INCREASING.................................................................................................... 21 RAPE ADVANTAGE EXTENSIONS................................................................................................................................ 22 RAPE ADVANTAGE EXTENSIONS................................................................................................................................ 23 PATRIARCHY IMPACTS................................................................................................................................................. 24 SEX TRAFFICKING ADVANTAGE EXTENSIONS........................................................................................................ 25 SEX TRAFFICKING ADVANTAGE EXTENSIONS........................................................................................................ 26 SEX TRAFFICKING ADVANTAGE EXTENSIONS........................................................................................................ 27 ETHICS FIRST................................................................................................................................................................... 28 ETHICS FIRST................................................................................................................................................................... 29 ETHICS FIRST................................................................................................................................................................... 30 ETHICS FIRST................................................................................................................................................................... 31 SOLVENCY: WITHDRAWAL OF BASES KEY.............................................................................................................. 33 SOLVENCY: WITHDRAWAL OF BASES KEY.............................................................................................................. 34 SOLVENCY: WITHDRAWAL OF BASES KEY.............................................................................................................. 35 SOLVENCY: WITHDRAWAL OF BASES KEY.............................................................................................................. 36 SOLVENCY: WITHDRAWAL OF BASES KEY.............................................................................................................. 37 SOLVENCY: WITHDRAWAL OF BASES KEY.............................................................................................................. 38 SOLVENCY: WITHDRAWAL OF BASES KEY.............................................................................................................. 39 SOLVENCY: WITHDRAWAL OF BASES KEY.............................................................................................................. 40 2AC ENVIRONMENT ADD ON....................................................................................................................................... 41 2AC BASES BAD ADD ON: LAUNDRY LIST................................................................................................................ 42 AT: ECONOMY IMPACTS............................................................................................................................................... 43 AT: ECONOMY IMPACTS............................................................................................................................................... 44 AT: FORCED/VOLUNTARY KRITIK.............................................................................................................................. 45 AT: FORCED/VOLUNTARY KRITIK.............................................................................................................................. 46 AT: FORCED/VOLUNTARY KRITIK.............................................................................................................................. 47 AT: PITY PARTY KRITIK................................................................................................................................................ 48 AT: PITY PARTY KRITIK................................................................................................................................................ 49 AT: VICTIMIZATION....................................................................................................................................................... 52 AT: VICTIMIZATION....................................................................................................................................................... 53 AT: NIETZSCHE............................................................................................................................................................... 54 AT: NIETZSCHE............................................................................................................................................................... 55 AT: NIETZSCHE............................................................................................................................................................... 56 AT: SPEAKING FOR OTHERS BAD................................................................................................................................ 57 AT: SPEAKING FOR OTHERS BAD................................................................................................................................ 58 AT: SPEAKING FOR OTHERS BAD................................................................................................................................ 59 AT: SPEAKING FOR OTHERS BAD................................................................................................................................ 60 1 MGW 2010 Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff KRITIK LAB AT: INTERSECTIONALITY............................................................................................................................................. 61 AT: INTERSECTIONALITY............................................................................................................................................. 62 AT: INTERSECTIONALITY............................................................................................................................................. 63 AT: BUTLER..................................................................................................................................................................... 64 AT: BUTLER..................................................................................................................................................................... 65 AT: BORDERS................................................................................................................................................................... 66 AT: BORDERS................................................................................................................................................................... 67 AT: BORDERS................................................................................................................................................................... 68 AT: BORDERS................................................................................................................................................................... 69 AT: BORDERS................................................................................................................................................................... 70 AT: BORDERS................................................................................................................................................................... 71 AT: BORDERS................................................................................................................................................................... 72 AT: BORDERS................................................................................................................................................................... 73 AT: BORDERS................................................................................................................................................................... 74 AT: BORDERS................................................................................................................................................................... 75 AT: BORDERS................................................................................................................................................................... 76 AT: BORDERS................................................................................................................................................................... 77 AT: BORDERS................................................................................................................................................................... 78 AT: BORDERS................................................................................................................................................................... 79 AT: BORDERS................................................................................................................................................................... 80 2 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff Korean sex bases 1ac Observation 1: Inherency First, US military basing is expanding in Korea despite opposition by local populations Kirk 2008 (Gwyn, Prof Women's Studies @ Antioch & Hamilton Universities & Founder of East Asia-US-Puerto Rico Women's Network Against Militarism, "Gender and U.S. Bases in Asia-Pacific", March 14, http://www.fpif.org/articles/gender_and_us_bases_in_asia-pacific) The expansion of U.S. military bases and operations has had a huge adverse impact on local communities at social, economic, political, and environmental levels. Host governments and local business elites are complicit in this. They equate progress and economic development with U.S. corporate and military interests instead of addressing the effects of U.S. militarism on local communities. The United States uses political and economic control to exert military force in the Pacific region. Allied nations trade sovereignty for militarized "security." Japan and South Korea both pay for upkeep of U.S. troops and the restructuring or expansion of U.S. bases in their countries. Guam has yet to attain full self-government through a UN-mandated political process that requires the full cooperation of the United States. The exploitation of Guam's colonial status has allowed massive military expansion, slated to cost $10 billion, and without consent of the indigenous people. The expansion will transform the island into a forward base with the establishment of a Global Strike Force and ballistic missile defense system. It will also significantly alter the population. The expected transfer of military personnel from Okinawa and other parts of Asia will boost the population by 21%. Although the local business elite welcomes this expansion, many people oppose it. They are also against the resulting economic dependency that is designed and imposed by U.S. foreign policy. Okinawa is only 0.6% of the land area of Japan, yet houses 75% of U.S. military facilities in that country. There are 37 U.S. bases and installations in Okinawa, with an estimated 23,842 troops and 21,512 family members. The U.S. military proposes to build a heliport in the ocean at Korean activists opposed major base expansion at Pyoungtaek, south of Seoul. However, U.S. military officials convinced the Korean government to invest millions of dollars to pay for this expansion as well as a new bombing training site. Henoko, (northern Okinawa), despite a 10-year campaign against it by Okinawan people and international environmental groups. Similarly, And, despite the "zero tolerance" policy and executive orders, military prostitution and immunity from prosecution for sex crimes continues in the context of Korea Kirk, 2008 (Gwyn, Prof Women's Studies @ Antioch & Hamilton Universities & Founder of East Asia-US-Puerto Rico Women's Network Against Militarism, "Gender and U.S. Bases in Asia-Pacific", March 14, http://www.fpif.org/articles/gender_and_us_bases_in_asia-pacific) Military prostitution continues despite the military's declared "zero tolerance" policy , affirmed in Department of Defense memoranda and Executive Order 13387 that President George W. Bush signed in October 2005. These days, most women working in clubs near U.S. bases in South Korea and Japan/Okinawa are from the Philippines due to low wages, high unemployment, and the absence of sustainable economic development at home. These governments admit Philippine women on short-term entertainer visas. Servicemen are still protected from prosecution for many infringements of local laws and customs. The sexual activity of foreign-based troops, including (but not exclusively) through prostitution, has had serious effects on women's health, boosting rates of HIV/AIDS, sexually transmitted diseases, unwanted pregnancies, unsafe abortions, drug and alcohol dependency, and mental illness. U.S. Navy ships visit the Philippines for R & R and make stops at Pattaya (Thailand) where the sex-tourism industry flourished during the Vietnam War. And, despite reform efforts and policy changes, US military presence in South Korea results in a vibrant sex industry, and information on the success of policy changes has been distorted and classified Kloer, Feb. 9, 2010 (Amanda, "Sex Trafficking High Around U.S. Military Bases Abroad" http://humantrafficking.change.org/blog/view/sex_trafficking_high_around_us_military_bases_abroad) Serving in the United States military is about honor, dignity, and strength. So it makes sense that the U.S. military would make visiting brothels and having sex with women and kids forced into a prostitution a big no-no for American soldiers, right? On paper, establishments that sell sex are off-limits for men (and women) in uniform. But in practice, sex trafficking flourishes near U.S. military bases. Should U.S. soldiers be abusing people in another country while protecting people in this one? Of all the countries where an American military presence attracts prostitution, both voluntary and forced, South Korea may feel the effects most acutely. U.S. troops have been stationed in South Korea since 1945, and the brothels around the U.S. military bases have been there just as long. In 2004, the Pentagon drafted a policy to reduce the sex trafficking growing wherever American soldiers, sailors, and airmen were stationed, with specific attention to South Korea. Under that policy, military personnel caught visiting a brothel or "massage parlour" could be subject to court martial. However, there is very little information available about how often that sanction is enforced. There is evidence, however, that the policy has not worked in reducing demand for prostitution, evidenced by the continuing high levels of prostitution and human trafficking near U.S. military bases. The U.S. military has finally begun to make some clubs and bars known to traffic women or sell children off-limits to service members, but one report indicates that only 4 out of 25 such places in the area have been listed as off-limits. The South Korean government, too, has been cracking down on sex trafficking in the past few years. However, the areas surrounding the U.S. military base have been exempted from the crackdown by the Korean government. So brothels around U.S. military bases are falling through the cracks of both U.S. government and Korean government policy. 3 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff Korean sex bases 1ac This perpetual machinery of military sexual exploitation is structured into the US-Korean relationship--we have total control of the military situation in Korea and shield out soldiers and military leaders from prosecution Korea International War Crimes Tribunal 2001 (New York Report on US Crimes in Korea 1945-2001 "Statistics on Crimes Committed by US Troops in south Korea" http://www.iacenter.org/Koreafiles/ktccivilnetwork.htm.T.K) Crimes committed by US soldiers were found as early as when US troops were first stationed in south Korea. According to the south Korean government's official statistics, 50,082 crimes were committed by US soldiers from 1967 to 1998 (including those by soldiers' families), and 56,904 US soldiers were involved (including soldiers' families) in these crimes. The statistics imply that the actual figure may be higher if take into account those cases not handled by the south Korean police. Based on the statistics, the total number of crimes committed by US soldiers since September 8, 1945 (when they were first stationed in Korea) is estimated to be around 100,000. Unfortunately the south Korean government does not have statistics on US soldiers' crimes committed before 1967, because SOFA (Status of Forces Agreement) went into effect in 1967, allowing the south Korean court jurisdiction over crimes committed by US soldiers with narrow and limited application. So, from 1945 to 1967, the US had full authority in court. south Koreans were even subjected to American rulings (of course, in English language). And during 1945-1948, when the US military government took control over the south Korean government, a judge was an active US soldier, with no jury system although the court followed American court system. Many problems aroused including language barrier, lack of cultural understanding and even prejudice on the part of the judge, unfair practices on the part of interpreters. Study by Ministry of Justice of south Korea shows that among the 39,452 cases (45,183 US soldiers involved) of crimes committed by US soldiers from 1967 to 1987, south Korea was able to exercise its jurisdiction only in 234 cases, punishing only 351 US soldiers. Among them, 84 US soldiers were convicted of rape and 89 US soldiers were convicted of murder and robbery. Taking into account the fact that rape cases were more common before 1967, and that many rape cases were intentionally hidden and forgotten, the actual number of rape cases committed by US soldiers will be much higher than what official figures suggest. 1980, the year of civilian uprising in Kwangju alone, over 1,679 crimes committed by US soldiers were reported. Due to the military dictator, Chun Doo Hwan's martial law at the time, south Korea lost its jurisdiction that year. Not even a single case was handled in south Korean court . Countless cases of rape were committed by US soldiers, including a woman gang raped by 4 soldiers' in March 1946, a 14-year-old schoolgirl raped in 1956, a daughter and a mother both raped in 1967, a woman raped by 8 soldiers in the mountains in 1971, a month pregnant teacher raped in 1986 by 5 soldiers in the middle of Team Spirit military exercise, a handicapped schoolgirl sexually harassed in 1996, and a 6-year-old girl sexually harassed in May 1997. Gregory Henderson, who served at the US embassy in Seoul in the 1950s and 1960s, recalls in his thesis 'politically dangerous factors in US troops exercising operation & control right in Korea': " ... Every US soldier from officer down enjoys material indulgence in Korea. Material indulgence includes abundant supply of fresh bodies of young local women ." Earnst W. Carston, a former chaplain in US military camp in Korea, also harshly criticized US soldiers in his report to the US government in October 1964: "90% of US soldiers in Korea lead immoral sex lives. On being stationed to their posts, a soldier indulges in illegal sex with prostitutes, and when returning to the US, he sells off the woman, her house, and furniture to the new arrival". <The Korea Times>, in its June 10th 1971 edition, quoted a high-ranking military officer as saying "around 2 million foreign soldiers stayed in south Korea since the Korean war, among which 70% were venereal diseases patients as well as drug addicts". Robert Oliver, an American adviser to former south Korean President Rhee Seong-man, once said that 2,000 US soldiers out of total 30,000 stationed in Korea were from poor class. Also, Kevin Heldman, an American freelancer writer, wrote on the Internet in September 1997 that US troops in Korea are potential criminals and losers had they stayed in the US society. Although above comments seem to lay a blame on those less-educated soldiers from poor family background for the crimes, the crime report shows that it is the officers who are very often commit rape and robbery by faking marriages before secretly returning to the US. There is no official statistics on fake marriages, mainly because victims do not want it reported. Long Over Stay of US Troops and Their Operation & Control Rights over south Korean military The first 3-year history of US military government control in south Korea was not based on a mutual friendship between peoples of the two countries. Rather it was based on a cozy relationship between the two governments. Such circumstances have not changed much since then. For example, US military that withdrew after 3 years of government control in south Korea came back during the Korean war to 'take away' operation & control rights from the south Korean army on July 15th 1950. In October 1953, immediately after the war, the US introduced Korea-US Defense Alliance Treaty, which allowed long-term stay of the US troops in south Korea. This treaty effectively gave the US a virtual full control over the south Korea's political, military, and economic power. In the light of such lopsided treaty which practically handed over a nation's sovereign rights and the eventual political, military and economical subjugation to US mighty power, it becomes easy to see why such US soldiers crimes are committed easily in south Korea. No other place in the world, does the US soldiers enjoy such immunity over the crimes they perpetuate. It is reported that US troops stationed in Okinawa, Japan, called the local prostitutes 'Yellow Stool'. It is not only humiliating to Japan, but also to Korea as well. Such word is a good indicator of how US soldiers look at the local people. Even to these days, when they are subjected to south Korean police investigation, US soldiers frequently say "how dare you Koreans treat an American soldier like this'. Their debased superiority often comes from the years long of propaganda from US and south Korean governments asserting that it is the US, liberated south Korea from the hands of communist north Korea and without them, north Korea will invade the south Korea right away. Moreover, the unique military arrangement in which the visiting force, the US controls the operational command over the south Korean military and it's own general serving as a Joint Chief of Staff of the combined army, only exacerbates the unfair situation. Although many of the past US Secretaries of Defense have repeatedly stated that it is US's own interest to have the soldiers stationed in south Korea, and that US troops will remain in south Korea even after the reunification of Korea, many US soldiers still believe that they are in south Korea to fight the cold war. On sex slavery issue, a Dutch military court in 1946 convicted those who were responsible for rape against minority women. Also in 1995, when three US soldiers gang raped a schoolgirl in Okinawa, Japan, local residents demanded and received an official apology from US President Bill Clinton, US ambassador to Japan, and US military chief. All these are unimaginable in south Korea 4 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff Korean sex bases 1ac Advantage 1: Rape First, military bases in Asia (specifically Korea) inherently result in rape and other forms of violence against women Kirk 2008 (Gwyn, Prof Women's Studies @ Antioch & Hamilton Universities & Founder of East Asia-US-Puerto Rico Women's Network Against Militarism, "Gender and U.S. Bases in Asia-Pacific", March 14, http://www.fpif.org/articles/gender_and_us_bases_in_asia-pacific) Violence against women is pervasive at U.S. bases in the region and in prevailing military culture and training. The case of Okinawa is especially shocking. In the past 62 years, there have been 400 reported cases of women who have been attacked, kidnapped, abused, gangraped, or murdered by U.S. troops. Victims have included a nine-month old baby and girls between six and 15 years old. Most recently, in February 2008, Staff Sgt. Tyrone Luther Hadnott, aged 38, of Camp Courtney in Okinawa, was arrested and charged with raping a 14-year-old girl. In November 2005, several Marines stood trial for raping a Philippine woman, "Nicole" (a pseudonym) near Olongapo (Philippines). One man, Daniel Smith, a U.S. marine, was convicted of this crime and sentenced to 40 years imprisonment in the Philippines. However, he was transferred to U.S. custody immediately after conviction. Philippine and U.S. organizations contend that this case illuminates the negative impacts of the U.S.-Philippines Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), which undermines Philippines national sovereignty. Violence against women recurs around U.S. bases in Asia. A particularly brutal rape and murder of a Korean woman in 1992 led to street demonstrations in Seoul and the formation of a new organization, the National Campaign for the Eradication of Crime by U.S. Troops in Korea , to document crimes and help victims claim redress. Activists in Guam are justifiably concerned that such violence will rise in their communities with the proposed increase in U.S. Marines stationed there. Military personnel are trained to dehumanize "others" as part of their preparation for war. Their aggressiveness, frustration, and fear spill over into local communities, for example in acts of violence against girls and women. Although most U.S. troops do not commit such violations, these incidents happen far too often to be accepted as aberrations. Racist and sexist stereotypes about Asian women as exotic, accommodating, and sexually compliant are an integral part of such violence. These crimes inflame local hostility and resistance to U.S. military bases and operations, and have long-lasting effects on victims/survivors. Cases are seriously underreported due to women's shame and fear or their belief that perpetrators will not be apprehended. This pattern of sexual violence reveals structural inequalities between Asian communities and the U.S. military, encoded in Status of Forces Agreements and Visiting Forces Agreements. The military sees each crime as an isolated act committed by individual soldiers. Local communities that protest these crimes see gendered violence as a structural issue that is perpetuated by legal, political, economic, and social structures. This strategy of military basing on foreign territories is the foundation of a pervasive militarism that results in racism, sexism, sexual violence, rape, environmental destruction, and war!!! All of these impacts have our bases as their common core Kirk, 2008 (Gwyn, Prof Women's Studies @ Antioch & Hamilton Universities & Founder of East Asia-US-Puerto Rico Women's Network Against Militarism, "Gender and U.S. Bases in Asia-Pacific", March 14, http://www.fpif.org/articles/gender_and_us_bases_in_asia-pacific) The power dynamics of militarism in the Asia-Pacific region rely on dominance and subordination. These hierarchical relationships, shaped by gender, can be seen in U.S. military exploitation of host communities, its abuse and contamination of land and water, and the exploitation of women and children through the sex industry, sexual violence, and rape. Women's bodies, the land, and indigenous communities are all feminized, treated as dispensable and temporary. What is constructed as "civilized, white, male, western, and rational" is held superior to what is defined as "primitive, non-white, female, non-western, and irrational." Nations and U.S. territories within the Asia-Pacific region are treated as inferiors with limited sovereignty or agency in relation to U.S. foreign policy interests that go hand-in-hand with this racist/sexist ideology. The imbalance of power in gender relations in and around bases is mirrored at the alliance level as well. The United States controls Hawai'i through statehood; Guam is a colonial territory; and the United States is the dominant partner in alliances with Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines. The expansion and restructuring of U.S. bases and military operations in the region depend on these imbalances of power, which are rooted in histories of annexation, colonization, exploitation, and war. The Asia-Pacific region is a major part of the worldwide network of U.S. bases and facilities that support the global war on terror and enables the United States to extend its reach far beyond its own shores. The war on terror is only the latest justification for U.S. military presence in communities that have little say over the activities of armed outsiders. This network in turn depends on a set of interrelated phenomena violence against women and girls, violation of local people's self-determination, and abuse and contamination of the environment that reinforce gender stereotypes. 5 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff Korean sex bases 1ac And, rape outweighs any impacts: it's worse than nuclear war New York Times, 1983 [December 29, 1983, "A Feminist Campaign for the Presidency"] She argues, for example, that violence against women is a fundamental political issue. As long as a society casually tolerates the crime of rape, she says, it will tolerate all other forms of violence, including nuclear war. ''We don't even know what peace is,'' she says. ''Women are being waged war upon. In our most intimate lives, we are at war. Peace has got to begin with peace between the sexes.'' And, rape is the ultimate expression of patriarchy Cahill, 2001 Ann Cahill, Associate Professor of Philosophy, Rethinking Rape, Page 2, 2001 Rape is, for many feminists, the ultimate expression of patriarchal order, a crime that epitomizes women's oppressed status by proclaiming in the loudest possible voice, the most degrading truths about women that a hostile world has to offer. In much feminist theory and discussion, then, rape has functioned as the outer limit of oppression of women, that indisputable act of violence and loathing. Rape has also presented feminism with some of its most difficult problems. Some stem from its sheer frequency: how do we explain why so many men rape? Others involve rapes ethical significance: what exactly is the wrong in the wrong of rape? The application of force? The lack of consent? Still others concentrate on the implications of the feminist concern with violence against women: by stressing the extent of that violence, do we risk defining women primarily as victims? How does one resist the phenomenon of rape, and how is it implicated in larger discourses of sex, gender, race, class, nationalism, and "ethnic cleansing"? How are we to understand what rape does and can do to women ? We must recognize patriarchy as the system that keeps all forms of violence alive. The impact of patriarchy outweighs all and culminates in extinction. Our plan's confrontation of the patriarchal conceptions embedded in militarism is key to solve. Warren and Cady 1996 (Karen and Duane, Assistant Professors Macalester University and Hamline University, Bringing Peace Home: Feminism, Violence, and Nature, p. 12-13, LV) Operationalized, the evidence of patriarchy as a dysfunctional system is found in the behaviors to which it gives rise , (c) the unmanageability, (d) which results. For example, in the United States, current estimates are that one out of every three or four women will be raped by someone she knows; globally, rape, sexual harassment, spouse-beating, and sado-masochistic pornography are examples of behaviors practices, sanctioned, or tolerated within patriarchy. In the realm of environmentally destructive behaviors, stripmining, factory farming, and pollution of the air, water, and soil are instances of behaviors maintained and sanctioned within patriarchy. They, too, rest on the faulty beliefs that it is okay to "rape the earth," that it is "man's God-given right" to have dominion (that is, domination) over the earth, that nature has only instrumental value, that environmental destruction is the acceptable price we pay for "progress." And the presumption of warism, that war is a natural, righteous, and ordinary way to impose dominion on a people or nation, goes hand in hand with patriarchy and leads to dysfunctional behaviors of nations and ultimately to international unmanageability. Much of the current "unmanageability" of contemporary life in patriarchal societies, (d), is then viewed as a consequence of a patriarchal preoccupation with activities, events, and experiences that reflect historically male-gender-identified beliefs, values, attitudes, and assumptions. Included among these real-life consequences are precisely those concerns with nuclear proliferation, war, environmental destruction, and violence towards women, which many feminists see as the logical outgrowth of patriarchal thinking. In fact, it is often only through observing these dysfunctional behaviors--the symptoms of dysfunctionality--that one can truly see that and how patriarchy serves to maintain and perpetuate them. When patriarchy is understood as a dysfunctional system, this "unmanageability" can be seen for what it is--as a predictable and thus logical consequence of patriarchy. The theme that global environmental crises, war, and violence generally are predictable and logical consequences of sexism and patriarchal culture is pervasive in ecofeminist literature. Ecofeminist Charlene Spretnak, for instance, argues that "a militarism and warfare are continual features of a patriarchal society because they reflect and instill patriarchal values and fulfill needs of such a system. Acknowledging the context of patriarchal conceptualizations that feed militarism is a first step toward reducing their impact and preserving life on Earth." Stated in terms of the foregoing model of patriarchy as a dysfunctional social system, the claims by Spretnak and other feminists take on a clearer meaning: Patriarchal conceptual frameworks legitimate impaired thinking (about women , national and regional conflict, the environment) which is manifested in behaviors which, if continued, will make life on earth difficult, if not impossible. It is a stark message, but it is plausible. Its plausibility lies in understanding the conceptual roots of various woman-nature-peace connections in regional, national, and global contexts. 6 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff Korean sex bases 1ac Advantage 2: Sex Trafficking First, Prostitution and brothels are INTEGRAL to US military bases in Korea, culminating in sexual exploitation Enriquez, 1999 (Jean, Director of the Coalition Against the Trafficking of Women in the Asia Pacific, November, "Filipinas in Prostitution around U.S. Military Bases in Korea: A Recurring Nightmare", http://www.catwap.org/resources/speeches-papers/filipinas-in-prostitution-around-us-military-bases-in-korea-a-recurring-nightmare/) The grave labour situation that migrant women find themselves in, compounded by the continuing arrival of women in hordes that are directly recruited for entertainment, spell a fertile ground for their being victimized for sexual exploitation. Corollarily, women's groups and media people in Seoul are alarmed by sightings of more and more Filipinas being sold for prostitution around the U.S. military camps in the southern part of the country. This is certainly not a new phenomenon, since in 1987, it has been reported that Korea ranked 5th among top destination countries of legally deployed Filipino entertainers. It has been asserted by studies that the growing share of women in foreign employment reflects the dynamics of demand in the host country. The presence of U.S. military bases in Korea is certainly a magnet for trafficking of Filipinas. There are reports that Filipinas are concentrated around the bases in Dongduchon-shi and and Pyont'aekshi where around 50 military recreation centers are established in each, and where American military service men usually go. These centers are locally called "foreigners club" but are actually, bars. An unwritten policy within the U.S. military force is to "keep the men happy," as it considers sexualized recreation vital for the "morale" of troops. Studies in 1992 show that there are about 18,000 registered and 9,000 unregistered Korean women around the U.S. bases. During the stay of military forces in the Philippines, around 17,000 women have been prostituted in Olongapo City alone, which is site of the largest US military base outside the U.S. itself. The U.S. Navy ensured that the men are kept safe, thus funding for social hygiene clinics flooded the cities where the bases are located. If 25% or more of the women in an establishment are unregistered with the clinic, the establishment will be declared off-limits to U.S. servicemen until the women are registered. Guidelines, thus, were made available to the servicemen so that they know where to go. In sum, the construction and maintenance of prostitution is integral to the U.S. military's strategies for keeping the male soldiers content. This is obviously in collusion with local and foreign businesses that make profits from the "entertainment industry,' and local governments that similarly earn from the lucrative R & R business. South Korea is a central hub and transit point for sex trafficking in the broader Asia-Pacific region Statemaster Encyclopedia, 2006 ("Encyclopedia > Prostitution in South Korea", http://www.statemaster.com/encyclopedia/Prostitution-in-South-Korea) Prostitution in South Korea is a large illegal industry. The Ministry of Gender and Family Equality estimated that it comprises over 4% of South Korea's GDP, with revenue exceeding $22 billion. Prostitution ranges from streetwalkers in red light districts to expensive "room salons" for private parties. Out of a total population of about 48 million, there are 1.2 million women engaged in the sex industry, according to one civic organization. Official government estimates put the figure closer to 500,000.[4] The government stopped keeping official figures in 2004. South Korea is also a source, destination, and transit country for human trafficking; a significant number of women from Uzbekistan and Southeast Asia (particularly the Philippines) are brought to the country to work as prostitutes or "juicy girls", many of whom are believed to be virtual slaves. An increasing number of women are being taken to the United States, Canada, and Australia to work as prostitutes, and a number of them claim to have been tricked or forced. 7 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff Korean sex bases 1ac Prostitution is inseparable from sex trafficking. Trafficking is akin to slavery and dehumanization Enriquez, 1999 (Jean, Director of the Coalition Against the Trafficking of Women in the Asia Pacific, November, "Filipinas in Prostitution around U.S. Military Bases in Korea: A Recurring Nightmare", http://www.catwap.org/resources/speeches-papers/filipinas-in-prostitution-around-us-military-bases-in-korea-a-recurring-nightmare/) CATW asserts that trafficking in women is inseparable with the issue of prostitution. The gender-based nature of trafficking exposes itself as serving the purpose of ensuring the steady supply of women to areas where men demand sexual services. We deplore trafficking and prostitution as violations of women's human rights. We cannot consider it work, because among others, it compels women to perform acts that denigrates their person -- their integrity as human beings. The impact to women of sexual exploitation is hardly healed by time. Amerasian children, estimated at 30,000, were born to Filipinas prostituted around the U.S. military bases in the Philippines. They receive no assistance from either the U.S. or Philippine government. Economically, `working in the clubs' meant irregular earnings and slavery, as many of them would be withheld of their salaries or are fined for any `misconduct'. The women were abused physically, psychologically and emotionally. Some were murdered . With the Visiting Forces Agreement recently signed between the Philippine and U.S. governments, 22 ports will be opened to foreign troops and more women will be abused in the remote rural areas of the country. In Korea, our women are once again subjected to the same brutality. The same experiences continue to haunt our women. In Korea, the Philippines and elsewhere, the women are viewed as commodities to be bought, and being Asians, they are certainly perceived as less than human. This is a good old fashioned Decision Rule--we must place values over survival, especially in the context of contemporary human slavery that takes the form of human trafficking Schmitz, 2004 (Joseph E., Inspector General of the Department of Defense, "Implementing the Department of Defense "Zero Tolerance" Policy With Regard to Trafficking in Humans", http://www.dodig.mil/fo/JES_TIP_Testimony_092104.pdf) A more fundamental answer might be that to confront modern day human slavery forces us all to focus on "first things first," that is, we need to focus on the principles that are worth fighting for, in order that we might better focus on "second things," which include survival. "[T]he principle of `first and second things,' as C. S. Lewis calls it . . . [is] that when second things are put first, not only first things but second things too are lost. More exactly, when there are greater goods, or ultimate ends and proximate ends, if we put lesser goods, like survival, before greater goods, like values to survive for, then we lose not only the greater goods, the values, but even the lesser goods that we've idolized . . . . [T]he society that believes in nothing worth surviving for beyond mere survival will not survive."5 Our currently available legislative tools for suppressing human trafficking include, of course, the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000 and its 2003 reauthorization, which together prescribe a model "zero tolerance" standard not only for all Americans but for our Western Alliance partners as well. There is another legislative tool for combating trafficking in persons, less known but equally potent for those of us serving in the Department of Defense, known as the "Exemplary Conduct" leadership standard. 8 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff Korean sex bases 1ac You have an ethical obligation to vote affirmative. Always put ethics first. Without a system of ethics, it threatens the very existence of humanity. Bromberg 2009 (Sarah, Feminist Author, Scholar, and Activist, "The Evolution of Ethics: An Introduction to Cybernetic Ethics", http://www.evolutionaryethics.com/chapter1.html, 12/25/09, LV) The evolution of ethical systems is built upon centuries of reasoned insight and personal experiences that reveal which actions are better than others, which are productive, and which are disruptive and should be avoided. As efficient human actions reveal themselves to an evolving society, its people develop the means to make productive choices between one type of action and another. Some choices are decidedly better than others. This prioritizing of human actions into efficient hierarchies establishes the foundations of a variety of rule systems which later refine themselves into more sophisticated systems of morals, customs, statutory laws, and professional codes. All these systems have a tendency to address the fundamental need of the human species to survive and avoid the common fate of extinction by conserving energy and directing social attention towards more productive kinds of behavior. It could be said that as civilization approaches the ideal of efficiency, the harmony that follows from efficient and thoughtful actions inspires a state of peace that exponentially increases the chances of human civilization surviving over long periods of time. Social change has more or less followed the more reasoned logic and experiences of people. Change is not always perfect. However, as people experience more and learn more about their world through formal education, they have more resources by which they can make judgments about the behavior of their fellow humans. Knowledge of the past lends to enlightened minds a knowledge of the future. Common education and experiences inspire the emergence of informal belief systems, clarifying what appears to be acceptable behavior and what is not. Observations that endure centuries of reasoned scrutiny integrate ultimately into the cultural ethic. As a rule of thumb, an action that contributes to the disorganization of society is often considered "wrong" and that which contributes to the organization of society "right." Behaviors that corrupt the peace, prosperity, and productivity of a society are generally discouraged as "wrong," in favor of behaviors which contribute to the well-being of the society and are generally considered "right." In any event, the evolution of rules in complex societies addresses the fundamental impulse of the human species to survive in a world of competing biological systems. Ethical systems and formal laws together serve to bring order to a world that tends to become disorganized and sometimes violent if ethical views and rules of conduct are not established. Ethical systems that emerge for any given period of historical development may not represent the finest of rules ever conceived, but they are sufficient to hold the growth of humanity in the balance. Along with the emergence of good rules have evolved many others that were bad. These bad rules evolved from errors, delusions, and self-interest. But over time the good rules that incorporated a keen insight into human relationships have likely endured and have slowly grown into a reasonably consistent set of rules. These rules today are expressed formally and informally in systems of laws, morals, manners, and customs. Rules spontaneously evolve in every social system, whether it is a group of small-time criminals or highly educated people in a multinational corporation. Rule systems evolve along the lines of an efficiency algorithm that effectively organizes the prevailing state of affairs in small increments of change over long periods of social time. In the beginning of the formation of social systems, rules may not have been as refined as they are today. But rules necessarily existed from the beginning simply to keep volatile passions, immaturity, ignorance, and misunderstanding from inspiring endless fighting and slaughtering of human beings. 9 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff Korean sex bases 1ac PLAN: The United States Federal Government should remove its bases from South Korea. 10 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff Korean sex bases 1ac Observation 3: Solvency Only withdrawal of our military basing can prevent sexploitation--the plan is the only option to combat rape and sex trafficking Kirk, 2008 (Gwyn, Prof Women's Studies @ Antioch & Hamilton Universities & Founder of East Asia-US-Puerto Rico Women's Network Against Militarism, "Gender and U.S. Bases in Asia-Pacific", March 14, http://www.fpif.org/articles/gender_and_us_bases_in_asia-pacific) Addressing Militarism Militarism is a system of institutions, investments, and values, which is much wider and more deeply entrenched than any specific war. To create alternate definitions of genuine peace and security, it is important to understand institutionalized gendered relations and other unequal power dynamics including those based on class, colonialism, and racism inherent in U.S. military policy and practice. Demilitarization requires a de-linking of masculinity and militarism, stopping the glorification of war and warriors, and defining adventure and heroism in nonmilitary terms. It also requires genuinely democratic processes and structures for political and economic decision-making at community, national and transnational levels. In addition, the United States must take responsibility for cleaning up all military contamination in the Asia-Pacific region. Instead of undermining indigenous control of lands and resources in Guam, for example, the United States and local government agencies should support the self-determination of the Chamorro people. The proposed Marines base for Henoko (Okinawa) should be scrapped and the Japanese government should redirect funds earmarked for it to economic development to benefit Okinawan people. Since military expansion is a partner in corporate capitalist expansion, economic, political, and social development based on self-sufficiency, self-determination, and ecological restoration of local resources must be encouraged. Communities adjoining U.S. bases in all parts of the region suffer from grossly distorted economies that are overly reliant on the services (legal and illegal) that U.S. soldiers support. This economic dependency affects local men as well as women. Locally directed projects, led by those who understand community concerns, should be supported, together with government reforms to redistribute resources for such initiatives. In addition, the United States and Asian governments need to revise their legal agreements to protect local communities. Local people need transparency in the implementation of these policies, in interagency involvement (Pentagon, State Department, Department of the Interior, Environmental Protection Agency) and in executive orders that affect U.S. military operations in the region. Such revisions should include the ability for host governments to prosecute perpetrators of military violence so that the U.S. military can be held accountable for the human consequences of its policies. U.S. military expansion and restructuring in the Asia-Pacific region serve patriarchal U.S. goals of "full spectrum dominance." Allied governments are bribed, flattered, threatened, or coerced into participating in this project. Even the apparently willing governments are junior partners who must, in an unequal relationship, shoulder the costs of U.S. military policies. For the U.S. military, land and bodies are so much raw material to use and discard without responsibility or serious consequences to those in power. Regardless of gender, soldiers are trained to dehumanize others so that, if ordered, they can kill them. Sexual abuse and torture committed by U.S. military personnel and contractors against Iraqi prisoners in Abu Ghraib prison illustrate a grim new twist on militarized violence, where race and nation "trumped" gender. White U.S. women were among the perpetrators, thereby appropriating the masculinized role. The violated Iraqi men, meanwhile, were forced into the feminized role. Gendered inequalities, which are fundamental to U.S. military operations in the Asia-Pacific region, affect men as well as women. Young men who live near U.S. bases see masculinity defined in military terms. They may work as cooks or bartenders who provide rest and relaxation to visiting servicemen. They may be forced to migrate for work to larger cities or overseas, seeking to fulfill their dreams of giving their families a better future. U.S. peace movements should not only address U.S. military involvement in the Middle East, but also in other parts of the world. Communities in the AsiaPacific region have a long history of contesting U.S. militarism and offer eloquent testimonies to the negative impact of U.S. military operations there. These stories provide insights into the gendered dynamics of U.S. foreign and military policy, and the complicity of allied nations in this effort. Many individuals and organizations are crying out for justice, united by threads of hope and visions for a different future. Our job is to listen to them and to act accordingly. 11 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff Korean sex bases 1ac Observation 4: Our critical framework Sex trafficking and rape are flourishing, and we are complicit due to our military basing strategies in Asia. Postmodern problematizations of feminisms and definitions promote the very silence that fuels this system of sexploitation. Academia is a key site for the theorization of the global sex trade and is vital to opening up spaces of resistance. Stone, 2005 (Marjorie, Prof Gender Studies @ Dalhousie University, "Twenty-first Century Global Sex Trafficking: Migration, Capitalism, Class, and Challenges for Feminism Now", ESC: English Studies in Canada 31.2-3, Project Muse, http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/esc_english_studies_in_canada/v031/31.2stone.html) In a chapter on "The Breaking Grounds" in The Natashas: The New Global Sex Trade (2003), Canadian journalist Victor Malarek interviews a young woman named Sophia describing how trafficked women and girls were "broken in" for service in the sex trade in Kosovo. Initially Sofia thinks, "I will fight back," then watches as another woman who does resist is burned with cigarettes "all over her arms," "attacked ... anally," and beaten unconscious until she is "no longer breathing. There was no worry on the faces [End Page 31] of the owners. They simply carried her out" (3334). Trafficking in human beings is "now the third-largest moneymaking venture in the world, after illegal weapons and drugs ," Malarek observes (4). A 2005 International Labour Organization report estimates that among the 8.1 million persons in forced labour by private agents and enterprises globally (excluding those coerced by states, the army, or rebel military groups), 2.5 million are trafficked. Of these more than half, 1.4 to 1.7 million, are "in forced commercial sexual exploitation " ranging along a continuum from debt bondage and intimidation to incarceration, rape, terrorism, and torture.1 Despite the measures thus far taken by NGOs such as the Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women (GAATW), the UN (through its 2000 Palermo Protocol against trafficking), the European Union, and by various governments, sex trafficking is not declining but is growing in scope, sophistication, and invisibility , as Paolo Monzini and Marco Gramenga, among many others, document.2 Driven by global inequities, growing numbers of migrants working in the sex industry, and structural readjustments in the developing world, the former Soviet Union, and Eastern Europe, sex trafficking is also increasingly networked with the drug trade, the trade in human organs, prostitution networks, internet pornography, mail-order bride operations, and sex tourism.3 Minors are also increasingly among those exploited , like the children trafficked back and forth across the MexicanU.S. border described by Peter Landesman in a January 2004, New York Times story.4 Malarek and Monzini both note that, notwithstanding progressive human rights initiatives, the UN and the U.S. have themselves substantially contributed to trafficking through the ineffectual regulation of peace-keeping troops in places such as Bosnia or the effects of military bases in Asia.5 While the U.S. initiation of its State [End Page 32] Department's annual "Traffic in Person" audit in 2000 created measures to counteract trafficking by ranking countries according to their success in regulating it, Malarek notes that the effectiveness of the TIP audits has increasingly been hollowed out by the political reasons seeming to govern the movement of countries from the lower ranks of Tier Three--for countries not meeting or attempting to meet minimal standards in counteracting trafficking--to Tier One, for countries said to be in full compliance with "minimum standards" (187).6 Nor does the U.S. State Department "consider that the vast majority of men using trafficked women either at home or outside their borders are from the ... well-heeled nations sitting smugly on Tier One" (Malarek 205). Sex and forced labour trafficking in its more extreme forms is the slave trade of the twenty-first century and arguably the greatest human rights challenge we may now face.7 Yet, although it generates untold suffering for hundreds of thousands of women and children (in George Eliot's terms, "the roar on the other side of silence"), it was not among the long list of feminist concerns accompanying the call for contributions to this forum. Nor is it an issue that often arises in literary and cultural studies "postfeminist" contexts, or one that much preoccupied my own thoughts as a literary critic and self-identified feminist until recently.8 What are the reasons for the relative absence of such an urgent contemporary issue in contexts where one would expect it to have a high profile? To a degree, its absence speaks to the problems of definition, intelligibility, identity, and agency that plague attempts to name and address transnational and intra-national sex trafficking. Along with the considerable debate over defining "trafficking" in its various gradations (given the implications of such definitions for legal action, political agendas, and official quantifications of the scope of the phenomenon), there is resistance to the term from some sex trader workers seeking to alter the paradigmatic view of their labour--and even in some cases from women who have been [End Page 33] subjected to coercive and deceiving trafficking practices.9 Frameworks of intelligibility and the visibility they provide are also impeded by the disguising and filtering stigmatic terms associated with prostitution. As a result, women or girls subjected to what is in fact systematic serial rape are categorized as "prostitutes," "illegal migrants," or "illegal aliens" who are often summarily deported after they are "rescued" through police raids, like the women held as sex slaves in Toronto discovered through a series of brothel raids in 1998.10 The "foreign" identities (often compounded by linguistic barriers) of women subjected to sex trafficking underscore the importance of racial, ethnic, and national differences in such practices, as well as the social and legal response to them. Do such differences also contribute to the relative invisibility of this issue within North American feminism in a period when it has been fractured from within by "identity politics" of various kinds? The possibility seems likely, especially given the indirect evidence for the role of racial, ethnic, and/or national differences in the response to Malarek's indictment of what he identifies as the "fourth wave" of the global sex trade--from "Eastern and Central Europe" (6). While Malarek's hard-hitting expos generated a relatively high degree of media and government attention in Canada and the U.S., especially among others like Malarek of Ukrainian origin,11 would the North American and European response have been as marked if his book had focused on women associated with what he describes as the first, second, Continued next page.. 12 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff Korean sex bases 1ac Continued below... and third waves of trafficking? Somewhat too categorically, he characterizes these waves as originating in Southeast Asia, Africa, and Latin America respectively, commenting, [End Page 34] "So it's not that the world has suddenly realized that its women are being kidnapped and raped. The only difference is that today it's flourishing as never before" (6). One wonders, however, if the "difference" producing the realization he describes is, in fact, also related to skin colour, ethnicity, and/or nation of origin. Among North American and European feminists in textual and cultural studies fields there may be additional reasons aside from race, ethnicity, and nationality that help to explain why, even with widely publicized studies like Malarek's, the sex trafficking issue has not hit what is thought of as "home," discursively and materially . (There has been considerably more attention to it among feminist social scientists.) As Teresa L. Ebert argues in Ludic Feminism and After (1999), postmodern feminisms have focused on theories of desire, performativity, linguistic play, difference, and discourse to the relative exclusion of theories and analyses of class, capitalism, oppression, and "patriarchy" (a term now calling for scare quotation marks signalling awareness of it as a dated, totalizing concept). Articulating a Marxist critique of this swerve in feminist postmodernism, Ebert maintains that the playful "indeterminacy" ludic feminism "posits as a mark of resistance" is, "in actuality, a legitimization of the class politics of an upper-middle-class Euroamerican feminism obsessed with the freedom of the entrepreneurial subject" (30). In its place, she advocates a "[r]esistance postmodernism" that seeks "to show the continuity within the ever more innovative forms capitalism takes in its search for profit" (132).12 Many might contend that effective feminist action against the material and discursive complexities of sex trafficking could usefully draw on the feminist methodologies Ebert condemns as a subset of "post-al ... discourses and practices that erase the relations of production and class struggle from contemporary knowledges" (45). Lacanian theories of desire, for example, seem quite relevant to a system driven by the commodified desires of human subjects. That said, Ebert's critique--chiming in certain respects with the critiques that postcolonial and African-American critics such as Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak and Anne DuCille have leveled against feminist and postmodern theory and practice--is in many respects [End Page 35] resonant, as economic differences between More attention to sex trafficking by literary and cultural critics is needed, in part because work in these fields can contribute in significant ways to understanding and grappling with the intractable complexities of this issue. If economic globalization has in fact brought an explosion in the number of children, girls, and women sold into sexual slavery, what does this say about the impact of feminism in our time? How are contemporary "have" and "have-not" nations, races, ethnicities, and classes continue to widen.13 writers, dramatists, and film-makers using the resources of their art to explore the nature of trafficking or the subjective experience of being trafficked into sex slavery, and how might such cultural representations contribute to developing effective anti-trafficking strategies? What can history and literature teach us about why attempts to grapple with sex trafficking succeed or fail? Are there significant parallels between the so-called "white slave trade" of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and what is seen as a "new" global sex trade? Today, as in the past, for example, controversial alliances between religious evangelicals and feminists have emerged to address this issue, opening up fissures in feminist groups between those termed the "abolitionists" and those variously termed accomodationists or "functionalists" (Monzini, 54), whose alliances instead tend to be with sex trade workers' organizations. Does legalization of prostitution help in regulating sex trafficking or, on the contrary, as Malarek and others have argued, does it further embed it within the structures of legitimate commerce and promote the exploitation of migrant and imported women?14 How do the cultural constructions of gender, race, and ethnicity in pornography relate to class, citizenship, and migration flows to shape trafficking patterns? How do feminist theories of agency play out in contexts where the only free choice may be between submitting or the prospect of beatings, torture, death, or retaliation against relatives? The questions are many, the analyses required are necessarily multi-faceted, and the Given that those in situations of sex [End Page 36] slavery are not usually free to raise these questions, there is a greater onus on those who are free to pose and pursue them and to seek answers and social transformation in the face of indifference or opposition. embedded ideological, transnational, and profit-making networks that naturalize sex slavery as enterprising, consumer-driven sex industries are formidable. Our affirmative conception of power relations enables transformative possibilities for emancipation that breaks down the oppressor/oppressed dichotomy and opens up space for alternative voices and silenced perspectives White, JD @ Harvard Law, 1992 (Lucie, 77 Cornell L. Rev. 1499, Sept) The second reason that Foucault's picture of power is so important to progressive advocates is that it has opened up new possibilities in the political practice of relatively disempowered groups. The conventional theory of power reveals a dichotomized world of domination and subordination; through such a lens, the hegemony of the dominant class is virtually absolute . Not only does that class confine the actions of the subordinated, but it also dictates their language, preferences, thoughts, dreams, and indeed most deeply held moral and political intuitions. In American legal scholarship, Catharine MacKinnon has used this dichotomized picture of power with great skill to challenge claims that women can experience authentic subjectivity in contemporary society. n22 MacKinnon posed this challenge in an encounter with Carol Gilligan at Buffalo Law School in 1984. n23 In that exchange, MacKinnon argued that values of "caring" and "connection" that Gilligan and other feminists sought to reclaim and celebrate are symptoms of women's subordinate position in a closed system of power. n24 According to MacKinnon, even women's feelings of sexual pleasure are suspect; these feelings, like every other feature of a conventional understanding of power locks women, and indeed every subordinated group, in a discursive "prison-house" n27 from which there is no escape. Just as the dominators can do nothing except wield their power, the subordinated can speak nothing except their masters' will. No change is possible in this universe; indeed, even the most creative tactics of resistance or gestures of solidarity reinforce the bonds of domination. This understanding of domination , designed to reveal injustice, leads to two perverse results. First, it excuses those in the dominant class from attempting to reflect on or change their own conduct, or to ally themselves with subordinate groups. Second, it reinforces in relatively disempowered groups the very doubts about their feelings, capacities, and indeed human worth that subordination itself engenders. Foucault's picture of power disrupts this closed circle of domination. By showing that the dominators do not "possess" power, his picture makes possible a politics of resistance. It opens up space for a self-directed, democratic politics among subordinated groups, a politics that is neither vanguard-driven nor co-opted, as the politics of the colonized subject inevitably is. At the same time, and of more immediate relevance to lawyers, this new picture of power makes possible a self-reflective politics of alliance and collaboration between professionals and subordinated groups. Given the new theaters of political action that Foucault's Woman, define [*1504] a colonized subject, a being whose essence has been shaped by and for men. n25 Thus, as Angela Harris has demonstrated in her critique of Catharine MacKinnon's work, n26 theory of power has opened up, it is not surprising that it has stolen the stage in historical, cultural, and finally legal studies from those who speak of power in more conventional terms. The Foucaultian picture of power makes insurgent politics interesting again; it brings possibility back into focus, even in apparently quiescent times when resistance is visible only in the microdynamics of everyday life. 13 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff Korean sex bases 1ac Even if representing Others "from above" risks colonialism, our acknowledgement of our complicity in oppression (e.g. the imperialism of the US) reverses the power equation and enables counter-hegemonic resistance Kothari, Prof Post Colonial Studiees @ St Xaviers, 1998 (Rita, interventions, V1 N1, p35-6) Now to some of the more specific questions raised by Young: the issue of representation of minorities and recognizing them, a crucial aspect of postcolonialism, invests elite sections with an opportunity and onus of doing the recognizing. That is what happens in practice. Baldly stated, the postcolonial predicament is academic capital for metropolitan theoreticians in the first world, or for Third World theorists now resident in the metropolis. Similarly, the situations of groups within the postcolonial nation-spaces are fodder for theorization by mainstream groups within that nation-space. If a member of the `oppressive' group is engaged in the recognizing, chances are that she appropriates the voice of the colonized, representing them--thus engaging in another quasi-orientalist activity. The crucial difference is that the recognition is not only of the subaltern by the mainstream or oppressor group, but also a recognition by the oppressor of herself as complicit in the structure of oppression. This recognition points to an exercise of the imagination, and a sympathetic entry into the other life-world. The representation that follows such a preliminary recognition is not appropriation of a voice but a description of how that voice might sound once it begins to speak. The balance between facilitating voice to the silent ones while remaining invisible is a delicate one and yet it is important to tread this path. Finally, it is the very discourse of this debate rounds that functions to map out logics of domination and solve oppression and enable resistance Cuomo 2002 (Chris, Associate Professor of Philosophy and Women's Studies at the University of Cincinnati, "On Ecofeminist Philosophy", Ethics & the Environment, Vol #7, #2, Project MUSE, LV) Talk of a logic of domination is a way of identifying the values embedded in culture's unjust hierarchies, and mapping the effects of such hierarchies, and such logics, is a crucial project for moral philosophv. Ecofeminists have shown that this is true because different forms of exploitation and domination are connected conceptually, but also because gender, race, class, and "nature" comingle in reality-in identities, economies, social institutions, and practices. Analyses of complex and interwoven systems of domination are therefore key to understanding social truths, and nearly any interface of nature and culture. Warren's Ecofeminist Philosophy shows that the clear and persuasive presentation of such analyses was one of the primary projects of twentieth-century ecofeminist philosophy . This project was political as well as philosophical, for to identify the hidden lines of influence and power that shape patterns of injustice and impairment is to point toward strategies for ethical engagement and improvement. 14 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff INHERENCY: RAPE NOW Rape by US Soldiers are the highest in south Korea than any other country. Lee, 2010 Chang-Hun, Department of Criminal Justice, University of Arkansas at Little Rock, "Institutionalized Hegemonic Masculinity and Rape by United States Army Personnel in South Korea: A Perspective on Military Subculture", Asian Criminology Journal, http://www.springerlink.com/content/3r2341331x22g936/fulltext.pdf Studies have found that the most prevalent violent crime among US military personnel in peacetime is crime against women, especially rape. Of particular note. Researchers have suggested several possible factors contributing to the prevalence of sexual offenses by US military personnel: alcohol consumption, lack of recreational activities, and not living with their wives in foreign countries. Based on a review of the literature on hegemonic masculinity, this study attempts to explain isomorphism and hegemonic masculinity as possible factors that might explain why US soldiers commit more rapes than other types of violent crime, and why they commit rape in greater numbers in South Korea than in any other country. A logistic analysis to find contributing factors for sex offenses revealed that soldiers who were married but stationed alone were about two times more likely to commit rape. Rationalization and legitimization of violence by the US military formal structure and authority intensify the hegemonic masculinity in South Korea more than in other countries. In addition, intensified hegemonic masculinity generates a higher rape rate in South Korea than in any other country. Also, soldiers stationed in South Korea are two times more likely to commit rape. 15 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff INHERENCY: SEX TRAFFICKING NOW Prostitution and sex trafficking are huge problems in South Korea, especially when it tends to defend its practice specifically for US militants. New York Times 2009 (http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/08/world/asia/08korea.html, January 7, 2009, LV) In some sense, the women's allegations are not surprising. It has been clear for decades that South Korea and the United States military tolerated prostitution near bases, even though selling sex is illegal in South Korea. Bars and brothels have long lined the streets of the neighborhoods surrounding American bases in South Korea, as is the case in the areas around military bases around the world. But the women say few of their fellow citizens know how deeply their government was involved in the trade in the camp towns. The women received some support for their claims in 2006, from a former government official. In a television interview, the official, Kim Kee-joe, who was identified as having been a high-level liaison to the United States military, said, "Although we did not actively urge them to engage in prostitution, we, especially those from the county offices, did often tell them that it was not something bad for the country either." Transcripts of parliamentary hearings also suggest that at least some South Korean leaders viewed prostitution as something of a necessity. In one exchange in 1960, two lawmakers urged the government to train a supply of prostitutes to meet what one called the "natural needs" of allied soldiers and prevent them from spending their dollars in Japan instead of South Korea. The deputy home minister at the time, Lee Sung-woo, replied that the government had made some improvements in the "supply of prostitutes" and the "recreational system" for American troops. Both Mr. Kim and Ms. Moon back the women's assertions that the control of venereal disease was a driving factor for the two governments. They say the governments' coordination became especially pronounced as Korean fears about an American pullout increased after President Richard M. Nixon announced plans in 1969 to reduce the number of American troops in South Korea. "The idea was to create an environment where the guests were treated well in the camp towns to discourage them from leaving," Mr. Kim said in the television interview. Ms. Moon, a Wellesley College professor, said that the minutes of meetings between American military officials and Korean bureaucrats in the 1970s showed the lengths the two countries went to prevent epidemics. The minutes included recommendations to "isolate" women who were sick and ensure that they received treatment, government efforts to register prostitutes and require them to carry medical certification and a 1976 report about joint raids to apprehend prostitutes who were unregistered or failed to attend medical checkups. These days, camp towns still exist, but as the Korean economy took off, women from the Philippines began replacing them. Many former prostitutes live in the camp towns, isolated from mainstream society, which shuns them. Most are poor. Some are haunted by the memories of the mixed-race children they put up for adoption overseas. Jeon, 71, who agreed to talk only if she was identified by just her surname, said she was an 18-year-old war orphan in 1956 when hunger drove her to Dongduchon, a camp town near the border with North Korea. She had a son in the 1960s, but she became convinced that he would have a better future in the United States and gave him up for adoption when he was 13. About 10 years ago, her son, now an American soldier, returned to visit. She told him to forget her. "I failed as a mother," said Ms. Jeon, who lives on welfare checks and the little cash she earns selling items she picks from other people's trash. "I have no right to depend on him now." "The more I think about my life, the more I think women like me were the biggest sacrifice for my country's alliance with the Americans," she said. "Looking back, I think my body was not mine, but the government's and the U.S. military's." 16 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff INHERENCY: REFORMS FAILING Despite Congressional anti-sex trafficking legislation, the practice continues to be unofficially sanctioned Schmitz, 2004 (Joseph E., Inspector General of the Department of Defense, "Inspecting Sex Slavery through the Fog of Moral Relativism", http://www.dodig.mil/fo/JES_TIP_Testimony_092104.pdf) Notwithstanding anti-trafficking laws enacted by Congress and general agreement among U.S. and Western leaders that sex slavery is repugnant to our core values, both actual and apparent complicity in sex slavery unfortunately still happens. Recent inspections have validated at least the appearance of such complicity, albeit as exceptions to the general rule, within segments of the United States Armed Forces and among some U.S. contractors.33 Moreover, there remains a general reluctance on the part of military leaders both to promulgate and to enforce principle-based standards for subordinates who create the demand for prostitution generally, and for sex slavery specifically. 17 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff INHERENCY: KOREAN EFFORTS FAILING The Korean government is fully aware of the rape and sexploitation going on in their provinces. They actually endorse, participate, and control the sexual trade. Moon, 1997 (Katharine, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Wellesley, Sex among Allies, Pg. 25. T.K) But in reality, these associations have never autonomous. The local police and governmental authorities select the leaders of the association and keep watch over the women's activities; each police station details an officer to serve as liaison with the women's association, Prostitution who have better command of English, compared to others, and appear to have some influence or leadership among the women are usually selected.. From the perspective of the police and local government, the purpose of the chach'ihoe is to make the women monitor one another in matters pertaining to VD regulations and business conduce, such as ensuring proper VD validation of its members and disciplining those who do not comply with regulations. They have also been expected since the 1970s, to ferret out streetwalkers. Leaders who do not take activist roles on behalf of he members serve as dupes as the police and other authorities. A 1963 EUSA document regarding women's association states that haejang have served as informants for the Korean government and the US military. Asian countries are making no efforts to stop militarized prostitution Bertone 1999 (Andrea Marie, Professor of Government and Politics at George Washington University, "Sexual Trafficking in Women: International Political Economy and the Politics of Sex", Gender Issues, Vol #18, #1, EBSCOhost, LV) Prostitution has existed for thousands of years in many different societies. However, South and Southeast Asia are one of the original areas of the world where sexualized work and sex trafficking developed. For example, Thailand's sex tourism can be traced back through local forms of prostitution and concubinage, and colonial sex trading. Its scope and numbers dramatically changed in the face of another international process, militarization, linked especially to the use of Bangkok for rest and relaxation during the Vietnam War (Pettman, 1996a, p. 200; Lim, 1998). Militarized prostitution developed around the huge foreign military bases like those which were until recently in the Philippines. Militarized prostitution is seen as providing for the sexual needs of the soldier, rationalized in different ways as "boys will be boys," maintaining morale and rewarding long, overseas service. There has been a well-documented history of international politics surrounding military prostitution, with colonial authorities and more recently commanders from the foreign military negotiating with local governments to procure sex for the soldiers while at the same time attempting to cause the least political impact and disruption (Enloe, 1993). Managing a military base is a foreign policy issue, a community relations issue, and a law and order issue. It is also a public health issue (Pettman, 1996a, p. 201). Asian governments have done little in the way of formalized actions to dis courage the trafficking of its women. Historically they have looked the other way as more and more girls and women are being lured to the cities and abroad for sexual-ized employment. 18 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff INHERENCY: MILITARY PRESENCE INCREASING In response to the submarine crisis, both the US and South Korea are stepping up naval defense Shanker and Sanger 2010 (Thom and David E., Journalists for the New York Times, "U.S. to Aid South Korea With Naval Defense Plan". The New York Times, 5/30. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/31/world/asia/31koreanavy.html) SL WASHINGTON -- Surprised by how easily a South Korean warship was sunk by what an international investigation concluded was a North Korean torpedo fired from a midget submarine, senior American officials say they are planning a long-term program to plug major gaps in the South's naval defenses. They said the sinking revealed that years of spending and training had still left the country vulnerable to surprise attacks. The discovery of the weaknesses in South Korea caught officials in both countries off guard. As South Korea has rocketed into the ranks of the world's top economies, it has invested billions of dollars to bolster its defenses and to help refine one of the oldest war plans in the Pentagon's library: a joint strategy with the United States to repel and defeat a North Korean invasion. But the shallow waters where the attack occurred are patrolled only by South Korea's navy, and South Korean officials confirmed in interviews that the sinking of the warship, the Cheonan, which killed 46 sailors, revealed a gap that the American military must help address. The United States -- pledged to defend its ally but stretched thin by the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq -- would be drawn into any conflict. But it has been able to reduce its forces on the Korean Peninsula by relying on South Korea's increased military spending. Senior Pentagon officials stress that firepower sent to the region by warplanes and warships would more than compensate for the drop in American troop levels there in the event of war. But the attack was evidence, the officials say, of how North Korea has compensated for the fact that it is so bankrupt that it can no longer train its troops or buy the technology needed to fight a conventional war. So it has instead invested heavily in stealthy, hard-to-detect technologies that can inflict significant damage, even if it could not win a sustained conflict. Building a small arsenal of nuclear weapons is another big element of the Northern strategy -- a double-faceted deterrent allowing it to threaten a nuclear attack or to sell the technology or weapons in order to head off retaliation even for an act of war like sinking South Korean ships. In an interview last week, Adm. Mike Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said that the joint training exercise with South Korea planned just off the country's coast in the next few weeks represented only the "nearterm piece" of a larger strategy to prevent a recurrence of the kind of shock the South experienced as it watched one of its ships sunk without warning. But the longer-range effort will be finding ways to detect, track and counter the miniature submarines, which he called "a very difficult technical, tactical problem." "Longer term, it is a skill set that we are going to continue to press on," Admiral Mullen said. "Clearly, we don't want that to happen again. We don't want to give that option to North Korea in the future. Period. We want to take it away." American and South Korean officials declined to describe details of the coming joint exercises, except to say that they would focus on practicing antisubmarine warfare techniques and the interdiction of cargo vessels carrying prohibited nuclear materials and banned weapons. To counter the unexpected ability of midget submarines to take on full warships, the long-term fix will mean greatly expanding South Korea's antisubmarine network to cover vast stretches of water previously thought to be too shallow to warrant monitoring closely -- with sonar and air patrols, for instance. That would include costly investment in new technologies, as well as significant time spent determining new techniques for the South Korean military. 19 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff INHERENCY: MILITARY PRESENCE INCREASING Fueled by the North Korean torpedo strike, the US is now fully backing South Korea in terms of defense and bringing the North to justice Lee 2010 (Jean H., Staff Writer for the Associated Press, "U.S. backs South Korea in punishing North Korea", 5/24/10. http://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory?id=10725680) SLS SEOUL, South Korea - South Korea won U.S. support Monday for slashing trade to North Korea and vowed to haul its communist neighbor before the U.N. Security Council for a torpedo attack that sank a South Korean warship and killed 46 sailors. U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said he expects the Security Council to take action against North Korea, calling the evidence that the North was responsible "overwhelming and deeply troubling." The U.S. and South Korea are planning two major military exercises off the Korean Peninsula in a display of force intended "to deter future aggression" by North Korea, the White House said. President Lee Myung-bak laid out the economic and diplomatic measures aimed at striking back at the impoverished North, including halting some trade and taking the regime before the Security Council. International investigators concluded last week that a torpedo from a North Korean submarine tore apart the warship Cheonan on March 26 in the Yellow Sea off the west coast in one of South Korea's worst military disasters since the 195053 Korean War. Lee said it was another example of "incessant" provocation by North Korea, including a 1983 attack in Myanmar on a South Korean presidential delegation that killed 21 people, and the bombing of an airliner in 1987 that claimed 115 lives. "We have always tolerated North Korea's brutality, time and again. We did so because we have always had a genuine longing for peace on the Korean peninsula," Lee said in a solemn speech at the War Memorial. "But now things are different. North Korea will pay a price corresponding to its provocative acts," he said, calling it a "critical turning point" on the tense Korean peninsula, still technically in a state of war because the fighting ended in a truce, not a peace treaty. Big trading partner The truce prohibits South Korea from waging a unilateral military attack, so Seoul sought to strike at Pyongyang's faltering economy. Despite their rivalry, South Korea has been Pyongyang's No. 2 trading partner with $1.68 billion in trade in 2009, or about 33 percent of the North's total, according to the Korea Trade-Investment Promotion Agency. China is North Korea's biggest trading partner, with $2.68 billion in commerce last year, the agency said. South Korea buys shellfish, seafood products, zinc, sand, coal and other products from the North, but those imports will be halted, and North Korean cargo ships will be denied permission to pass through South Korean waters, Unification Minister Hyun In-taek said. Those measures will cost North Korea about $200 million a year, said Lim Eul-chul, a North Korea expert at South Korea's Kyungnam University. But the biggest source of trade -- a joint factory park in the North Korean border town of Kaesong where 110 South Korean firms employ about 42,000 North Koreans -- will stay open, Hyun said. The Obama administration endorsed Lee's demand that "North Korea immediately apologize and punish those responsible for the attack, and, most importantly, stop its belligerent and threatening behavior." Seoul can continue to count on the full backing of the United States, it said. "U.S. support for South Korea's defense is unequivocal, and the president has directed his military commanders to coordinate closely with their Republic of Korea counterparts to ensure readiness and to deter future aggression," the White House said. 20 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff INHERENCY: MILITARY PRESENCE INCREASING Obama expanding military present in South Korea Associated Press 2010 (The Associated Press, "With U.S. Support, South Korea Cuts Trade With North Korea", 5/24. http://www.foxnews.com/world/2010/05/24/support-south-korea-cuts-trade-north-korea/)SL SEOUL, South Korea -- South Korea's president slashed trade to impoverished North Korea and pledged to haul Pyongyang before the U.N. Security Council, vowing Monday to make Pyongyang "pay a price" for a torpedo attack that killed 46 sailors. President Barack Obama offered his full support for South Korea's moves, and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton conferred with China -- a veto-wielding permanent seat holder on the Security Council -- on the next step in what she called a "highly precarious" security situation. The March 26 sinking of the Cheonan in the Yellow Sea off the west coast was one of South Korea's worst military disaster since the 1950-53 Korean War. A torpedo fired from a North Korean submarine tore the ship in two, an international team of investigators concluded last week. President Lee Myung-bak called the attack the latest in a series of provocations from the North, and aimed to strike Pyongyang financially by cutting trade with the country in desperate need for hard currency. South Korea has been North Korea's No. 2 trading partner, behind China, and the measure will cost Pyongyang about $200 million a year, said Lim Eul-chul, a North Korea expert at South Korea's Kyungnam University. The move deals a direct and painful blow to the cash-hungry North, the state-run Korea Development Institute said. "We have always tolerated North Korea's brutality, time and again. We did so because we have always had a genuine longing for peace on the Korean peninsula," he said in a solemn speech to the nation from the halls of the country's War Memorial. "But now things are different. North Korea will pay a price corresponding to its provocative acts," he said, calling it a "critical turning point" on the tense Korean peninsula, still technically in a state of war because the fighting ended in a truce, not a peace treaty. Clinton said North Korea's neighbors -- including Pyongyang ally China, which has refrained from criticizing its neighbor -understand the seriousness of the matter. She would not say whether such action would include new international sanctions against the North. "We are working hard to avoid an escalation of belligerence and provocation," Clinton said. The U.N. secretary-general called the evidence "overwhelming and deeply troubling" that North Korea was responsible for a torpedo attack that killed 46 South Korean sailors. Ban Ki-moon told a news conference Monday that he fully shared the widespread condemnation of the attack after hearing the evidence laid out by South Korea's international team of investigators. Ban said he expects "measures appropriate to the gravity of the situation" will be taken by the U.N. Security Council once South Korea brings the matter to the 15-nation council's attention. Pyongyang disputes the maritime border unilaterally drawn by U.N. forces at the close of the war, and the Koreas have fought three bloody skirmishes there, most recently in November. The Cheonan went down not far from the Koreas' sea border. Defense Minister Kim Tae-young said the U.S. and South Korea would hold anti-submarine military exercises in the waters. The U.S. has 28,500 troops in South Korea, a major sore point for the North. In Washington, an Obama administration official said military commanders were coordinating closely with South Korea on how the U.S. can help if North Korea continues its threatening behavior. The official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the discussions are continuing, said that would likely include U.S. assistance with military training exercises. 21 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff RAPE ADVANTAGE EXTENSIONS Rape is a different forms of violence that must be questioned through a gendered lens. Sexuality is deeply rooted in the act, and these power struggles are at the root of other oppressions. Heberle 1996 (Renee."Deconstructive strategies and the movement against sexual violence. " Hypatia 11.4 (1996): 63. GenderWatch (GW) This is not only a semantic difference. Because it is sexual violence, rape has internal contradictions and gaps in its logic of progression as a performance that women can take advantage of. Feminists have persuasively argued that rape is different than other forms of violence because it functions to differen- tiate masculinity from the feminine. However, another reason to recognize the sexual difference in rape is that it renders it all the more fragile.17 Sexuality has a complex and deeply embedded, albeit permeable, script which is quite different than the scripts of generalized violences people commit outside of the terms of gender and sex. Male sexuality is not monolithic or self-assured. The drive to rape ought to be shown to be a signifier of the contradictions immanent in masculinist conceptions of sexuality and not only significant in demonstrating the dangerous potential of their dominance over women as gendered beings. The permeability of the sexual in "sexual violence" should be emphasized as the movement discusses anti-rape strategies. Rape has a deep mental impact that goes far beyond the physical damage to the victim Cahill, 2001 Ann Cahill, Associate Professor of Philosophy, Rethinking Rape, Page 179, 2001 Also problematic is Davis's idea that the degree to which a crime is comparatively serious is the degree to which it threatens the life of the victim. As chapter 4 demonstrated, understanding rape as an embodied experience and the body as central to personhood entails an acknowledgment of the profoundly intersubjective potential of rape. The social death a rape can impose can qualitatively transform the victims being. While the strictly biological life of the victim may be continuous, the sense of personhood experienced by the victim may be so drastically changed that she quite literally feels herself to be different from the person who existed prior to the attack. When a persons "life" is understood in somewhat broader terms than Davis implicitly invokes, we may see that an act of rape certainly holds the potential to destroy a victims life while leaving her strictly physical body more or less intact. Indeed, contrary to Davis's claim, it is not at all clear that most women would prefer "simple" rape to a severe beating; the mere differences in the strictly physical damages imposed by those types of attacks cannot, in and of themselves, account for the harms they are capable of inflicting 22 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff RAPE ADVANTAGE EXTENSIONS Naming the event of Rape is critical for different subordinated groups to resist forms of power and oppression Crenshaw 94 Williams, Kimberl Crenshaw. "Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of Color". In: Martha Albertson Fineman, Rixanne Mykitiuk, Eds. The Public Nature of Private Violence. (New York: Routledge, 1994), p. 93-118. This is not to deny that the process of categorization is itself an exercise of power, but the story is much more complicated and nuanced than that. First, the process of categorizing--or, in identity terms, naming-is not unilateral. Subordinated people can and do participate, sometimes even subverting the naming process in empowering ways. One need only think about the historical subversion of the category "Black,," or the current transformation of "queer," to understand that categorization is not a one-way street. Clearly, there is unequal power, but there is nonetheless some degree of agency that people can and do exert in the politics of naming. And it is important to note that identity continues to be as site of resistance for members of different subordinated groups. We all can recognize the distinction between the claims "I am Black" and the claim "I am a person who happens to be Black." "I am Black" takes the socially imposed identity and empowers it as an anchor of subjectivity. "I am Black" becomes not simply a statement of resistance, but also a positive discourse of self-identification, intimately linked to. celebratory statements like the Black nationalist "Black is beautiful." "I am a person who happens to be Black," on the other hand, achieves self-identification by straining for a certain universality (in effect, "I am first a person")and for a concomitant dismissal of the imposed category ("Black") as contingent, circumstantial, non-determinant. There is truth in both characterizations, of course, but they function, quite differently depending on the political context. At this point in history, a strong case can be made that the most critical resistance strategy for dis-empowered groups is to occupy and defend a politics of social location rather than to vacate and destroy it. 23 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff PATRIARCHY IMPACTS Military masculinity leads to multiple global crisis such as environmental pollution, the threat of nuclear holocaust and undermines basic human needs Kraska 2001 (Peter, Professor Criminal Justice and Police Studies at Eastern Kentucky University, Militarizing the American criminal justice system pg. 126-127) AS "Many of our contemporary global crises--such as environmental pollution and the threat of nuclear holocaust--are the result of the emphasis a dominator system places on so-called masculine values of conquest and domination."20 As Grier notes, "worldwide military priorities leave social programs in the dust."21 In 1986 the nations of the world, on average, spent $30,000 per soldier. At the same time, in terms of education, they spend an average of $455 per child. Social programs everywhere seem to take second place to military . As Ruth Sivard states, "Militarization has made further inroads into a world economy already overburdened by weapons of mass destruction, poverty, and debt."22 As Eisler and Loye put it: "In the United States almost 60 percent of every tax dollar has gone to financing foreign intervention, nuclear weapons, and other military expenditures, with only a fraction of it left (after interest payments on the national debt) for human services."23 The effects of militarism are thus felt at diverse levels and in varied arenas. The harms generated by militarism include death, denial of resources to social programs, and the perpetuation of an ideology that supports violence and domination. The effects of militarism are not confined to the battlefield. The "collateral damage" of militarism is seen in the daily living of many people in the United States. Therefore, militarism aids in the institutionalization of dominant ideology. This ideology is one that privileges power, domination, control, violence, superiority, hierarchy, standardization, ownership, and the maintenance of the status quo. As Felice notes, the image is that "each nation is surrounded by danger and must protect itself to survive, which gives rise to a preoccupation with power, particularly military power." From a militarized or "security" perspective, the world is a dangerous place. "There are few opportunities for cooperation."24 "Current notions of security usually involve strength and force. As a society, we build walls, gates, and fences; lock people up keeping them in or out; carry mace, buy guns, and stockpile weapons. These are all ways of separating people and maintaining hierarchies of haves and have-nots."25 Furthermore, "militarism represents a structural choice that accords military priorities and arms spending a higher priority than meeting basic human needs." 24 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff SEX TRAFFICKING ADVANTAGE EXTENSIONS Sex Trafficking Impacts: Laundry List Our case turns your impacts: sex trafficking causes economic decline, geopolitical instability, disease spread, human rights violations, and international conflict Bertone 1999 (Andrea Marie, Professor of Government and Politics at George Washington University, "Sexual Trafficking in Women: International Political Economy and the Politics of Sex", Gender Issues, Vol #18, #1, EBSCOhost, LV) What are the consequences of trafficking in women? There is no doubt that the consequences of trafficking are grave for the women and countries involved. Mr. Gramegna of the IOM identified a number of consequences including a threat to orderly, legal migration and a growth in clandestine immigration. These can have serious implications for national sovereignty and relations between states, as well as internal political and economic consequences. Socially, trafficking can feed popular fear of uncontrolled borders and xenophobic sentiments. Security is put at risk by the growth in criminality that trafficking in women involves. Powerful networks are controlling the trade as the activity becomes ever more lucrative. The gravity of the consequences for the individual cannot be overstated . These women face sexual abuse, with all the dangers of injury and severe health risks it entails. The women may be deprived of their documents and forced into a situation of severe dependence, comparable to being a hostage (or a slave). They are often subject to violence by traffickers and clients alike, deprived of basic human rights and forced to live in unendurable conditions. Some women die as a direct result of abuse and exploitation by traffickers. The mental and emotional consequences for the victims can be as severe as and longer lasting than physical scars. For many, it is difficult to talk about the ordeal and impossible to return to normal life. In some countries, a woman may be ostracized from the community if it becomes known she has worked as a prostitute. Few trafficked women receive any counseling or rehabilitation assistance (www.iom.ch/doc/trafficking). The lethal combination of poverty, powerlessness, and poor health is evident in the figures. Many prostitutes know little or nothing of AIDS, but even if they did they would be in no position to demand that their clients use condoms . The clients' fears of AIDS have had the apparent effect of sending them in search of younger and younger boys and girls. AIDS itself is very much a part of the international political economy of sex, demonstrating how permeable state borders and people's bodies are to certain kinds of international traffic. A different reading of AIDS as a threat to national security is made by Filipina feminist members of GABRIELA, who see American military men and foreign sex tourists as infecting the Philippines body politic, and invading national sovereignty. The impact of a politics of unequal trade and debt, World Bank conditionality, restructuring, and the government's search for hard currency is linked with a feminist analysis of patriarchy and the eroticization of women's bodies (Enloe, 1990a, p. 38; Pettman, 1996a, pp. 200-202). 25 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff SEX TRAFFICKING ADVANTAGE EXTENSIONS Prostitution is the cornerstone of today's patriarchy. Barry 1996 (Kathleen, Professor Emerita of the Pennsylvania State University, The Prostitution of Sexuality, pg. 9, LV) What I was doing in Female Sexual Slavery was writing about the use of sex/sexuality as power--to dominate--as a condition of oppression. I am concerned with a class condition. My study of sex as power then and now inevitably, continually, unrelentingly returns me to prostitution. I knew then that one cannot mobilize against a class condition of oppression unless one knows its fullest dimensions. Thus my work has been to study and expose sexual power in its most severe, global, institutionalized, and crystallized forms . I reasoned that we could know the parts because we would know the whole. From 1970 I had been involved in initiating radical feminist action against rape, but until I learned of the traffic in women and explored the pimping strategies in prostitution, I did not fully grasp how utterly without value female life is under male domination. Women as expendables. Women as throwaways. Prostitution--the cornerstone of all sexual exploitation. The belief that women have the right to be prostitutes is flawed Bromberg 1997 (Sarah, Feminist Author, Scholar, and Activist, "The Evolution of Human Rights", http://www.feministissues.com/rights_a.htm, Last Modified: March 08, 2005, LV) From a purely ethical standpoint, the claim that women have the right to be prostitutes as much as typists have the right to be typists is deficient in a theoretical underpinning. Political views that arise from feelings and intuitions are categorized in various ways by philosophers. Two of these categories are ethical intuitionism and subjectivism. There are many problems in basing a political theory on these kinds of arguments. If one person can claim a right without providing a reasoned basis for that claim, there is no logical restraint on other people doing the same for their preferences. If everyone is simply making unsubstantiated claims, then the rules of the prevailing ethical system will likely favor force, persuasion, or manipulation as the factors deciding which argument will prevail. These are "who is to say" types of arguments that in the end tend to appeal to the force of personality, rather than trying to reach a logical agreement. In reasoned ethics, morality is not so much an issue of "who is to say" as "what is to say."22 A reasoned argument with a substantial theoretical foundation is usually favored over arguments that can give no comprehensive explanation for their existence. However, an unfounded belief is not necessarily untrue simply because it can cite no logic to support it. A belief may have merit, yet be presented incorrectly. Such beliefs may simply be waiting to articulate themselves given advancements in knowledge that will reveal better methods of doing so. There are at least three problems with these rights claims that come to mind. First, in no case does the reader know where these rights come from in the first place. Such a proposal could be considered unfounded if not explained in detail. With valid claims follow detailed explanations. Details are necessary to understand how a proposal fits with a whole other set of ideas about the world. Good theories tend to integrate on a broader scale of psychological, scientific, and social knowledge than self-serving theories which only address issues in a narrow sense. Second, such rights claims assume that each woman will be making an informed judgment concerning whether she will become a prostitute as opposed to another career path. Since it is known that powerful persuasive techniques exist that can unfairly manipulate a person into making an unreasonable decision (such as advertising and selling strategies), constraints must be defined that protect uneducated, inexperienced, and weak-willed people from falling victim to social fads or to people who wish to exploit their sexuality. In the short-term, prostitution can seem an attractive career option, but there are many people who, once exploited for their sexuality, later find it exceedingly difficult to develop a new career. Third, there is a semantic skewing of the word "right" which uses it in a static sense. The static sense of the word creates the illusion that a right is a factual license to do what one wishes. 26 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff SEX TRAFFICKING ADVANTAGE EXTENSIONS Child sex trafficking occurs in South Korea ECPAT, 2009 (ECPAT is a network of organizations and individuals working together to eliminate the commercial sexual exploitation of children. The acronym stands for End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Trafficking of Children for Sexual Purposes., "SEX TRAFFICKING OF CHILDREN IN SOUTH KOREA", http://ecpat.net/EI/Publications/Trafficking/Factsheet_South_Korea.pdf) Young females trafficked to South Korea come from Russia, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Mongolia, China, North Korea, the Philippines, Thailand, Cambodia and other Southeast Asian countries.4 For example, Russian victims enter the country using forged documents, in particular the Arts & Entertainment visa, but often end up working in nightclubs, bars or karaoke bars.5 In addition, some trafficking victims enter the country with false passports displaying an older age and become "mail-order brides."6 South Korean women and girls are also internally trafficked or are trafficked to the United States (via Canada or Mexico), Japan, Hong Kong, Guam, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and Western Europe.7 Some South Korean children are trafficked to work in ordinary teahouses during the day and then forced to engage in "ticket tea house" activities at night.8 Child sex trafficking occurs in South Korea ECPAT, 2009 (ECPAT is a network of organizations and individuals working together to eliminate the commercial sexual exploitation of children. The acronym stands for End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Trafficking of Children for Sexual Purposes., "SEX TRAFFICKING OF CHILDREN IN SOUTH KOREA", http://ecpat.net/EI/Publications/Trafficking/Factsheet_South_Korea.pdf) Human trafficking is a complex phenomenon fueled by the tremendous growth in the global sex market. Exploitation is driven by poverty, uneven development, official corruption, gender discrimination, harmful traditional and cultural practices, civil unrest, natural disasters and lack of political will to end it. The number of child victims trafficked worldwide for sexual exploitation or cheap labour on an annual basis is 1.2 million.1 Human trafficking, the third largest international crime, following illegal drugs and arms trafficking, is believed to be worth billions of dollars each year. Driving the trade is the demand for commercial sexual exploitation. Seventy-nine percent of all global trafficking is for sexual exploitation.2 Child trafficking in South Korea is primarily seen as an internal problem. However, there is very little information on the scale of child trafficking in the country, as most human trafficking reports refer to trafficking victims as "women" or "women and girls" without providing specific, disaggregated details such as the age of victims. In 2006, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade provided information pertaining only to traffickers and not the number of child victims; there were 43 people convicted and 30 arrested for trafficking in persons in South Korea compared to 48 convictions and 28 arrests in 2005. 27 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff ETHICS FIRST When the human race has been deprived of rights and lives beyond nature, it threatens their very existence. Only when we recognize the meaning between right and wrong will we truly live freely. Bromberg 1997 (Sarah, Feminist Author, Scholar, and Activist, "The Evolution of Human Rights", http://www.feministissues.com/rights_a.htm, Last Modified: March 08, 2005, LV) Third- and fourth-order evolutions of rights reveal a history of rights issues that people these days are somewhat more familiar with. The reason first- and second-order issues were brought up at all was to point out that there are underlying forces such that ordinary reasoning would not necessarily assume--yet they exist and profoundly affect the development of rights and liberties. The history of the development of rights in a classical philosophical manner is just as important a process to note as were first-order rights issues in making sense of human rights. The classic idea of natural rights involves thinking that runs from pre-Socratic times up to Thomas Aquinas. Leo Strauss in Natural Right and History covers the development of rights from ancient times until the eighteenth century, but he does not fully develop the influence of the idea of freedom, autonomy, reason, and virtue as a unity of concepts supporting the notion of rights. As a result, rights remain theoretical and without a substantial foundation, except for the claim that rights reside in nature. The earliest idea that nature existed apart from humanity marks the beginning of many evolutions in political thinking concerning right and rights which have led to the modern belief that humans have rights. In Strauss's view, the notion of right emerged with the first challenge to the authoritarian decrees of a person's ancestors by the advent of philosophy.65 When people began to think philosophically, they likely discerned that some of their ancestors held conflicting views of right. This was no small achievement because mythological and divine conceptualizations of the universe were relatively complex and thus to challenge them indicated an advanced state of philosophical inquiry. But productive reasoning needs an object, thus, observation of what later became known as nature was crucial to the development of reasoning and the discernment of right and wrong behavior. Nature, as a separate and distinct entity from humans, was not always known. To Strauss, "Philosophy as distinguished from myth came into being when nature was discovered, or the first philosopher was a man who discovered nature."66 So the notion of right originally was embodied in the mandates of one's ancestors or those of divinely inspired sources. <<<<<CONTINUED>>>>> 28 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff ETHICS FIRST <<<<<CONTINUED>>>>> However, with the advent of reason and observation people were free to question the prevailing notion of ancestral right. The ability to question authority based on reason and observation must have taken some of its inspiration from the greater autonomy that reasoning produced. The capacity to reason in effect helped separate humans from nature, granting them a degree of autonomy to freely exist in it. While humans were separated from nature and endowed with objective powers of reason, they were still tied to it through their raw and untempered passions (greed, revenge, envy, hatred and the like). Greater autonomy could only be achieved with refinement of reasoning that civilized the passions. It is likely that as humans developed an appetite for greater understanding of their world through the give-and-take dynamics of the autonomous state, they also gained a greater appreciation for the value of reason. Aristotle was one of the earliest thinkers to emphasize the deliberative nature of freedom. So, from the beginning, the concept of rights that emerged from reason, freedom and autonomy ruled out a state of existence in which individuals could do whatever they felt like doing. One of the reasons there are certain limitations to ideas such as rights, freedom, and autonomy is that they are third-order concepts that are contingent on the first-order needs of individuals, groups, and the entire human species to survive and survive well. Ideas of the mind must sometimes compete with the more substantial realities of the physical world. To believe people exist separate from nature, and sometimes above it, threatens human survival. An organic development that precedes the time of humanity sets limits on certain freedoms. This is important to note because in modern conceptualizations of rights and freedoms people are tempted to think of the words as meaning unrestrained liberty. The discovery of nature would reveal that things in nature have a discernible power of their own that cannot be altered by human thinking. For instance, knives cut, lions can kill humans, bees sting if provoked, and so forth. Everything in nature has a power that is uniquely its own. This power of a thing defines its nature. Since humans cannot change the nature of things and organisms around them by merely wishing them away, their ability to move about freely and unharmed in the environment is limited by the dangers inherent in it. This is an example of how organic construction before the time of humans can limit their behavior. Certain ideas of right must have evolved from the pain and frustrations of early humans coping with the natural world--a world that could inconsiderately inflict pain, suffering and death upon them. Since people's passions are a product of the natural world, not only were ancient people threatened by the dangers in the environment, but they were threatened by the dangers of human passions as well. Once right and wrong were more clearly defined (in tune with environmental realities and the power of things in the environment to inflict harm or benefit), people were at greater liberty to move about the environment in a productive way. 29 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff ETHICS FIRST While ethical values may differ from culture to culture, all ethics that are responsive to human behavior remain consistent and objective. Bromberg 2009 (Sarah, Feminist Author, Scholar, and Activist, "The Evolution of Ethics: An Introduction to Cybernetic Ethics", http://www.evolutionaryethics.com/chapter1.html, 12/25/09, LV) Over centuries the construction of social rule systems (formal laws, customs, manners) may result from credible and accurate observation rather than self-serving beliefs defining what is real and true about human nature. For instance, if people observe the destructive effects of alcoholism, the accuracy of such observation over centuries will eventually overcome the most hardened of self-serving beliefs to the contrary. From such observations, attitudes and laws will likely follow. There is a chemistry evident in social life that allows certain things to occur and other things to be prevented, if there is a way of preventing them. For example, there has been a natural progression of laws that prohibit an intoxicated person from driving an automobile. After decades of experience, people can fairly accurately guess what will happen when people drink and drive. That intoxicants are destructive is no longer considered to be merely a belief. Some moral values, therefore, derive from physiological facts. Over centuries of time, facts concerning generative or degenerative behaviors invariably lead to the creation of values. To a degree, values evolve as a consistent response to persistent social problems. In this respect, biological principles lie at the root of ethics. The accumulation of facts and observations leads to the construction of values to enhance systemic efficiency and the ability of individuals, as well as the entire species, to survive. While values may vary from culture to culture, the principles of biology affecting human behavior that contribute to the evolution of value systems remains the same. Sound empirical knowledge implied in portions of ethical systems is sometimes difficult to distinguish from self-serving beliefs, delusions, and unexamined opinions. Since ethical systems are complex, few want to take the time to examine their logic. It is easier to believe that rules are merely opinions; thus, people never have to accept the discipline of any rule set. They are morally free by their own ignorance to do whatever they want. Since laws are believed to be opinions, or an extension of an authoritarian state, the prohibition against drinking and driving restricts their actions only as far as the legal sanctions intimidate people into conforming to the proper use of alcohol and automobiles. Because the idea that excessive alcohol consumption is wrong (for good reasons) is not understood, laws and values must force a spirit of compliance on those who seek the protection of ignorance to maximize their moral freedom. Ethical prescriptions many times represent a statistical accumulation of facts and observations that have been gathered over centuries and appear to point to some inherent truth (e.g., that excessive consumption of alcohol injures the health of a person and disrupts the lives of those around them). A much different form of moralism might be the view that "patience is a virtue." This view is not simply some off-the-wall belief of personal propriety; rather it derives from mature observations concerning behaviors that help people navigate the stresses of life without an overreaction to their circumstances that would be counterproductive to their attempts to realize their ambitions. Clear, concise, and reproducible observations about human conduct are generally expressions of wisdom rather than of opinion. While there are elements of belief present in almost all ethical systems, it is their fundamental wisdom that shines through the generations. As a civilization grows, it archives its wisdom in many ways. In more ancient times, myth and religion served to archive the essential nature and wisdom of humankind. Literature has carried some of this essential knowledge. In more refined form, philosophy has dealt with the essentials of wisdom, but few can understand the comp lexity and rigor of its language. The larger portion of proven and practical knowledge to guide our behavior is known through our legal system, morals, manners, and customs. 30 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff ETHICS FIRST Ethical norms are good--morality is the only way to prevent dehumanizing barbarism Comte-Sponville, 1991 (Andre, Professor of Philosophy at the Sorbonne. "The Brute, the Sophist, and the Aesthete "Art in the Service of Illusion", Why We are Not Nietzscheans) If I had no morality, as I so haughtily claimed, then in the name of what did I condemn rape or forbid it to myself? In the name of what could I decide what was wrong or not? In the name of what, for instance, fight against racism, injustice, or barbarity? In the name of what should I even prefer sincerity to mendacity or sweetness to cruelty? For a time I tried to answer: "In the name of an ethic." But this kind of purely verbal solution is satisfactory only for a while. This ethic still had to be thought out, and the strange fact accounted for that a supposedly amoral ethic most often corresponds quite well, and this on all the serious problems, to what any honest man would call morality. So I took up my Spinoza again, and what I saw there is that there is no Spinozist immoralism, or rather only a theoretical immoralism, and that . . . but let's get back to Nietzsche. There is a Nietzschean immoralism, not only theoretical but practical, and the more I got to know it, the more I found it-I barely dare to write the word, so much does it go without saying, and so much will it make our great wits smile . The more I got to know this immoralism, the more I found it immoral. Simply, stupidly, inadmissibly immoral. 31 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff SLAVERY IMPACT Sex slavery outweighs war impacts and results in the death of millions. Htut 06 (Aye Mon, graduate of Mary Baldwin College, spent Summer 2006 doing an internship in Bangkok, Thailand working with Burmese "sex slaves" brought to a center in Bangkok. "Sex Slavery as a National Threat: A Response to Louise Brown's Sex Slavery: The Trafficking of Women in Asia," http://vcas.wlu.edu/VRAS/2007/Htut.pdf) SS It is not only Asian governments that have to change their mindset to save their citizens; the whole world should get involved in making this happen. I remember how we, in Burma, obtained financial help, technical supports and medical assistance during the Diarrhea epidemic in 1987 (UNICEF data sheet, 1988). U.S, Europe and many powerful countries around the globe can exert considerable pressure to hurry assistance to suffering nations. Everyone has great concern and involvement about these issues, which is absolutely wonderful; however, the contribution and the commitment on sex slavery problem are comparably low. Is it because the victims are the poorest and the least important citizens of the country? Is it because no one can gain political and economical benefit from it, as much as by involving in the political situations? Or is it because the awareness for sex slavery is not very wide yet compared to other issues? Or is it because these are the hidden problems the government does not want to admit the existence of? Or is it because these issues are considered less worthy compared to other political, health and economic related issues? It is time now that we all have to ask these questions to ourselves, and not only analyze but also take actions as a global issue. Now we are aware that sex slavery kills. Massively! We know that it kills more effectively than bombs and machine guns. It is time that we take it as a serious national threat, and save million lives of civilians. It is time that Asian governments should be more open-minded and work to build safer and better nations for their people. It is time that countries around the world should show great concerns and provide necessary assistance. It is time that every one of us is aware of the impact of sex slavery and contributes as much as we can to make our nations slave free. Sex slavery is just as drastic of an impact as war, terrorism, disease, and economic collapse Htut 06 (Aye Mon, graduate of Mary Baldwin College, spent Summer 2006 doing an internship in Bangkok, Thailand working with Burmese "sex slaves" brought to a center in Bangkok. "Sex Slavery as a National Threat: A Response to Louise Brown's Sex Slavery: The Trafficking of Women in Asia," http://vcas.wlu.edu/VRAS/2007/Htut.pdf) SS In all Asian countries, we must fight against sex slavery much more aggressively than now. Simply put, Sex Slavery is national threat to all of us in Asian countries. Sex slavery is far more complicated than one can imagine. As much as this business is humongous and threatening, the attention and concern it gets to rectify it is very minimal. We have to look into many underlying causes in order correct or even reduce it. Poverty, lack of education, not knowing even basic human rights, lack of options are just a few causes that activists, NGOs and concerned citizens alone cannot address. Everyone should respond to this problem just as we respond to war, terrorism, corrupted government, economic crisis and deadly epidemics. Sex slavery in Asia is not any less important nor creates less tragedy than these issues. In Thailand alone, two million women and young children from Burma have become sex slaves (Brown, 2001) in recent years. More than 50% of them will die between the age of 20 and 30 by HIV. This figure is higher than the number of people killed in 1988 massacre in Burma, the 9/11 tragedy in U.S, and the Tsunami tidal wave incident in Thailand combined. Sex slavery definitely needs more attention and action. We all have to treat it as a genuine national threat! 32 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff SOLVENCY: WITHDRAWAL OF BASES KEY Removing US troop presence is the only way out for South Korean women. DPRK 2009 (First DPR Korea Government webpage in the Internet, inaugurated in Nov. 2000 by Mr. Alejandro Cao de Benos, "US troop withdrawal urged in South Korea", http://www.korea-dpr.com/ocn/?p=127, T.K) The South Koreans' growing tendency towards independence and peace against war has developed into a vigorous campaign to drive out US troops, the wrecker of peace on the Korean Peninsula and the root cause of all misfortune and sufferings of the nation. To mark the fifth anniversary of death of two schoolgirls run over by a US armored vehicle voices calling for US troop withdrawal rocked the whole of South Korea this year. Civic organizations including the society of Candlelight for Independence and Peace to Cherish the Memory of Hyo Sun and Mi Son held a press conference in front of the Jongro District Office in Seoul in demand of the restoration of the monument to candlelight for independence and peace. Speakers said that the monument reflects the will of the people to cherish the memory of the two schoolgirls, their desire for national independence and peace and their determination not leave their destiny in the hands of the US any longer. The press headquarters of the Southern Committee for the Implementation of the June 15 Joint Declaration, the Citizens' Federation for Democratic Society, the South Korean Federation of University Student Councils and the National Council of Women Student Representatives declared that they would settle accounts with US troops, a warlike group and a group of murders and peace destroyers for all of their crimes, pledging themselves to launch a dynamic campaign to drive them out of south Korea. Different organizations including the People for Peace and Reunification, Hyangrin Church and DaejeonChungnam Solidarity for Implementation of the June 15 Joint Declaration held an anti-US solidarity meeting, the inaugural ceremony of the movement for a full-scale, popular campaign to drive out US troops, candlelit meeting, press conference and seminar and launched a ten million people signature campaign for the withdrawal of US troops in different parts of south Korea. The 172nd Friday rally against the US and war and for the withdrawal of US troops was held by the Solidarity for Implementing the South-North Joint Declaration and other civic organizations in front of the US embassy in Seoul on November 9. Speakers at the rally denounced the US for having forced the south Korean authorities to strengthen the waroriented alliance and openly revealed its design to permanently station its troops in south Korea at the recent annual security consultative meeting. Disclosing the ever-rising crimes of US troops in south Korea, they called upon all the people to turn out in the efforts to implement the June 15 Joint Declaration so as to establish a peace mechanism for a US troop-free Korean Peninsula and bring earlier the day of independent reunification. Women also took active part in the struggle to withdraw US troops. At Duksung Women's University in Seoul there was an inaugural ceremony of the National Women's Solidarity involving sixteen women's organizations including the women's committees of the Democratic Labor Party and the South Korean Confederation of Trade Unions and the Anti-US Women's Society. The participants said that the destiny of South Korean women remains exposed to danger as long as there are US troops in South Korea and that the anti-US campaign is the only way out for them, expressing their will to win back their human rights trampled down by outside forces and lead a dignified life. The South Koreans' campaigns to withdraw US troops reflect their determination to drive out US troops and exalt the dignity and spirit of the nation. 33 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff SOLVENCY: WITHDRAWAL OF BASES KEY DEMAND for sex worker is the foundation of sex trafficking--this means any military presence inevitably creates a sex industry Bertone 1999 (Andrea Marie, Professor of Government and Politics at George Washington University, "Sexual Trafficking in Women: International Political Economy and the Politics of Sex", Gender Issues, Vol #18, #1, EBSCOhost, LV) The study of international political economy attempts to clarify the complexity of relations throughout the world. Industrial capitalism has emerged as the most favored economic system, though the ways in which it is manifested through politi cal bodies, such as the nation-state, differs greatly throughout the world. Any theory of politics or economics separately cannot hope to explain or understand the interstices of human interaction. The trafficking in women is a perversion of the interaction of politics and economics and it proves globalization to be a process by which humans may be commodified in the most base and demoralizing ways. It is widely agreed that the contemporary, international sex trade has its roots in the international political economy of the capitalist, world market (Enloe, 1989; Pettman, 1996; Raghu, 1997; Skrobanek et al, 1997). The international political economy of sex not only includes the supply side-- the women of the third world, the poor states, or exotic Asian women--but it cannot maintain itself without the demand from the organizers of the trade--the men from industrialized and developing countries. The patriarchal world system hungers for and sustains the international subculture of docile women from underdeveloped nations. The women themselves, who are forced or lured into the trade, believe that providing international sexual services and sex tourism outfits is the acceptable order of things. The men accept this world order as well, regardless of their background. 34 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff SOLVENCY: WITHDRAWAL OF BASES KEY Rape is biologically inherent: foreign military presences inevitably result in rape Thornhill and Palmer 2000 (Randy and Craig University of New Mexico University of Missouri Ph.D. The New York Academy of Science, "Why Men Rape", http://faculty.capebretonu.ca/sstewart/why%20do%20men%20rape.rtf. AS) A friend of ours once told us about her rape. The details hardly matter, but in outline her story is numbingly fami1iar. After a movie she returned with her date to his car, which had been left in an isolated parking lot. She was expecting him to drive her home. Instead, the man locked the car doors and physically forced her to have sex with him. Our mend was emotionally scarred by her experience: she became anxious about dating, and even about going out in public. She had trouble sleeping, eating and concentrating on her work. Indeed, like some war veterans, rape victims often suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder, in which symptoms such as anxiety, memory loss, obsessive thoughts and emotional numbness linger after a deeply disturbing experience. Yet gruesome ordeals like that of our mend are all too common: in a 1992 survey of American women aged eighteen and older, 13 percent of the respondents reported having been the victim of at least one rape, where rape was defined as unwelcome oral, anal or vaginal penetration achieved through the use or threat of force. Surely, eradicatin sexual violence is an issue that modern society should make a top priority. But first a perplexing question must be confronted and answered: Why do men rape? The quest for the answer to that question has occupied the two of us collectively for more than forty years. As a purely scientific puzzle, the problem is hard enough. But it is further roiled by strong ideological currents. Many social theorists view rape not only as an ugly crime but as a symptom of an unhealthy society, in which men fear and disrespect women. In 1975 the feminist writer Susan Brownmiller asserted that rape is motivated not by lust but by the urge to control and dominate. In the twenty-five years since, Brownmiller's view has become mainstream. All . men feel sexual desire, the theory goes, but not all men rape. Rape is viewed as an unnatural behavior that has nothing to do with sex, and one that has no corollary in the animal world. Undoubtedly, individual rapists may have a variety of motivations. A man may rape because, for instance, he wants to impress his mends by losing his virginity, or because he wants to avenge himself against a woman who has spurned him. But social scientists have not convincingly demonstrated that rapists are not at least partly motivated by sexual desire as well. Indeed, how could a rape take place at all without sexual motivation on the part of the rapist? Isn't sexual . arousal of the rapist the one common factor in all rapes, including date rapes, rapes of children, rapes of women under anesthetic and even gang rapes committed by soldiers during war? CHALLENGING OLD IDEAS We want to challenge the dearly held idea that rape is not about sex. We realize that our . approach and our frankness will rankle some social scientists, including some serious and wellintentioned rape investigators. But many facts point to the conclusion that rape is, in its very essence, a sexual act. Furthermore, we argue, rape has evolved over millennia of human history, along with courtship, sexual attraction and other behaviors related to the production of offspring. Consider the following facts: . Most rape victims are women of childbearing age. . In many cultures rape is treated as a crime against the victim's husband women and women of childbearing age experience more psychological distress after a rape than do girls of, single women, or women who are past menopause. Rape victims suffer less emotional distress when they are subjected to more violence As bizarre as these facts may seem, they all make sense when rape is viewed as a natural, biological phenomenon that is the product of human evolutionary change. 35 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff SOLVENCY: WITHDRAWAL OF BASES KEY Military presence inevitably results in rape: militarized masculinity inherently motivates sexual violence against women Mercier 1997 (Rick, "WAY OFF BASE The shameful history of military rape in Okinawa", On The Issues, Vol 6, Iss. 1, p. 29 http://www.ontheissuesmagazine.com/1997winter/w97_Mercier.php, AS) AS I STROLL DOWN KOKUSAI STREET IN DOWNTOWN Naha, Okinawa, there's no escaping the fact that I am on an island dominated by the United States military. The abundance of military-surplus stores and souvenir shops selling camouflage clothing (including outfits for tots) calls obvious attention to the bases that lie a little further north, but the banality and commodification give me the feeling that up the road what I'll find is a giant war theme park -- perhaps some kind of joint venture between the Pentagon and Walt Disney. As I continue walking up the street, however, I spy a crack in the commodity-spectacle. Outside a surplus shop, a wall mural depicts a startled, larger-than-life woman clutching a bath towel against her nude body. Beside her in big, bold letters is the store's name: Surprise Attack. The connection between militarism and sexual violence could not have been articulated more clearly, and it is especially apt in light of the abduction and rape of a 12-year-old Okinawan schoolgirl by three U.S. servicemen in September 1995. That crime was no isolated incident. Four months earlier, a 24-year-old woman was beaten to death with a hammer by a U.S. serviceman. In 1993, a soldier raped an Okinawan woman, then escaped while in the custody of U.S. military police. There have been at least 34 murders committed by U.S. military personnel since 1955, when six-year-old Yumiko Nagayama was abducted, raped, and murdered by a U.S. Air Force sergeant. Twenty-three of the victims have been Okinawan women or girls (another was a woman serving in the U.S. military). A glance at the litany of crimes reveals a correlation between U.S. military action in Asia and violence directed against women in Okinawa. During the Vietnam War era, 17 women were murdered by military personnel who were on R and R leave, were training for combat, or were somehow already involved in the war effort, which in Okinawa included daily B-52 sorties originating from Kadena Air Force Base. Eleven of the victims worked serving soldiers as bar hostesses or sauna attendants -- occupations that helped keep the GIs happy and thus maintained their willingness to kill in other Asian countries. It was in this way that the military's violence in Southeast Asia -- often initiated in Okinawa -- boomeranged back to Japan's remote island prefecture, where Okinawan women became the victims of deadly attack. Suzuyo Takazato, a member of the Naha city assembly and a longtime women's activist in Okinawa, has made it her lifework to educate people about militarism and violence against women and to organize concerned citizens around the issue. Speaking at a demonstration after the rape of the 12-year-old schoolgirl, she denounced the idea that all U.S. soldiers needed was a little more sensitivity training: "Education does not help because the military itself is a form of structural violence. A soldier may be a good son to his mother, or a good husband to his wife. However, once he is integrated into the military, he...is trained to inflict violence....Teaching humanity in the military is a gross contradiction. The military is a place for teaching brutality." 36 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff SOLVENCY: WITHDRAWAL OF BASES KEY Military men are expected to have high levels of masculinity by both military and state authorities resulting in high levels of sexual violence THAT ARE CONDONED BY MILITARY AND STATE AUTHORITIES Tanaka 2002 (Yuki, Research professor at the Hiroshima Peace Institute, Japan's Comfort Women, p 178, AS) However, the fact that many sex workers serving the US soldiers in Okinawa, Korea, the Philippines, Japan and elsewhere are also confronting sexual violence every day receives little public attention simply because they are "prostitutes." yet, the sex industry around the military bases continue to function with no sign of disappearing. As Cynthia Enloe clearly demonstrated in her study of contemporary military prostitution, military organizations in general require the service provided by prostitutes in order to confirm and reconfirm a militarized masculinity. Soldiers are expected, indeed trained, to constantly demonstrate their masculinity and dominant power over the potential enemy, even in peacetime, and the notion of masculinity naturally involves the expectation of vigorous, even exploitative, sexual activity as a "tough guy." Therefore, military prostitution is different from other types of commercialized sex in the sense that there are explicit steps taken by the state institutions to protect male customers without undermining their perception of themselves as sexualized men. In other words, military and state authorities are predisposed not only to tolerate military-controlled prostitution, but also to encourage soldiers' macho involvement in sexual activity, in order to enhance their aggressiveness. It is not surprising, therefore, to find high levels of sexual violence committed by soldiers against women living near military bases, despite provision of military-controlled prostitution. The fundamental cause of sexual violence committed by soldiers both in war and peacetime is this military culture of sexualized masculinity, a phenomenon common to military organizations regardless of nationality. Military bases and the area around them are generically seen as comfort towns Soh 2008 (Chunghee, Professor of Anthropology at San Francisco State University,"Military prostitution and women's sexual labour in Japan and Korea" ,The comfort Women edited by Ruth Barraclough and Elyssa Faison pg.49) AS After its liberation from Japanese rule in August 1945,the Korean Peninsula was divided into two: Soviet troops occupied the northern half and the US military the southern half. The ongoing US military presence in South Korea led to the formation and maintenance of "Camp towns" (kijich'on, in Korean) around the military bases, a development that has had a striking social impact on Korean communities. Kijich'on (literally, base or camp [kiji] village [ch'on]) refers to the civilian world of commercial establishments and residential buildings that have sprung up around the US military bases and cater to the needs of the American GI's. It is " a place where Koreans and Americans- mostly male military personnel- meet in an economic and emotional marriage of convenience". As of the end of 1996, 37,000 American troops supported the economies of ninety-six kijich'on. The estimated number of kijich'on prostitutes over the first four decades of the American presence ranges between 250,000 and 300,000. 37 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff SOLVENCY: WITHDRAWAL OF BASES KEY Military presence is the direct cause of sex trafficking Kim 2009 (Hyun, Professor of Sociology at Wheaton College,"The women outside: Korean Women and The US Military", http://www.twn.org/catalog/guides/WomenOutside_StudyGuide.PDF, ProjectMuse) AS One by-product of the U.S. military presence in South Korea and other Asian countries has been the growth of sex trafficking of women to the U.S. From the mid 1970s, prostitution organized by Koreans began making a strong appearance in many urban areas and around U.S. military bases in the United States. Police reports from various cities indicate that Korean women are entering the U.S. sex industries in a variety of ways. Some are being brought to the U.S. deliberately, through sham marriages to servicemen paid for their participation. Other women marry servicemen legitimately, but once divorced or abandoned in the U.S., are preyed upon by organized prostitution rings around military bases. They are then brought to work in clubs or massage parlors in various American cities. Additionally, other women are recruited by advertisements in Korean American newspapers. Many military bases within the United States have bar areas nearby that resemble the camptowns of South Korea. The clubs use Asian names and employ Asian women, most of whom had been formerly married to servicemen. In the late 1970s, police in the Houston area cited that 20-35% of the prostitutes were of Korean origin (1), and in 1994, the New York City Midtown Enforcement Director, William Daly, stated to the producers of this film that most of the 200 massage parlors closed by his office in New York's midtown area were filled with women of Korean origin. The law enforcement officers characterize the Korean massage parlors as less coercive than other brothels which rely on immigrant women. However, they cite the presence of drugs and gambling video games that keep women tied to the parlor through debt. The Rainbow Center in New York has had many women come to its doors whose experiences were similar: married to servicemen, abused or abandoned, finding work in a massage parlor (brothel), and, in an attempt to leave the parlor, and ending up either in hospitals or in shelters. Rape won't stop unless we fully withdraw. The current political, economic, and military subjection to the US military amplify rape and crime while avoiding consequences. Korea International War Crimes Tribunal 2001 (New York Report on US Crimes in Korea 1945-2001 "Statistics on Crimes Committed by US Troops in south Korea" http://www.iacenter.org/Koreafiles/ktc-civilnetwork.htm.T.K) Crimes committed by US soldiers were found as early as when US troops were first stationed in south Korea. According to the south Korean government's official statistics, 50,082 crimes were committed by US soldiers from 1967 to 1998 (including those by soldiers' families), and 56,904 US soldiers were involved (including soldiers' families) in these crimes. The statistics imply that the actual figure may be higher if take into account those cases not handled by the south Korean police. Based on the statistics, the total number of crimes committed by US soldiers since September 8, 1945 (when they were first stationed in Korea) is estimated to be around 100,000. Unfortunately the south Korean government does not have statistics on US soldiers' crimes committed before 1967, because SOFA (Status of Forces Agreement) went into effect in 1967, allowing the south Korean court jurisdiction over crimes committed by US soldiers with narrow and limited application. So, from 1945 to 1967, the US had full authority in court. south Koreans were even subjected to American rulings (of course, in English language). And during 1945-1948, when the US military government took control over the south Korean government, a judge was an active US soldier, with no jury system although the court followed American court system. Many problems aroused including language barrier, lack of cultural understanding and even prejudice on the part of the judge, unfair practices on the part of interpreters. Study by Ministry of Justice of south Korea shows that among the 39,452 cases (45,183 US soldiers involved) of crimes committed by US soldiers from 1967 to 1987, south Korea was able to exercise its jurisdiction only in 234 cases, punishing only 351 US soldiers. Among them, 84 US soldiers were convicted of rape and 89 US soldiers were convicted of murder and robbery. <<<<<CONTINUED>>>>> 38 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff SOLVENCY: WITHDRAWAL OF BASES KEY <<<<<CONTINUED>>>>> Taking into account the fact that rape cases were more common before 1967, and that many rape cases were intentionally hidden and forgotten, the actual number of rape cases committed by US soldiers will be much higher than what official figures suggest. 1980, the year of civilian uprising in Kwangju alone, over 1,679 crimes committed by US soldiers were reported. Due to the military dictator, Chun Doo Hwan's martial law at the time, south Korea lost its jurisdiction that year. Not even a single case was handled in south Korean court. Countless cases of rape were committed by US soldiers, including a woman gang raped by 4 soldiers' in March 1946, a 14-year-old schoolgirl raped in 1956, a daughter and a mother both raped in 1967, a woman raped by 8 soldiers in the mountains in 1971, a month pregnant teacher raped in 1986 by 5 soldiers in the middle of Team Spirit military exercise, a handicapped schoolgirl sexually harassed in 1996, and a 6-year-old girl sexually harassed in May 1997. Gregory Henderson, who served at the US embassy in Seoul in the 1950s and 1960s, recalls in his thesis 'politically dangerous factors in US troops exercising operation & control right in Korea': " ... Every US soldier from officer down enjoys material indulgence in Korea. Material indulgence includes abundant supply of fresh bodies of young local women." Earnst W. Carston, a former chaplain in US military camp in Korea, also harshly criticized US soldiers in his report to the US government in October 1964: "90% of US soldiers in Korea lead immoral sex lives. On being stationed to their posts, a soldier indulges in illegal sex with prostitutes, and when returning to the US, he sells off the woman, her house, and furniture to the new arrival". <The Korea Times>, in its June 10th 1971 edition, quoted a high-ranking military officer as saying "around 2 million foreign soldiers stayed in south Korea since the Korean war, among which 70% were venereal diseases patients as well as drug addicts". Robert Oliver, an American adviser to former south Korean President Rhee Seong-man, once said that 2,000 US soldiers out of total 30,000 stationed in Korea were from poor class. Also, Kevin Heldman, an American freelancer writer, wrote on the Internet in September 1997 that US troops in Korea are potential criminals and losers had they stayed in the US society. Although above comments seem to lay a blame on those less-educated soldiers from poor family background for the crimes, the crime report shows that it is the officers who are very often commit rape and robbery by faking marriages before secretly returning to the US. There is no official statistics on fake marriages, mainly because victims do not want it reported. Long Over Stay of US Troops and Their Operation & Control Rights over south Korean military The first 3-year history of US military government control in south Korea was not based on a mutual friendship between peoples of the two countries. Rather it was based on a cozy relationship between the two governments. Such circumstances have not changed much since then. For example, US military that withdrew after 3 years of government control in south Korea came back during the Korean war to 'take away' operation & control rights from the south Korean army on July 15th 1950. In October 1953, immediately after the war, the US introduced Korea-US Defense Alliance Treaty, which allowed long-term stay of the US troops in south Korea. This treaty effectively gave the US a vir3tual full control over the south Korea's political, military, and economic power. In the light of such lopsided treaty which practically handed over a nation's sovereign rights and the eventual political, military and economical subjugation to US mighty power, it becomes easy to see why such US soldiers crimes are committed easily in south Korea. No other place in the world, does the US soldiers enjoy such immunity over the crimes they perpetuate. It is reported that US troops stationed in Okinawa, Japan, called the local prostitutes 'Yellow Stool'. It is not only humiliating to Japan, but also to Korea as well. Such word is a good indicator of how US soldiers look at the local people. Even to these days, when they are subjected to south Korean police investigation, US soldiers frequently say "how dare you Koreans treat an American soldier like this'. Their debased superiority often comes from the years long of propaganda from US and south Korean governments asserting that it is the US, liberated south Korea from the hands of communist north Korea and without them, north Korea will invade the south Korea right away. Moreover, the unique military arrangement in which the visiting force, the US controls the operational command over the south Korean military and it's own general serving as a Joint Chief of Staff of the combined army, only exacerbates the unfair situation. Although many of the past US Secretaries of Defense have repeatedly stated that it is US's own interest to have the soldiers stationed in south Korea, and that US troops will remain in south Korea even after the reunification of Korea, many US soldiers still believe that they are in south Korea to fight the cold war. On sex slavery issue, a Dutch military court in 1946 convicted those who were responsible for rape against minority women. Also in 1995, when three US soldiers gang raped a schoolgirl in Okinawa, Japan, local residents demanded and received an official apology from US President Bill Clinton, US ambassador to Japan, and US military chief. All these are unimaginable in south Korea 39 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff SOLVENCY: WITHDRAWAL OF BASES KEY The root cause of trafficking and prostitution is militaristic masculinity Enriquez, 1999 (Jean, Director of the Coalition Against the Trafficking of Women in the Asia Pacific, November, "Filipinas in Prostitution around U.S. Military Bases in Korea: A Recurring Nightmare", http://www.catwap.org/resources/speeches-papers/filipinas-in-prostitution-around-us-military-bases-in-korea-a-recurring-nightmare/) Trafficking and prostitution have reached crisis proportions in the Asian region, with the entry and maintenance of foreign military troops, and worsening globalization of economies. The R & R policy of U.S. military and its surrounding industry rely heavily on the buying and luring of women not only in Okinawa, Korea, and the Philippines, but more women from other countries including Russia, China and Thailand. Its twin menace, the unrestricted and globalized trade, rides on the continuing export of labor, as a convenient channel to traffic women for slave-like work or prostitution. Every month, 200400 women and girls from Bangladesh are trafficked to Pakistan in the guise of labor migration. Yearly, 5,000 Nepalese women and girls are brought to India and Hong Kong on the same pretext. Currently, studies estimate that 150,00 Filipinas are exploited in the entertainment industry of Japan. More and more women from E. Europe are transported to the West and to Asia for prostitution. It might surprise many that Africa is also becoming a destination for trafficking. In 1992, 8 Filipinas were tricked that they will work as waitresses in Germany but were instead brought to clubs in Nigeria. Trafficking and prostitution, thus, need to be understood as problems arising from contexts not only of poverty and unemployment, but also maintained and promoted by economic interests and political policies that thrive on the subordinated status of women in our societies. As significantly, there are long-held definitions of masculinity, reinforced by the military institution, that are satiated by trafficking in women. 40 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff 2AC ENVIRONMENT ADD ON Military basing destroys the environment, and this evidence is specific to Korea Kirk, 2008 (Gwyn, Prof Women's Studies @ Antioch & Hamilton Universities & Founder of East Asia-US-Puerto Rico Women's Network Against Militarism, "Gender and U.S. Bases in Asia-Pacific", March 14, http://www.fpif.org/articles/gender_and_us_bases_in_asia-pacific) The military misuse of the land is part of its dominance over local communities. In many places, military training has caused fires, left the land littered with unexploded bullets and bombs, and pulverized bombing training targets. In Hawai'i, Guam, the Philippines, South Korea, and Japan, the U.S. military has taken no responsibility for cleaning up contamination caused by its operations. This includes heavy metals (mercury and lead), pesticides (dieldrin and malathion), solvents (including benzene and tuolene), PCBs, pesticides, and JP4 jet fuel. The resulting toxic health effects on local communities are compounded as the years go on without remediation of contaminated land and water. In Korea, environmentalists are urging National Assembly members to secure U.S. commitment to clean up the pollution on the many bases slated for closure there, or this will be an expense borne by Korean taxpayers. The proposed heliport at Henoko (Okinawa), meanwhile, threatens the dugong, an endangered manatee, as well as the surrounding coral reefs. Kadena Air Base in Okinawa is a hub of U.S. airpower in the Pacific, with Air Force planes training overhead a daily reality. A 1996 Okinawa Prefecture report on babies born to women living near Kadena Air Force Base showed significantly lower birth weights than those born in any other part of Japan, due to severe noise generated by the base. Environmental destruction causes human extinction. Diner, 94 (David, Ph.D., Planetary Science and Geology, "The Army and the Endangered Species Act: Who's Endangering Whom?," Military Law Review, 143 Mil. L. Rev. 161) To accept that the snail darter, harelip sucker, or Dismal Swamp southeastern shrew 74 could save [hu]mankind may be difficult for some. Many, if not most, species are useless to[hu]man[s] in a direct utilitarian sense. Nonetheless, they may be critical in an indirect role, because their extirpations could affect a directly useful species negatively. In a closely interconnected ecosystem, the loss of a species affects other species dependent on it. 75 Moreover, as the number of species decline, the effect of each new extinction on the remaining species increases dramatically. 4. Biological Diversity. -- The main premise of species preservation is that diversity is better than simplicity. 77 As the current mass extinction has progressed, the world's biological diversity generally has decreased. This trend occurs within ecosystems by reducing the number of species, and within species by reducing the number of individuals. Both trends carry serious future implications. 78 [*173] Biologically diverse ecosystems are characterized by a large number of specialist species, filling narrow ecological niches. These ecosystems inherently are more stable than less diverse systems. "The more complex the ecosystem, the more successfully it can resist a stress. . . . [l]ike a net, in which each knot is connected to others by several strands, such a fabric can resist collapse better than a simple, unbranched circle of threads -- which if cut anywhere breaks down as a whole." 79 By causing widespread extinctions, humans have artificially simplified many ecosystems. As biologic simplicity increases, so does the risk of ecosystem failure. The spreading Sahara Desert in Africa, and the dustbowl conditions of the 1930s in the United States are relatively mild examples of what might be expected if this trend continues. Theoretically, each new animal or plant extinction, with all its dimly perceived and intertwined affects, could cause total ecosystem collapse and human extinction. Each new extinction increases the risk of disaster. Like a mechanic removing, one by one, the rivets from an aircraft's wings, [hu]mankind may be edging closer to the abyss. 41 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff 2AC BASES BAD ADD ON: LAUNDRY LIST 10 reasons we should withdraw troops in South Korea. Gerson 2007 (Joseph, Director of Programs at the American Friends Service Committee, and the author of The Sun Never Sets: Confronting the Network of US Military Bases. The full-length version of the "Ten Reasons" list is available for download from www.afsc.org/pes. T.K.) Bases Increase the Likelihood of War: The US maintains an unprecedented infrastructure of more than 700 US foreign military bases. In recent years such bases have been essential to the US wars against Iraq, the 1998 war against Serbia, the US invasion of Panama, and the current wars within Colombia and the Philippines. The 200-plus US military bases and installations in Japan and South Korea increase the likelihood of future US wars against North Korea and China. Bases Provide a Launching Point for Nuclear Attack: In many ways, the US first-strike nuclear doctrine is made possible by the forward deployment of nuclear weapons in Belgium, Britain, Greece, Germany, Holland, and Turkey. US communications bases in Britain, Japan, Australia, and other nations are essential for communicating orders to initiate nuclear war and for targeting nuclear and other high-tech weapons. Bases Undermine the Sovereignty of Nations: Hawai'i, the Philippines, Guam, Puerto Rico, and Cuba were invaded and occupied by the US because they were ideal sites for bases needed to conquer markets in China, elsewhere in Asia, and Latin America. Colonial and client governments were imposed or created by the US to ensure continued US access to the bases. After the wars in which they were defeated, the US has insisted that Japan, Germany, Serbia and other nations "host" US military bases for the long term. Consistent with this tradition, the Bush administration is spending $1 billion a year for "enduring" military bases in Iraq. Bases Hurt Democracy and Human Rights The US has supported or imposed dictators and other repressive governments to gain or preserve access to military bases. For more than a decade, Presidents Nixon, Ford, Carter, and Reagan supported the brutal Marcos dictatorship in the Philippines to preserve the US hold on strategically located air and naval bases. In Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, the US has defended repressive monarchies to secure its military bases as well as privileged access to oil reserves. The presence of US military bases contributes to the cultural genocide of indigenous peoples in Hawai'i and Guam. Many Bases are Built on Seized Property: The recent bulldozing of Daechuri village in South Korea to make way for a new US military headquarters while inhabitants protested was not unique . Military bases are often built on seized private property, on land which the host nation forces its citizens to "rent" to the US, or on communal property. The most extreme case is Diego Garcia. There, to make way for two mile-long runways, a massive naval port, and pre-positioned US weapons, all of the island's people were deported. Bases are a Source of Sexual Violence: The use of communities near bases for "Rest and Relaxation" makes local children and women, especially sex workers, vulnerable to sexual harassment, rape, beatings, and murder. Levels of sexual violence can be a function of the relative power of host nations. Last year, Marines involved in the rape of a Filipina were shielded by provisions of the Visiting Forces Agreement in the Philippines. In contrast, comparable agreements between the US and oil-rich Gulf states have at least partly shielded local women from sexual aggression by US troops. Off-Duty Troops Commit Many Crimes : Most GIs are law-abiding, but many alienated and drunken troops do commit a disproportionate number of crimes. Worse, they are often protected by the provisions of unequal treaties which give the US military "primary right to exercise jurisdiction over members of the US armed forces." In Korea, a deep wound was the killing of two schoolgirls who were run over by a US tank; no-one was held accountable. This year in the Philippines, after a US Marine was convicted of rape in a Philippines court, the US exerted diplomatic pressure at the highest level to effect his removal, during the appeal process, to the US Embassy (rather than the Philippines jail to which the judge had consigned him). And Bases Cause Environmental Damage: In 2000, US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright conceded the legacy of "serious public and environmental problems" caused by US military bases in the Philippines but she reiterated that the US has no legal obligation to clean up the deadly residue. The US Defense Department has identified at least 70 military sites in Europe where its bases have caused serious environmental damage. In one egregious case, the US military was caught disposing of deadly formaldehyde directly into the Han River which runs through Seoul, South Korea. Bases Bring the Risk of Life-threatening Accidents Military accidents can kill and injure people. The most dangerous accidents involve nuclear weapons. An attack aircraft rolled off the US aircraft carrier Ticonderoga 80 miles off the coast of Okinawa, embedding its hydrogen bomb in the sea bed two miles below. More common are accidents like the Marine pilot whose low-flying jet severed a ski lift cable in Italy, killing 20 people; bombs that missed their practice targets, killing a civilian in Vieques, Puerto Rico and destroying homes in the Korean village of Maehyangri; and the stray bullets and shells used in live-fire exercises that strike people's homes and property in Kin Town, Okinawa. Military Spending Jeopardizes Human Needs and Opportunities: The Pentagon squanders tens of billions of dollars on foreign military bases. In addition to war-fighting capabilities, expenses include housing for families of US warriors, commissaries where US troops and their families enjoy special discounts, and pristine golf courses. Meanwhile, human needs of both US and host nation people go unmet. In Japan and other host nations, anger is building as their tax dollars are used to help pay for the intrusive military bases and their luxury accommodations, while local people go without adequate housing and social services Asian bases are a central hub for the persecution of the War on Terror and US military interventionism abroad Kirk, 2008 (Gwyn, Prof Women's Studies @ Antioch & Hamilton Universities & Founder of East Asia-US-Puerto Rico Women's Network Against Militarism, "Gender and U.S. Bases in Asia-Pacific", March 14, http://www.fpif.org/articles/gender_and_us_bases_in_asia-pacific) The Asia-Pacific region is part of the worldwide network of U.S. bases, facilities, refueling and R & R stops, and reserves of potential recruits that all support the global war on terror. Bases in Hawai'i, Guam, the Philippines, South Korea, and Japan/Okinawa serve as key training grounds for the Iraq War. Moreover, Guam, Diego Garcia, South Korea, and Okinawa are among the transit points for troops and military supplies for the war. 42 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: ECONOMY IMPACTS Sex trafficking and prostitution result in massive economic destabilization Bertone 1999 (Andrea Marie, Ph.D. Candidate in the Depart of Government and Politics, "Sexual Trafficking in Women: International Political Economy and the Politics of Sex", Gender Issues, Vol #18, #1, EBSCOhost, pg12-13, LV) An important argument against the international trafficking of women is that placing women in bondage, and more specifically in sexual bondage in another country, is analogous to erasing ones identity and blurs the lines of where slavery begins and economics ends. At the beginning of this century the international recog nition of the end of the slave trade ushered in a new era of economic and political structures and development. This slave trade has emerged again in the name of development and we must be very careful not to get seduced by its innocence. Because it is not being done on the massive scale that it once was, it is a practice that many choose to ignore. However, countries must learn that the enslavement of women in this way is not, in the long run, going to help their economies because it has been proven that educating women and integrating them into the mainstream work force can greatly increase a country's chances of economic, political, and social success. Even though this trade is economically profitable on a shortterm basis, I argue that this trade will have grave consequences for the future economy, social structure, and political advancements of the countries that rely heavily upon the remittances from this sex trade. It has grave consequences economically because it is a form of slavery and slavery was deemed an ineffective means of economic service. Eventually it does not provide the gain one would hope because nothing is being produced. Women's bodies are nonrenewable resources in the world market. It is detrimental to the social structure because it keeps women in economic and social bondage. Uneducated, psychologically and physically battered women have little to contribute to the future of a family or a country. Politically, a country will be affected because there are stigmas in the international community for countries that are involved in this trade. Despite the ineffectiveness of the international conventions in combating the problem of trafficking in women, the fact that they exist shows at least a political concern for this problem. The use of large numbers of women for a sexbased economy deprives the nation of vital human resources for more mainstream venues of economic development, This should be a particular concern in a country such as Thailand that has an adult population with comparatively low levels of education but a rapidly increasing demand for an educated and skilled labor force (United Nations Development Fund for Women). 43 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: ECONOMY IMPACTS Sex trafficking and prostitution create unstable economies that inevitably collapse, snowballing globally Bertone 1999 (Andrea Marie, Ph.D. Candidate in the Depart of Government and Politics, "Sexual Trafficking in Women: International Political Economy and the Politics of Sex", Gender Issues, Vol #18, #1, EBSCOhost, pg 18-19, LV) The OECD published a study in 1994 that outlined the patterns of labor mar ket participation of women in the OECD countries. Although the study does not specifically address the trafficking of women in the international labor market, it does make recommendations for the general improvement of the situation of women in both national and international employment opportunities. The women on which they focus are those in industrialized countries, but the recommendations could apply to women in underdeveloped countries as well. The study argues that the smooth functioning of OECD societies and their supporting economies in the 1990s and beyond depends on recognizing women as principle economic actors and en abling them to realize their untapped potential. It challenges the traditional assump tion that equity and efficiency are mutually exclusive outcomes that have to be traded off against each other. Women are not a problem for the economy. On the contrary, the solution to economic problems depends on enhancing women's economic role. Women are the key resource that is currently underutilized, both quantitatively and qualitatively. The report stresses that meeting the twin goals of equity and effi ciency requires significant changes to the "system." Those changes represent a ma jor structural adjustment challenge (OECD, 1994, p. 17). Structural change, according to the report, is a global and dynamic process that profoundly modifies economies and societies. The outcomes of the interactions among economic, technical, social, and political changes is what defines structural change. Social transformation is as important as economic management in the ad justment process. Women's opportunities to influence the adjustment process have so far been minimal and their share in the benefits brought by structural change has been limited. Empowering women to become active agents shaping structural change requires a redefinition of the interrelationships between the social, economic, and political factors that currently inhibit women's participation and life choices. It means applying a new perspective to the causes of inequality (OECD, 1994, p. 18). The world is undeniably shaped by a patriarchal structure. The combination of persistent patriarchy and rapid economic expansion places women in great disad vantage to their male counterparts in endeavors of labor migration If . industrialized countries have a problem with inequality, the problem is magnified in underdevel oped countries where poverty is the norm, education levels are low, and people are driven to find ways to better their economic situation. Allowing women equal ac cess to education will reduce their tendency to choose gendered employment be cause as skilled laborers, they can contribute to a stronger national economy and improve the ability of the country to compete on a more equal footing with industri alized countries. Even if women, once educated, decide to migrate for economic reasons, their personal security will increase and they will contribute to bettering the perception of women, in general, and the country from which they came, in particular. However, all of these positive changes are contingent on changing the patriarchal structure in underdeveloped countries . This does not necessarily mean that the structure should or will become matriarchal, but that the men will under stand the import of women's education and will not encourage women to be farmed into dangerous work situations where they will be at risk of their life and wellbeing. 44 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: FORCED/VOLUNTARY KRITIK Voluntary migration for sex work is caused by underlying socio-economic inequalities--the distinction between voluntary and forced sex work is bunk Bertone 1999 (Andrea Marie, Professor of Government and Politics at George Washington University, "Sexual Trafficking in Women: International Political Economy and the Politics of Sex", Gender Issues, Vol #18, #1, EBSCOhost, LV) One of the major reasons why men and women choose, or are persuaded by others, to leave their country of origin and migrate is economic. The majority of the thousands who are making the trip across the Mediterranean from Africa and the Middle East, and from the Pacific to the west coast of North America, are in search of a better life for themselves and their families, and are considered economic migrants. Disparities in the wealth of countries and the growing trend of globalization throughout the world is part of the explanation for people's desire to work in a country where they can earn many times more than they could have earned if they had stayed home. However, one of the most insidious and exploitative aspects of the trafficking in humans is the trafficking and buying of women to work in sexualized employment in other countries. Even if women voluntarily migrate, they find themselves in forced and involuntary situations shortly after migration Bertone 1999 (Andrea Marie, Professor of Government and Politics at George Washington University, "Sexual Trafficking in Women: International Political Economy and the Politics of Sex", Gender Issues, Vol #18, #1, EBSCOhost, LV) A recent manifestation of the North/South, East/West political-economic di vide is the international sex trade in women. Sex tourism, mail order brides, prostitution in brothels, pornography, and militarized sexual services are examples of this market. Trafficking in women is a large subset of the business in which women are coerced, enslaved, kidnapped, tortured, or raped in order to sexually service men for the profit of others (Raghu, 1997, p, 145). Trafficking in girls and women is one form of migrant trafficking, but one that has special characteristics. Trafficking in women for purposes of sexual employment can involve situations in which the woman is aware of the circumstances before she travels. However, it also involves situations in which a girl and/or woman is kidnapped for purposes of trafficking, or sold into prostitution or forced marriage, and therefore it is not considered voluntary. The definition of trafficking and the exploitation and prostitution of others is set out in articles 1 and 2 of the 1949 Convention for the Suppression on the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others. The Convention refers to actions at both the national and international levels. Since 1949, the concept of trafficking has been extended to include trafficking for the purpose of other forms of exploitation of women. The wider view of trafficking is reflected in the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, which also includes forced marriages and forced labor (www.unifem.undp.org). The International Organization for Migration (IOM), a Geneva-based Inter-governmental organization, states that trafficking occurs when: "a migrant is illicitly engaged (recruited, kidnapped, sold, etc.) and/or moved, either within national or across international borders; [or when] intermediaries (traffickers) during any part of this process obtain economic or other profit by means of deception, coercion and/or other forms of exploitation under conditions that violate the fundamental human rights of migrants" (IOM, 1999). It also includes those cases where the woman is aware of the nature of the work at the point of leaving but on arrival finds herself in a situation where her fundamental human rights and freedoms are violated (Qweb Sweden, 1999). 45 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: FORCED/VOLUNTARY KRITIK Even if women enter prostitution voluntarily, they become captive and can never again leave by choice Moon, 1997 (Katharine, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Wellesley, Sex among Allies, Pg. 21-22. T.K) No club women I ever spoke to referred to club owners and managers as nice, kind, and gentle. Some are not as abusive as those who beat and rape the barwomen, but it is apparent that the owner/manager is responsible for the bulk of the everyday exploitation of the women. MS Pak states that "owners usually take advantage of the women" by not paying them their shares of revenues from drinks and sex. Women who move up in the hierarchy of sex work can become club managers and they do not necessarily treat the prostitutes with compassion. Kim Yinja, who had worked as a madam in Kunsan, recalled how tough she had been on her hostesses; she had scolded them and pushed to bring income for the bar. Thomas Kelley, a former GI and VD officer noted how the madams would send out "slicky boys" to "rough up girls who didn't pay their club debts." The debt bondage system is the most prominent manifestation of exploitations. Women's debt increases each time she borrows money from the owner-to get medical treatment, to send money to her family, to cover an emergency, to bribe police officers and VD clinic workers. Most women also begin their work at a new club with large amounts of debt, which usually results in agency fees and advance pay. Typically, illegal job placement agencies, which specialize in bar and brothel prostitution, place women in a club and charge the club owners a fee. The owner transfers the fee onto the employers account at usurious rates; Ms. Pak mentions one club owner charging 10%. Often women also set up employees with furniture, stereo equipment, clothing, and cosmetic-items deemed necessary for attracting GI customers. These get added to the women's account with interest. In 1988 the left leaning Mal Magazine reported that on the averages prostitutes' club debts ranged between one and four million won. For this reason, women try to pick up as many GIs as possible night after night, and for this reason, women cannot leave prostitution at will. Women are tricked into the sex trade in South Korea. They are almost always beaten and raped by the GIs. Moon, 1997 (Katharine, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Wellesley, Sex among Allies, Pg. 23. T.K) "Still others were physically forced into prostitution by flesh traffickers or pimps who waited at train and bus stations, greeted young girls arriving from the countryside with promises of employment or room and board, initiated them through rape- into sex work or sold them to the brothels. Women also fell into prostitution by responding to fraudulent advertisement which offered appealing calls for employment as waitresses, storekeepers, singers, and entertainers. Some ads even offered education without specifying what the women expected to learn. For example, one women who had answered an advertisement for a job in a restaurant found that she was taken to a GI bar, There she was made to die her hair blond and wear bra-less shirts and hot pants, and was beat into submission and forced to provide sexual service to GIs. This came at the heels of a history of deprivation and abuse she had been orphaned as a child, adopted by a Korean family who used her as a slave to take care of the family's four boys, raped by the father, kicked out by the sons. Then she went to work at a factory and married the owner's son, who physically abused her and abandoned her and their newborn son. 46 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: FORCED/VOLUNTARY KRITIK Korea's strict immigration policies mean that almost all new workers brought into the country are clandestine (meaning they aren't protected by immigration laws or workers' rights) Hugo, 2005 (Graeme, University Professorial Research Fellow, Professor of Geography and Director of the National Centre for Social Applications of Geographical Information Systems at the University of Adelaide "Migration in the Asia-Pacific Region", September, http://www.gcim.org/mm/File/Regional%20Study%202.pdf) The estimated contemporary stocks of Asian origin migrant workers in foreign countries are summarised in Table 6, which indicates that there may be over 20 million Asian workers in other countries. Pre-eminent in South East Asia are the Philippines where it is estimated (Dimzon 2005) that the stock of Filipinos was 3.15 million documented labour migrants, 1.6 million undocumented labour migrants and 2.78 million permanent residents. In Indonesia, the second largest nation, it is estimated less than half of those going overseas went through official channels. However, the largest numbers of labour migrants originate in the large Southeast Asian nations. Table 7 indicates that around 8 million Asian workers may be in the Middle East and while Southeast Asians are important, South Asians predominate. An important trend over the last two decades however, is the growing demand for labour migrants in the so-called Asian Tiger economies where rapid economic growth and an associated growth in employment has been outpacing the rate of growth of the native workforce. The latter is also due to the substantial fertility declines of the 1960s and 1970s, which resulted in cohorts of school leavers in the late 1980s and 1990s being smaller than the generations preceding them. Table 8 indicates that there are over 6 million migrant workers in Asian countries. It must be stressed, however, that these data vary greatly in quality. Some destination countries are not anxious to reveal the extent to which their economies are reliant upon foreign workers, while in cases like Japan and Korea the countries' very strict immigration regulations have meant that the bulk of incoming workers are clandestine. 47 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: PITY PARTY KRITIK The claim that suffering is inevitable and that intervention to suffering is life-negating is nothing more than a thinly-veiled cover for mass rape and genocide accepting their argument necessitates an unconditional acceptance of brutal atrocities in all their forms. Ross, 2003 (Kelley L., Professor of Philosophy at L.A. Valley College, "Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900)", http://www.friesian.com /NIETZSCH.HTM) While the discussion of Existentialism treated Nietzsche as an Existentialist before his time, with the death of God producing the kind of nihilism characteristic of that movement, Nietzsche, for all his warnings about nihilism, does not in the end seem to be an actual nihilist. He is a kind of positivist instead -- that certain actual events and practices are the root of genuine value. The events and practices used by Nietzsche happen to be those of the most extreme 19th century Darwinian conception of nature. This very often sounds good, since Nietzsche sees himself, and can easily impress others, as simply making a healthy affirmation of life. Life for Nietzsche, however, is red in tooth and claw, and the most admirable and interesting form of life is the triumphant Darwinian predator, who in general is paradigmatic of beauty, grace, strength, intelligence, and activity, while living off of the less intelligent herds of herbivores, i.e. the dull and the bovine. In The Genealogy of Morals, one of Nietzsche's latest works (1887), he lays this all out with great clarity and eloquence. It is a performance that is also appalling -- and horrifying in relation to the uses to which Nietzsche's ideas were later put, for which he cannot, and would not care to, escape blame. Recent Nietzsche enthusiasts tend to ignore Nietzsche's own solution to the problems of modernity. Instead, they ironically take heart from the very nihilism described with horror by Nietzsche. This nihilism is then used in the service of many other things that Nietzsche despised, like socialism, democracy, and the valorization of the common man. Of course, when the Left demands "true" democracy, what they really want is a political dictatorship run by themselves -- which is why Fidel Castro is still their idol. Nietzsche would not have been displeased with the naked power of a Stalin, and possibly even would have admired the cynicism of the empty Leftist rhetoric that he used to seize power. These ironies or paradoxes are discussed below. Before that, I will consider the embarrassing details of Nietzsche's own solution to nihilism. First of all, Nietzsche's racism is unmistakable. The best way to approach this is to let Nietzsche speak for himself. In the quotes that follow, I will simply offer examples from The Genealogy of Morals alone, as translated by Francis Golffing (in the footnotes I have been adding some passages from Beyond Good and Evil for comparison). The Latin malus ["bad"] (beside which I place melas [Greek for "black"]) might designate the common man as dark, especially black-haired ("hic niger est"), as the pre-Aryan settler of the Italian soil, notably distiguished from the new blond conqueror race by his color. At any rate, the Gaelic presented me with an exactly analogous case: fin, as in the name Fingal, the characteristic term for nobility, eventually the good, noble, pure, originally the fair-haired as opposed to the dark, black-haired native population. The Celts, by the way, were definitely a fair-haired race; and it is a mistake to try to relate the area of dark-haired people found on ethnographic maps of Germany to Celtic bloodlines, as Virchow does. These are the last vestiges of the pre-Aryan population of Germany. (The subject races are seen to prevail once more, throughout almost all of Europe; in color, shortness of skull, perhaps also in intellectual and social instincts. Who knows whether modern democracy, the even more fashionable anarchism, and especially that preference for the commune, the most primitive of all social forms, which is now shared by all European socialists -- whether all these do not represent a throwback, and whether, even physiologically, the Aryan [master] race of conquerors is not doomed?) [The Birth of Tragedy and The Genealogy of Morals, Doubleday Anchor Books, 1956, p.164, boldface the good, noble, and blond Aryans, contrasted with the dark and primitive indigenes of Europe. While Nietzsche's thought is often defended as unrelated to the racism of the Nazis, there does not seem to be much difference from the evidence of this passage. <<<<<CONTINUED>>>>> added; note the term "master" deleted in the Golffing translation; note]Here we have an unmistakable racism: 48 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: PITY PARTY KRITIK <<<<CONTINUED>>>> One difference might be Nietzsche's characterization of the "commune" as "the most primitive of all social forms." Nazi ideology was totalitarian and "social," denigrating individualism. Nietzsche would not have gone for this -- and the small, dark Hitler is certainly no Aryan -- but then many defenders of Nietzsche these days also tend to prefer a communitarian democracy, which means they might have more in common with the Nazis, despite their usual anti-racism, than Nietzsche himself. This is characteristic of the confusion of contemporary politics, let alone Nietzsche apologetics. The passage above, at least, provides as much aid and comfort for the Nazis as for any other interpretation or appropriation of Nietzsche. Nietzsche's racism might be excused as typical of its age, and criticism of it anachronistic. However, the racism of Thomas Jefferson, a century earlier, involved an explicit denial that physical or intellectual differences between the races (about which Jefferson expressed no certainty) compromised the rights of the , the "subject races" have no "rights"; and domination, not to mention all the forms of "oppression" excoriated by the trendy Left, are positive and desirable goods. This anxiety inferior races. To Nietzsche, however or distemper may be due to a variety of causes. It may result from a crossing of races too dissimilar (or of classes too dissimilar. Class distinctions are always indicative of genetic and racial differences: the European Weltschmerz and the pessimism of the nineteenth century were both essentially the results of an abrupt and senseless mixing of In the litany of political sins identified by the Left, "racism, classism, and homophobia" are the holy trinity -- with "classism," of course, as a codeword for the hated capitalism. Here we see that for Nietzsche racism and "classism" are identical: the "subject races" form the subject classes. This is good and noble. We also get another aspect of the matter, the "mixing" of races and classes is "senseless" and productive of the pessimism and social problems of modern society. In these terms, Nietzsche can only have approved of the Nazis laws against marriage or even sex between Aryans and Untermenschen. The lack classes)... [p.267, boldface added, note] of rights for the dark underclasses brings us to the principal theme of The Genealogy of Morals: The morality of "good and evil" has been invented out of hatred and resentment by the defeated and subjugated races, especially the Jews. [...continued...] eople who love Nietzsche for his celebration of creativity and his dismissal of the moralism of traditional religion, mainly meaning Christianity, usually seem to think of going "beyond good and evil" as merely legitimizing homosexuality, drugs, abortion, prostitution, pornography, and the other desiderata of progressive thinking. They don't seem to understand that Nietzsche wasn't particularly interested in things like that, but, more to the point, legitimizing rape, murder, torture, pillage, domination, and political oppression by the strong. The only honest Nietzschean graduate student I ever met frankly stated, "To be creative, you must be evil." We get something similar in the recent Sandra Bullock movie, Murder by Numbers [2002], where the young Nietzschean student simply says, "Freedom is crime." The story of the movie is more or less that of Leopold and Loeb, the Chicago teenagers who in 1924 murdered a young boy (Bobby Franks) to prove that they were "beyond good and evil." Leopold and Loeb understood their Nietzsche far better than most of his academic apologists. And we are the first to admit that anyone who knew these "good" ones [nobility] only as enemies would find them evil enemies indeed. For these same men who, amongst themselves, are so strictly constrained by custom, worship, ritual, gratitude, and by mutual surveillance and jealousy, who are so resourceful in consideration, tenderness, loyality, pride and friendship, when once they step outside their circle become little better than uncaged beasts of prey. Once abroad in the wilderness, they revel in the freedom from social constraint and compensate for their long confinement in the quietude of their own community. They revert to the innocence of wild animals: we can imagine them returning from an orgy of murder, arson, rape, and torture, jubilant and at peace with themselves as though they had committed a fraternity prank -- convinced, moreover, that the poets for a long time to come will have something to sing about and to praise. Deep within all the noble races there lurks the [blond] beast of prey, bent on spoil and conquest. This hidden urge has to be satisfied from time to time, the beast let loose in the wilderness. This goes as well for the Roman, Arabian, German, Japanese nobility as for the Homeric heroes and the Scandinavian vikings. The noble races have everywhere left in their wake the catchword "barbarian." .....their utter indifference to safety and comfort, their terrible pleasure in destruction, their taste for cruelty -- all these traits are embodied by their victims in the image of the "barbarian," and "evil enemy," the Goth or the Vandal. The profound and icy suspicion which the German arouses as soon as he assumes power (we see it happening again today [i.e. 1887]) harks back to the persistent horror with which Europe for many centuries witnessed the raging of the blond Teutonic [germanischen] beast (although all racial connection between the old Teutonic tribes [Germanen] and ourselves has been lost). [pp.174-175, boldface added, note the terms, "blond" and "German," deleted or altered in the Golffing translation] 49 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: VICTIMIZATION KRITIK Nietzsche's misogyny, elitism and chauvinism influence every aspect of the world after their alternative attempts to separate his form of criticism from these central ideologies is dangerous you shouldn't risk backsliding into male supremacy especially when our affirmative offers a more determinate negation of the system of domination Alcoff, Professor of Philosophy at Syracuse University, 2004 (Linda Martin, Hypatia, summer, page proquest gjm) Schutte's argument in more precise form is this: she claims that Nietzsche's reactionary views "break the taboos of the mind and the ever-present dogmatisms of the prevailing culture" which has the effect of allowing us to "think creatively and to risk new interpretations of democracy, feminist theory, etc." (Schutte 1999, 69-70). This is an example of what I earlier referred to as a kind of argument that puts form over content, that argues in defense of a form of critique even when its particular content in a given person's writing is indefensible. Now first, I would want to challenge the idea that Nietzsche's views were taboo-breaking. Wasn't his misogyny, elitism, and European chauvinism just all too typical, of his Jay and ours? He represents very dominant views, which still carry the day in our societies as Schutte herself argues so well in a number of papers (for example, Schutte 1984, 1999). There may be a thin rhetorical veneer of egalitarianism in the West, but it is quickly dropped when pressed toward significant redistributions of either material resources or epistemic authority. Beyond this essentially factual disagreement, however, 1 wonder about her philosophical view that we can separate form from content in this way, that we should support the risk of challenge, no matter its direction, over the staidness of the status quo. Hegel warned against valorizing an abstract as opposed to a determinate negation, and argued that abstract negations do not in fact move the dialectic forward precisely because they are not motivated by content; they are not "genuine doubts" in Peirce's sense, but contrived, artificial, in form only, of the "how do you know everything wasn't created just as it is five minutes ago?" variety. These don't move us forward because they are launched equally well against any positive claim and thus provide no direction for improvement. They are surely symptomatic of the nihilism Nietzsche wanted to overcome, an ethical pessimism or epistemic defeatism. But to champion the form of critique without specifying content invites such nihilism, because it suggests that critique is an a priori ally, that the form of critique can have positive effects no matter its content. Some do argue this in regard to skepticism, such as Barry Stroud, who makes the case that even Pyrrhonic skepticism, which would deride every type of claim equally and thus directs us nowhere, yet has positive effects in stimulating the epistemological enterprise. Nietzsche himself is torn in this regard, on my reading; on the one hand he suggests the specific kinds of questions that Schutte lists above, about the interests that benent from the support of certain values. But on the other hand he believes that to defeat the Platonic mirage of rational absolutes, everything must be kept contingent, challengeable, in dispute. Nietzsche's own solution to the uncertainty this creates is psychological, not philosophical. It is to suggest that we ground our values in what we need, in organic rather than logical argument, in genuine affect. But this solution would warn against championing a form of negation as an intrinsic good. 50 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: VICTIMIZATION KRITIK Permutation--recognizing individuals as both victims and more than victims can transcend the dilemma of victimhood Levit 1996 (Nancy, Associate Professor at UMKC Law, April, 43 UCLA L. Rev. 1037, lexis) The purpose of examining the various ways in which legal doctrines and the legal system disadvantage men is not to thrust men into victimhood. n75 Professor Martha Minow has cautioned about the dilemma of victimhood: On the one hand, failure to acknowledge victimization "countenances oppression." On the other hand, speaking in terms of victimization may promote passivity, helplessness, and blaming behavior on the part of victims. n76 As a partial resolution of the dilemma, Minow suggests "treating all participants as more than mere victims and more than mere perpetrators, recognizing the capacity of the most victimized for choice, redressing the structures of constraint, and treating responsibility not as blame but as the ability to respond ...." n77 Victimhood is good--it invites moral responses to suffering while supporting a greater sense of solidarity who have suffered in similar ways Minow 1993 (Martha, Prof of Law @ Harvard, August, 40 UCLA L. Rev. 1411, lexis) It seems odd that anyone would emphasize their victimhood, yet there are many attractions to victim status. n5 Prime among them is sympathy. As one commentator put it: "There is an elemental moral requirement to respond to innocent suffering. If we were not to respond to it and its claim upon us, we would be without conscience, and in some basic sense, not completely human." n6 Seeing oneself as a victim can also relieve a burdensome sense of responsi [*1414] bility or selfblame. n7 Victim status can support a sense of solidarity with others who have suffered in similar ways. n8 Victimhood mobilizes action through a sense of recognition and solidarity while also confirming the very humanity of persons involved Minow 93 (Martha, Prof of Law @ Harvard, August, 40 UCLA L. Rev. 1411, lexis) Telling personal stories of pain can be therapeutic; personal stories can also help mobilize people with similar experiences through a sense of recognition and solidarity. n107 Telling stories of victimhood can also be essential for confirming the very humanity of those involved, and for persuading perpetrators and bystanders to acknowledge harms and to act differently. Individualized stories are essential to avoid the dehumanizing abstractions that allow people to forget or trivialize the suffering of others. n108 Zora Neale Hurston wrote, "There is no agony like bearing an untold story inside you." n109 Surely that agony is most intense when the story is about you and your own pain. Yet there is a risk that emphasizing individual stories and stressing feelings can undermine critical evaluation and analysis of contradictory claims. N110 51 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: VICTIMIZATION Their denial of victim status sweeps the rug out from under those struggling to resist oppression --self-empowerment is often impossible and the negative's very framework makes collective resistance to domination impossible Stark, 1995 (Barbara, Professor of Law @ Hofstra Law, "Urban Despair and Nietzsche's `Eternal Return:' From the Municipal Rhetoric of Economic Justice to the International Law of Economic Rights," Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law, 28.2, pgs. 207 213) What if Americans knew that the next thirty years would merely repeat the preceding cycle? What if we knew that the "empowerment zones" proposed in the 1990s would be no more effective than the "enterprise zones" of the 1980s or the "model cities" and the "war on poverty" of the 1960s?72 What if we knew that the stories of abuse and neglect, of broken promises and broken lives, would be repeated every generation?73 What if we knew that our children's lives, like our own, would be spent in violence and hardship?74 Who would not succumb to what Cornel West describes as the "nihilism that increasingly pervades black communities"?75 As Professor West explains: Nihilism is to be understood here not as a philosophic doctrine that there are no rational grounds for legitimate standards for authority; it is, far more, the lived experience of coping with a life of horrifying meaninglessness, hopelessness, and (most important) lovelessness. The frightening result is a numbing detachment from others and a selfdestructive disposition toward the world.76 In the nineteenth century, Friedrich Nietzsche77 challenged the notion of historical progress and the hopefulness embedded in that notion, as well as the idea of any "rational grounds for legitimate standards for authority." His doctrine of the eternal return posited time not as linear progression, but as a cycle:78 The shepherd ... bit with a good bite. Far away he spewed the head of the snake--and he jumped up. No longer shepherd, no longer human-- one changed, radiant, laughing^2 Nihilism is overcome by affirming that the only meaning is the meaning that we create: I taught them to work on the future and to redeem with their creation all that has been. To redeem what is past in man and to re-create all "it was" until the will says, "Thus I willed it!--Thus I shall will it!--this I called redemption and thi s alone I taught them to call redemption.83 Although Nietzsche scholars and other philosophers offer wide-ranging interpretations of the eternal return,84 Richard Rorty's explication of self-overcoming is the key here: The drama of an individual human life, of the history of humanity as a whole, is not one in which a preexisting goal is triumphantly reached or tragically not reached. . . . Instead, to see one's life, or the life of one's community, as a dramatic narrative is to see it as a process of Nietzschean self-overcoming. The paradigm of such a narrative is the life of the genius who can say of the relevant portion of the past, Thus I willed it,' because she has found a way to describe that past which the past never knew, and thereby found a self to be that which her precursors never knew was possible.85 The idea of self-overcoming or selfinvention--"finding a way to describe the past which the past never knew*86--is familiar to most Americans.87 It happens all the time in United States politics and law.88 Americans only notice it when it is done clumsily and the strings show, as they did, for example, when President Bush claimed, "We won the Cold War." For the urban poor, however, self-overcoming is problematic. First, the African-American urban poor cannot opt out of what Professor West describes as "a system of race-conscious people and practices."90 Second, partly because of racism, self-overcoming is nece ssarily a collective activity for the urban poor. Professor Bell Hooks has observed: "[N]o level of individual self-actualization alone can sustain the marginalized and oppressed. We must be linked to collective struggle, to communities of resistance that move us outward, into the world."91 In the 1960s, the civil rights movement explicitly drew on the independence movements of the formerly colonial Third World states,92 a larger "community of resistance that [moved them] outward into the world." In the 1990s, the urban poor can reaffirm that link by claiming the international human rights already won for them by the larger "communities of resistance" of which they are--and have always been--a part. By doing so, they can find "a way to describe that past which the past never knew and [find themselves] to be [that] which [their] precursors never knew was possible."93 52 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: VICTIMIZATION The 1AC is not victimizing women, but offering a voice to those who lack representation. We avoid your link because we anlayize concrete sectors of particular power relationships. Alcoff, 92 (Linda, Cultural Critique, Winter 1991-92, pp. 5-32, Professor of Philosophy, Women's Studies and Political Science and currently the Director of Women's Studies at Syracuse University, http://www.alcoff.com/content/speaothers.html) However, while there is much theoretical and practical work to be done to develop such alternatives, the practice of speaking for others remains the best possibility in some existing situations. An absolute retreat weakens political effectivity, is based on a metaphysical illusion, and often effects only an obscuring of the intellectual's power. Therefore, in the remainder of this paper I will ask, how can we lessen the dangers of speaking for? In rejecting a general retreat from speaking for, I am not advocating a return to an un-self-conscious appropriation of the other, but rather that anyone who speaks for others should only do so out of a concrete analysis of the particular power relations and discursive effects involved. I want to develop this point through elucidating four sets of interrogatory practices that are meant to help evaluate possible and actual instances of speaking for. In list form they may appear to resemble an algorithm, as if we could plug in an instance of speaking for and factor out an analysis and evaluation. However, they are meant only to suggest a list of the questions that should be asked concerning any such discursive practice. These are by no means original: they have been learned and practiced by many activists and theorists. Permutation--recognizing individuals as both victims and more than victims can transcend the dilemma of victimhood Levit 96 (Nancy, Associate Professor at UMKC Law, April, 43 UCLA L. Rev. 1037, lexis) The purpose of examining the various ways in which legal doctrines and the legal system disadvantage men is not to thrust men into victimhood. n75 Professor Martha Minow has cautioned about the dilemma of victimhood: On the one hand, failure to acknowledge victimization "countenances oppression." On the other hand, speaking in terms of victimization may promote passivity, helplessness, and blaming behavior on the part of victims. n76 As a partial resolution of the dilemma, Minow suggests "treating all participants as more than mere victims and more than mere perpetrators, recognizing the capacity of the most victimized for choice, redressing the structures of constraint, and treating responsibility not as blame but as the ability to respond ...." n77 Victimhood is good--it invites moral responses to suffering while supporting a greater sense of solidarity who have suffered in similar ways Minow 93 (Martha, Prof of Law @ Harvard, August, 40 UCLA L. Rev. 1411, lexis) It seems odd that anyone would emphasize their victimhood, yet there are many attractions to victim status. n5 Prime among them is sympathy. As one commentator put it: "There is an elemental moral requirement to respond to innocent suffering. If we were not to respond to it and its claim upon us, we would be without conscience, and in some basic sense, not completely human." n6 Seeing oneself as a victim can also relieve a burdensome sense of responsi [*1414] bility or selfblame. n7 Victim status can support a sense of solidarity with others who have suffered in similar ways. n8 Victimhood mobilizes action through a sense of recognition and solidarity while also confirming the very humanity of persons involved Minow 93 (Martha, Prof of Law @ Harvard, August, 40 UCLA L. Rev. 1411, lexis) Telling personal stories of pain can be therapeutic; personal stories can also help mobilize people with similar experiences through a sense of recognition and solidarity. n107 Telling stories of victimhood can also be essential for confirming the very humanity of those involved, and for persuading perpetrators and bystanders to acknowledge harms and to act differently. Individualized stories are essential to avoid the dehumanizing abstractions that allow people to forget or trivialize the suffering of others. n108 Zora Neale Hurston wrote, "There is no agony like bearing an untold story inside you." n109 Surely that agony is most intense when the story is about you and your own pain. Yet there is a risk that emphasizing individual stories and stressing feelings can undermine critical evaluation and analysis of contradictory claims. N110 53 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: NIETZSCHE The criticism is the worst form of oppression for those who are subject to violence this relationship with domination is not life affirming and recurrence of this suffering is something that must be resisted not embraced Alcoff, Professor of Philosophy at Syracuse University, 2004 (Linda Martin, Hypatia, summer, page proquest gjm) Ultimately, Schutte argues persuasively that the political implications of Nietzsche's metaphysical critique are incoherent: on the one hand the critique of transcendentalism works against authoritarianism of all kinds, but on the other hand his naturalist account of hierarchies among human beings, his "endorsement of an order of rank," works to replicate the metaphysical orientation and ethical values that he rejects: He has not yet overcome the dualism of good and evil; his analysis of decadence as an impurity that ought to be eliminated from society is much too reminiscent of the Manichcan struggle between good and evil. Furthermore, his identification of Christians, democrats, socialists, feminists, and others with decadent forces is a drastic oversimplification. Nietzsche's counterproposals to democracy do not take him any farther along the road to a nonalienated, nonfragmented conception of human reality than the dualistic and reductionist structures of value that he himself opposed. (1984, 172) Schutte also shows how Nietzsche's inability to imagine a democratization of the creation of values adversely affects the attempt to develop a wider application of his work. She argues that the central ethical concept of eternal recurrence, for example, is not in fact universalizable; persons who have experienced severe forms of suffering cannot be both life affirming and will an eternal recurrence of their suffering. Contra Nietzsche, all forms of suffering are not ennobling. On the whole, Schutte defends Nietzsche's metaphysics and epistemology while generally critiquing his normative projects. Niestzhce is Misogynistic Picart 1999 Caroline Joan, Assistant Professor of Philosophy at the University of Wisconsin. Resentment and the "Feminine" in Nietzsche's Politico-Aesthetics. The Pennsylvania State University. Page 155. Thus has been my attempt at a genealogy of Nietzsche's developing political philosophy. As a "genealogy" it has sought nor to arrive at a description of the "things" phenomenology holds to be the world, but rather to delineate the "manner in which `things' are made into `facts."'" Such an approach is driven forward by attending to how Nietzsche's attitude to the "feminine" plots out in relation to his changing political vision. This Nietzschean use of Nietzschean genealogy has aimed at excavating how Nietzsche's gendered political mythology moves from (I) the use of myth as an ambiguous figuration of apparent polarities, to (2) employing myth as a life-sustaining "noble lie," and finally to a schizophrenic appeal to the need for a life-sustaining illusion, alongside which are the imperatives to cause the self-destruction of modernity and to preserve himself. This book has shown that in Nietzsche's developing politics, myths of the "feminine"-which are initially used as equals (alongside their "masculine" counterparts) as figurations of Nietzsche's antidote to the poison of modernitv-are eventually robbed of the powers of birthing and creation, and increasingly silenced, resulting in a sterile and necrophiliae "phallic motherhood." In the genealogy of Nietzsche's aesthetico-political philosophy, the figure of the "feminine" increasingly grows into the figure of "woman," resulting , in a progressively ruthless tnytho-1,olitics (masked as an antimythology) that attempts to eradicate both the "feminine" and "woman" in the narcissistic and Romantic dream of building a polis of (Uber)men. If it were not for Nietzsche's Romantic underpinnings, a topic that has remained a Subterranean theme throughout this book," one could conjecture that his attempt to repress the "feminine" was simply another of his strategies to make "Platonic" philosophy (as he understood it) implode-as it seems to be doing in contemporary philosophical discussions. It is this very propensity for self-destruction within Nietzsche's political philosophy that I have aimed to exploit and articulate, in my own critique of Nietzsche's account of modernity. 54 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: NIETZSCHE This turns their impact Picart 1999 Caroline Joan, Assistant Professor of Philosophy at the University of Wisconsin. Resentment and the "Feminine" in Nietzsche's Politico-Aesthetics. The Pennsylvania State University. Pages 21-22. In keeping with the mythic focus that both Ricoeur and lrigaray stress, I show that in Nietzsche's use of myth initially elevates the "feminine" as an equally valid or authorized symbol for the awesome vitality and enigma of life, and eventually attempts to harness the feminine power of birthing unto an increasingly phallocratic mythology. Yet this "genealogical" account aims to do more than simply unmasks. What it hopes to do is to effect an explosion from within, to implode his own account of modernity as suffering from delusion. It aims to show how a Nietischeanall-too-Nietzschean approach bears the seeds of its own destruction within itself and to begin that process of self-destruction. Such an approach forms a parallel strategy to Irigaray's "castrating" and "mimetic" (rather than strictly "genealogical") approach of revealing Nietzsche's hidden ressentiment against the "feminine," while trying to keep to a minimum the latter's vulnerability to mirror-imaging charges of resseratiment. Instead of trying to effect a poetic conversation with Nietzsche by constructing a language other than, yet resonant with, Nietzsche's own in which direct interrogation and confrontation comprise the main strategy (as Irigaray does), I attempt a strategic appropriation of Nietzsche's own language in order to infect and implode that very language, with its attendant political vision and implicit delineation of authority. The notion of the "feminine' in Nietzsche is polyvalent, encompassing a diverse host of meanings, reverberating with, but never explicitly indicating, biological, sociological, political, linguistic, psychoanalytic, and theological dimensions. To demarcate more clearly, for methodological purposes, the scope of this book, I wish to stress, that this project's initial focus begins more strictly with the "feminine" rather than historical women within Nietzsche's texts. In a manner analogous to a theoretical move that Nicole Loraux begins with (but ultimately, also cannot sustain), "This is not. . . about women, though well before the final chapters, devoted to tile Study a few paradoxical [and mythical] feminine figures, . . . women are often discussed. . It is . . . about men or the feminine." Correspondingly, as I shall show, as Nietzsche's politics grows increasingly misogynistic, the borders separating "woman," "womanly," and the "feminine" break down. As the visages of Helen, Baubo, and Medusa recede from his texts, they are either combined with or are replaced by the new myths of "woman as-parasite" or "feminist-as-abortive-female." 55 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: NIETZSCHE THEIR ALT FAILS- IT IS CIRCULAR AND EVIL WILL PREVAIL Ferry and Renaut 1997 Andrew Comte-Sponville, 1997, Why we are not Nietzscheans, Edited by Luc Ferry and Alain Renaut, Translated by Robert De Loaiza, U Chic Press,Pages 53-55. Nietzsche would seem to deserve better than this philosophy for chatterers, but how can we escape from it? If there are no facts, Nietzsche himself is not a fact, and from that point on anyone can replace him to his own advantage through his own interpretation of Nietzsche, which itself will be nothing more than the interpretation of an interpretation, and so on into infinity. If there is no truth, it is not true that Nietzsche wrote what he wrote, nor that he wrote something else, nor that he didn't write anything. We therefore can say nothing about him, or rather we can say anything we like, which is nice and convenient: it isn't Pyrrho's aphasia, it's the indefinite chatter of the sophists! It is a fortiori an illusion, and anti-Nietzschean, to think that one knows what Nietzsche really thought! That of course makes him irrefutable, and irrefutable any interpretation we may wish to make of him. But what is the point, since at that point there is nothing more to refute or to interpret? And what's with this affirmative philosophy that leads only to the negation of everything ("there is no truth, no truth, no truth . . . "), to the subjectivist rejection of reality ("no facts, no facts, no facts . . . ")? Interpretation as the exclusion of the real. There are no facts: nothing but meaning! No truths: only evaluations! It is what Nietzsche calls "the supreme negation" (Kroner, XII, p.406) and the triumph of nihilism: "That there is no truth; no qualities to things, no `thing-in-itself.'-This itself is a nihilism, in fact the extremest" (WP, 13). Nietzsche, or sophistics in the service of nihilism. Nothing remains then but the subjective evaluation (without a subject, of course!) of the creator o f value: this nihilism, Nietzsche goes on, "places the value of things precisely in this, that these values correspond and corresponded to no reality, but only to a symptom of strength on the side of the value-giver, a simplification for the purpose o f life" (WP, t3). And, so, from affirmation to affirmation, all anyone affirms anymore is-himself! Heidegger was right at least on this point: Nietzscheanism really is a monadology without God,7s without monads even. It is also a subjectivism with neither subject nor object (or, what comes down to the same thing, an absolute relativism), and because of that without limits: "Nothing is true, everything is permitted" (Krhner, XII, p. 406). And from this we can conclude that Nietzscheanism is not true, yet that it is possible to be a Nietzscheanand we are certainly not going to dispute either one of these conclusions! But there is something more serious. The formulation in question is not only problematic from a logical and philosophical point of view, it is above all dangerous and-you will forgive me for coming hack tm this-morally, dangerous. If there is no truth, how are you going to resist lies? What would be the sense of asking, for instance, whether Dreyfus was really guilty or who really, set the Reichstag on fire? If there is no knowledge, how will you fight obscurantism and ignorance? It there are no facts but only interpretations, what objections will you make to the revisionists who maintain that the gas chambers are not . Precisely, a fact, only a point of view, a mere hypothesis, a mere interpretation by certain historians connected to the Jewish lobby? It may be objected that that was not Nietzsche's point of view certainly, those were not his examples. As for his point of view, I wouldn't know. In The Antichrist, after having praised Pontius Pilate's attitude ("One Jew more or less-what does it matter?"), Nietzsche adds: The noble scorn of a Roman, confronted with an impudent abuse of the word "truth," has enriched the Mew Testament with the only saying that has valueone which is its criticism, even its annihilation: "What is truth?" (AC, 46). Indeed, any judge can say that when he needs to condemn an innocent man. But can we accept that? Should we accept that? And how do we prevent it, if there are neither facts nor truths? In aphorism 4 of Beyond Good and Evil, after having announced, you will recall, that the falseness of a judgment was not for him an objection against that judgment since the only thing that counts is its vital utility, Nietzsche concludes: To recognize untruth as a condition of life-that certainly means resisting accustomed value feelings in a dangerous way; and a philosophy that risks this would by that token alone place itself beyond good and evil. Logic and morality go together. Nietzsche never pretended otherwise, and that is also what French philosopher Jean Cavailles taught before being shot by the Nazis.76But the latter drew diametrically op posite conclusions, remaining faithful to both logic and morality even unto death, where Nietzsche wished to get rid of both ("Everything is false! Everything is permitted!": WP, 60z) even unto madness. 56 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: SPEAKING FOR OTHERS BAD The alternative fails speaking for others is a prerequisite for successful policymaking. Alcoff, 1992 (Linda, Cultural Critique, Winter 1991-92, pp. 5-32, Professor of Philosophy, Women's Studies and Political Science and currently the Director of Women's Studies at Syracuse University, http://www.alcoff.com/content/speaothers.html) In her autobiographical book Menchu opens with the claim that her story is "not only my life, it's also the testimony of . . . all poor Guatemalans. My personal experience is the reality of a whole people" (1).Thus, throughout the book she asserts that she is speaking not only for her family and her community of Quiche Indians, but for all of the 33 other Indian communities of Guatemala, who speak different languages and have different customs and beliefs than the Quiche. She explains their situation with force and eloquence, and decisively refutes any "hierarchy of civilizations" view that would render her agrarian culture as inferior and therefore responsible for its own destruction. As a representative of the Fourth World, she offers a vivid critique of the genocidal practices from which these groups of people are still suffering.l Menchu's words have helped publicize the situation in Guatemala, raise money for the revolution, and bring pressure against the Guatemalan and U.S. governments who have committed the massacres in collusion. The point of this example is not to argue that for Menchu there is no problem of speaking for others. She herself is very aware of the dangers and instructively recounts how this problem was addressed in the revolutionary movement of the Indians. Attempts were made to train each resistance activist to perform all the necessary tasks, from building traps for the soldiers, to learning how to use a rifle, to going to the city for help. Structures of general training as opposed to specialization were emphasized in order to reduce the vulnerability of the movement to the death or betrayal of specific individuals. This was also the reason Menchu went to the city to become a house servant in order to learn Spanish: so the Quiche would no longer have to rely on others to represent their situation. (In many cases translators were paid by the government or landowners purposefully to mistranslate the Quiche words.) Also, she speaks with wry humor about a group of progressive Europeans who came to Guatemala and tried to help her village with new farming products. The village was not interested: the Europeans' assessment of what they needed was off the mark. Menchu and her family maintained friendly relations with the Europeans but patiently resisted their interpretations of the village's needs. Thus, Menchu cannot be constructed as a "naive" speaker unaware of the dangers and difficulties of speaking for others; she and her compafieros are well aware of the dangers since they have so often been the unhappy recipients of malicious or wellintentioned but wrongheaded attempts by others to speak for them. Yet instead of retreating from speaking for despite the significant and complex differences between the many Indian communities in Guatemala, she has not flinched from the opportunity to speak on behalf of all of them. Trebilcot's version of the retreat response needs to be looked at separately because she agrees that an absolute prohibition of speaking for would undermine political effectiveness. She applies her prohibition against the practice only within a lesbian feminist community. So it might be argued that the retreat from speaking for others can be maintained without sacrificing political effectivity if it is restricted to particular discursive spaces. Why might one advocate such a retreat? Trebilcot holds that speaking for and attempting to persuade others others, Menchu and her compaiieros devised methods to decrease the dangers. And inflicts a kind of discursive violence on the other and her beliefs. Given that interpretations and meanings are discursive constructions made by embodied speakers, Trebilcot worries that attempting to persuade or speak for another will cut off that person's ability or willingness to engage in the constructive act of developing meaning. Since no embodied speaker can produce more than a partial account, . I certainly agree that in some instances speaking for others constitutes a violence and should be stopped. But there remains a problem with the view that, even within a restricted, supportive community, the practice of speaking for others can be abandoned. This problem is that Trebilcot's position, as well as a more general retreat position, presumes an ontological configuration of the discursive context that simply does not obtain. In particular, it assumes that one can retreat into one's discrete location and make claims entirely and singularly based on that location that do not range over others, that one can disentangle oneself from the implicating networks between one's discursive practices and others' locations, situations, and practices. (In everyone's account needs to be encouraged (that is, within a specified community, which for Trebilcot is the lesbian community). There is much in Trebilcot's discussion with which I agree other words, the claim that I can speak only for myself assumes the autonomous conception of the self in Classical Liberal theory-that I am unconnected to others in my authentic self or that I can achieve an autonomy from others given certain conditions.) But there is no neutral place to stand free and clear in which one's words do not prescriptively affect or mediate the experience of others, nor is there a way to Even a complete retreat from speech is of course not neutral since it allows the continued dominance of current discourses and acts by omission to reinforce their dominance. As my practices are made possible by events decisively demarcate a boundary between one's location and all others. spatially far from my body so too my own practices make possible or impossible practices of others. The declaration that I "speak only for myself" has the sole effect of allowing me to avoid responsibility and accountability for my effects on others; it cannot literally erase those effects. Speaking for others is necessary when the other needs representation. Alcoff,1992 (Linda, Cultural Critique, Winter 1991-92, pp. 5-32, Professor of Philosophy, Women's Studies and Political Science and currently the Director of Women's Studies at Syracuse University, http://www.alcoff.com/content/speaothers.html) However, while there is much theoretical and practical work to be done to develop such alternatives, the practice of speaking for others remains the best possibility in some existing situations. An absolute retreat weakens political effectivity, is based on a metaphysical illusion, and often effects only an obscuring of the intellectual's power. Therefore, in the remainder of this paper I will ask, how can we lessen the dangers of speaking for? In rejecting a general retreat from speaking for, I am not advocating a return to an un-self-conscious appropriation of the other, but rather that anyone who speaks for others should only do so out of a concrete analysis of the particular power relations and discursive effects involved. I want to develop this point through elucidating four sets of interrogatory practices that are meant to help evaluate possible and actual instances of speaking for. In list form they may appear to resemble an algorithm, as if we could plug in an instance of speaking for and factor out an analysis and evaluation. However, they are meant only to suggest a list of the questions that should be asked concerning any such discursive practice. These are by no means original: they have been learned and practiced by many activists and theorists. 57 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: SPEAKING FOR OTHERS BAD Speaking for others is necessary to empower the silence and have a real political impact. Sells 1997 (Laura, Instructor of Speech Communication at Louisiana State University, "On Feminist Civility: Retrieving the Political in the Feminist Public Forum", this paper was presented at a Roundtable on "Public Speaking and the Feminist Public Sphere: Doing Difference Differently," at the Western States Communication Association conference, 1997.) n her recent article, "The Problems of Speaking For Others," Linda Alcoff points out the ways in which this retreat rhetoric has actually become an evasion of political responsibility. Alcoff's arguments are rich and their implications are many, but one implication is relevant to a vital feminist public forum. The retreat from speaking for others politically dangerous because it erodes public discourse. First, the retreat response presumes that we can, indeed, "retreat to a discrete location and make singular claims that are disentangled from other's locations." Alcoff calls this a "false ontological configuration" in which we ignore how our social locations are always already implicated in the locations of others. The position of "not speaking for others" thus becomes an alibi that allows individuals to avoid responsibility and accountability for their effects on others. The retreat, then, is actually a withdrawal to an individualist realm, a move that . As she points out, this move creates a protected form of speech in which the individual is above critique because she is not making claims about others. This protection also gives the speaker immunity from having to be "true" to the experiences and needs of others. As a form of protected speech, then, "not speaking for others" short-circuits public debate by disallowing critique and avoiding responsibility to the other. Second, the retreat response undercuts the possibility of political efficacy. Alcoff illustrates this point with a list of people--Steven Biko, Edward Said, Rigoberta Menchu--who have indeed spoken for others with significant political impact. As she bluntly puts it, both collective action and coalition necessitate speaking for others. reproduces an individualist ideology and privatizes the politics of experience Speaking for others is justified it brings the collective experience of the group into perspective. Marino 2005 (Lauren, "Speaking for Others",Macalester Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 14 [2005], Iss. 1, Art. 4 http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/philo/vol14/iss1/4) We return to the intuitive response to the struggle of oppressed groups: have the group speak for itself. Speaking becomes a type of agency in which I construct myself because contrary to a Cartesian self, selves do not exist prior to or separate from language. To lose my speech is to lose myself. The oppressed have the ability to communicate with each other and through their language game they are able to discuss their struggle with one another. Sharing languages games enables the oppressed to a specific, limited dimension of power. Their language game will always fail to communicate their struggle to those who have not been initiated into it. They have direct access to the experience of oppression and their agency, but they can only reach their own group. Those on the margin cannot reach those in the center. On the other hand, those in the center, the elites, share a language that can reach the majority of society. It is a language game they are familiar with and can use adeptly. However, they do not have the experience with or access to the language game of the oppressed. They have the power to use their language but nothing to say. The catch-22 is the choice between a group who embodies the agency and the dimensions of political struggle against oppression without a way to communicate it to the larger community, and a group with the language to reach society but is ignorant of the political struggle . There lies a need for a synergy between the experience of the oppressed on the margins and the language game of those in the center. The synergy requires a speaker who comes from the oppressed but has knowledge of the language game of the center. Such a person could incorporate the experience of the oppressed into a new language game that could be accessed by those in power. The concern is what is lost and sacrificed in translation. If the language games are so disparate that initiation in one, offers no insight into the rules of the other, than there is doubt that translation can be done at all. If translation cannot be done, the best to be hoped for is cooption forcing the margins into the mainstream. What then is The oppressed must produce intellectuals so that the dominated can speak to the dominating. The idea goes back to Antonio Gramsci's concept of the the solution? I agree with bell hooks that the oppressed mist celebrate their position on the margins. The oppressed should not try to move into the center but appreciate their counterculture. organic intellectual.7 The elites are indoctrinated in the ruling ideology and have an investment in the current order. No matter how progressive their politics may be, the elite will always be the elite. Their investment in the current social order precludes offers of true systemic change. Gramsci writes of the need for the working class to develop its own intellectuals who are organically tied to their class. This argument is similar to hooks' argument. The margin must produce organic intellectuals. It might be thought that these organic intellectuals should translate between language games. But as hooks points out, using "the oppressor's language" is not adequate because it cannot articulate the experience of the oppressed. Yet, it is the only language game the oppressing can play. Organic intellectuals affect the center from the margins if they are able to incorporate multiple voices in the texts they create. 58 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: SPEAKING FOR OTHERS BAD Finding an alternative to speaking for others is impossible. Your alternative assumes we all have clear-cut identities and only reifies the structures of difference which cause oppression in the first place. Alcoff 1992 (Linda Martn Alcoff, Department of Philosophy Syracuse University, "The Problem with Speaking for Others" Cultural Critique (Winter 1991-92), pp. 5-32 theorists, we are authorized by virtue of our academic positions to develop theories that express and encompass the ideas, needs, and goals of others. However, we must begin to ask ourselves whether this is ever a legitimate authority, and if so, what are the criteria for legitimacy? In particular, is it ever valid to speak for others who are unlike me or who are less privileged than me? We might try to delimit this problem as only As social arising when a more privileged person speaks for a less privileged one. In this case, we might say that I should only speak for groups of which I am a member. But this does not tell us how groups themselves should be delimited. For example, can a white woman speak for all women simply by virtue of being a woman? If not, how narrowly should we draw the categories? The complexity and multiplicity of group identifications could result in "communities" composed of single individuals. Moreover, the concept of groups assumes specious notions about clear-cut boundaries and "pure" identities. I am a Panamanian-American and a person of mixed ethnicity and race: half white/Angla and half Panamanian mestiza. The criterion of group identity leaves many unanswered questions for a person such as myself, since I have membership in many conflicting groups but my membership in all of them is problematic. Group identities and boundaries are ambiguous and permeable, and decisions about demarcating identity are always partly arbitrary. Another problem concerns how specific an identity needs to be to confer epistemic authority. Reflection on such problems quickly reveals that no easy solution to the problem of speaking for others can be found by simply restricting the practice to speaking for groups of which one is a member. When we don't talk about the events of others we only understand the world through out own social location, which leaves us disengaged from the implicating networks of power. Alcoff, 1992 (Linda, Cultural Critique, Winter 1991-92, pp. 5-32, Professor of Philosophy, Women's Studies and Political Science and currently the Director of Women's Studies at Syracuse University, http://www.alcoff.com/content/speaothers.html) Why might one advocate such a retreat? Trebilcot holds that speaking for and attempting to persuade others inflicts a kind of discursive violence on the other and her beliefs. Given that interpretations and meanings are discursive constructions made by embodied speakers, Trebilcot worries that attempting to persuade or speak for another will cut off that person's ability or willingness to engage in the constructive act of developing meaning. Since no embodied speaker can produce more than a partial account, everyone's account needs to be encouraged (that is, within a specified community, which for . I certainly agree that in some instances speaking for others constitutes a violence and should be stopped. But there remains a problem with the view that, even within a restricted, supportive community, the practice of speaking for others can be abandoned. This problem is that Trebilcot's position, as well as a more general retreat position, presumes an ontological configuration of the discursive context that simply does not obtain. In particular, it assumes that one can retreat into one's discrete location and make claims entirely and singularly based on that location that do not range over others, that one can disentangle oneself from the implicating networks between one's discursive practices and others' locations, situations, and practices. (In other words, the claim that I can speak only for myself assumes the autonomous Trebilcot is the lesbian community). There is much in Trebilcot's discussion with which I agree conception of the self in Classical Liberal theory-that I am unconnected to others in my authentic self or that I can achieve an autonomy from others given certain conditions.) But there is no neutral place to Even a complete retreat from speech is of course not neutral since it allows the continued dominance of current discourses and acts by omission to reinforce their dominance. As my practices are made possible by events spatially far from my body so too my own practices make possible or impossible stand free and clear in which one's words do not prescriptively affect or mediate the experience of others, nor is there a way to decisively demarcate a boundary between one's location and all others. practices of others. The declaration that I "speak only for myself" has the sole effect of allowing me to avoid responsibility and accountability for my effects on others; it cannot literally erase those effects. 59 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: SPEAKING FOR OTHERS BAD Even if representing Others "from above" risks colonialism, our acknowledgement of our complicity in oppression (e.g. the imperialism of the US) reverses the power equation and enables counter-hegemonic resistance Kothari, 1998 (Rite, Professor of Post Colonial Studies at St Xaviers, interventions, V1 N1, p35-6) Now to some of the more specific questions raised by Young: the issue of representation of minorities and recognizing them, a crucial aspect of postcolonialism, invests elite sections with an opportunity and onus of doing the recognizing. That is what happens in practice. Baldly stated, the postcolonial predicament is academic capital for metropolitan theoreticians in the first world, or for Third World theorists now resident in the metropolis. If a member of the `oppressive' group is engaged in the recognizing, chances are that she appropriates the voice of the colonized, representing them--thus engaging in another quasiorientalist activity. The crucial difference is that the recognition is not only of the subaltern by the mainstream or oppressor group, but also a recognition by the oppressor of herself as complicit in the structure of oppression. This recognition points to an exercise of the imagination, and a sympathetic entry into the other life-world. The representation that follows such a preliminary recognition is not appropriation of a voice but a description of how that voice might sound once it begins to speak. The balance between facilitating voice to the silent ones while remaining invisible is a delicate one and yet it is important to tread this path. Similarly, the situations of groups within the postcolonial nation-spaces are fodder for theorization by mainstream groups within that nation-space. Perm- Do Both to endorse a synergy between the experience of the oppressed on the margins and the language game of those in the center. This allows those you know to voice their experiences, while those with the voice can subvert the system. Marino 2005 (Lauren, "Speaking for Others",Macalester Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 14 [2005], Iss. 1, Art. 4 http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/philo/vol14/iss1/4) We return to the intuitive response to the struggle of oppressed groups: have the group speak for itself. Speaking becomes a type of agency in which I construct myself because contrary to a Cartesian self, selves do not exist prior to or separate from language. To lose my speech is to lose myself. The oppressed have the ability to communicate with each other and through their language game they are able to discuss their struggle with one another. Sharing languages games enables the oppressed to a specific, limited dimension of power. Their language game will always fail to communicate their struggle to those who have not been initiated into it. They have direct access to the experience of oppression and their agency, but they can only reach their own group. Those on the margin cannot reach those in the center. On the other hand, those in the center, the elites, share a language that can reach the majority of society. It is a language game they are familiar with and can use adeptly. However, they do not have the experience with or access to the language game of the oppressed. They have the power to use their language but nothing to say. The catch-22 is the choice between a group who embodies the agency and the dimensions of political struggle against oppression without a way to communicate it to the larger community, and a group with the language to reach society but is ignorant of the political struggle . There lies a need for a synergy between the experience of the oppressed on the margins and the language game of those in the center. The synergy requires a speaker who comes from the oppressed but has knowledge of the language game of the center. Such a person could incorporate the experience of the oppressed into a new language game that could be accessed by those in power. The concern is what is lost and sacrificed in translation. If the language games are so disparate that initiation in one, offers no insight into the rules of the other, than there is doubt that translation can be done at all. If translation cannot be done, the best to be hoped for is cooption forcing the margins into the mainstream. What then is the solution? I agree with bell hooks that the The oppressed must produce intellectuals so that the dominated can speak to the dominating. The idea goes back to Antonio Gramsci's concept of the organic intellectual.7 The elites are indoctrinated in the ruling ideology and have an investment in the current order. No matter how progressive their politics may be, the elite will always be the elite. Their investment in the current social order precludes offers of true systemic change. Gramsci writes of the need for the working class to develop its own intellectuals who are organically tied to their class. This argument is similar to hooks' argument. The margin must produce organic intellectuals. It might be thought that these organic intellectuals should translate between language games. But as hooks points out, using "the oppressor's language" is not adequate because it cannot articulate the experience of the oppressed. Yet, it is the only language game the oppressing can play. Organic intellectuals affect the center from the margins if they are able to oppressed mist celebrate their position on the margins. The oppressed should not try to move into the center but appreciate their counterculture. incorporate multiple voices in the texts they create. 60 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: INTERSECTIONALITY Question of sexuality shapes other forms of identity. The femininization of the Other spurs from systems of gender inequalities. The 1AC is the first step in deconstructing subjagation. Wilkerson 2002 Abby Wilkerson ( Prof of Philosophy at George Washington) " Disability, Sex Radicalism, and Political Agency" NWSA Journal 14.3 (2002) 33-57 These stories illustrate the political urgency of a radical politics of sex grounded in the experiences of all those groups who are most socially marginalized. Any public articulation of sexuality as an aspect of life to which everyone should be entitled, still remains almost unthinkable within mainstream discourse. Even less recognized is the strategic value of sexual stereotyping and other sexual harms as a signifi cant force in perpetuating the inequality of any oppressed group. I contend, therefore, that sexual democracy should be recognized as a key political struggle, not only because of the importance of the basic human right to sexual autonomy, but also because (as I will argue) a group's sexual status tends to refl ect and reinforce its broader political and social status. I understand sexual agency not merely as the capacity to choose, engage in, or refuse sex acts, but as a more profound good which is in many ways socially based, involving not only a sense of oneself as a sexual being, but also a larger social dimension in which others recognize and respect one's identity. We need a better understanding of the relationships between sexual agency and democracy. Sexuality must not be construed as one of many pursuits in life--like stamp collecting, bungee-jumping, or orchid growing--in which autonomy, understood as a political good, affords one the freedom to make individual choices. Rather, we should consider whether sexual agency is far more central to political agency than has generally been acknowledged so far. In my view, the socially based aspects of sexual agency constitute a hierarchy in which those who are most socially privileged on various axes of social difference (including sexual orientation along with race, class, age, and gender expression, among others) are, other factors being equal, most likely to be considered respectable, and therefore worthy citizens. As I will discuss shortly, if sexual deviance is understood entirely in terms of unorthodox sexual desires and practices, this obscures the impact of other axes of social difference on sexual identities of all groups, as well as sexual oppression related even to orthodox sexual practices and desires of heterosexual women. 61 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: INTERSECTIONALITY Intersectionality offers an empirical question that multiple different identities share similar outcomes, but that doesn't mean we focus all investigation into the complexity of those interlocking oppressions. The alternative would ignore the specificity of gender mechanisms in producing inequalities. Risman 2004 (Barbara, Professor and Head of the Department of Sociology at the University of Illinois Chicago, "Gender as a Social Structure: Theory Wrestling with Activism", Gender and Society, Volume 18, Issue 4, pg. 15-16, Jstor, 6-21-10) I concur with this consensus that gender must be understood within the context of the intersecting domains of inequality. The balkanization of research and theory into specializations of race or ethnicity or gender or stratification has undermined a sophisticated analysis of inequality (but see Reskin 2002; Schwalbe et al. 2000; Tilly 1999). I do not agree, however, with an operational strategy for scholarship that suggests the appropriate analytic solution is to only work within an intersectionality framework. While various axes of domination are always intersecting, the systems of inequality are not necessarily produced or re-created with identical social processes. The historical and current mechanisms that support gender inequality may or may not be those that are most significant for other kinds of oppression; whether this is the case is an empirical question. Gender research and theory can never again ignore how women's subordination differs within racial and ethnic communities or is constructed within class dynamics. Yet we should not therefore only study gender, race, and class simultaneously. There is a difference between an analysis of psychological, historical, or sociological mechanisms that construct inequality and the subjective experience of the outcomes of such mechanisms. There may be similarity of outcomes (e.g., experiences of oppression) along axes of oppression that arise from different causal mechanisms, but that is an empirical question, not a logical necessity. To focus all investigations into the complexity or subjective experience of interlocking oppressions would have us lose access to how the mechanisms for different kinds of inequality are produced. Feminist scholarship needs a both/and strategy (Collins 1998). We cannot study gender in isolation from other inequalities, nor can we only study inequalities' intersection and ignore the historical and contextual specificity that distinguishes the mechanisms that produce inequality by different categorical divisions, whether gender, race, ethnicity, nationality, sexuality, or class. 62 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: INTERSECTIONALITY Gender difference is the foundational difference of human society and serves as a model for all other differences. Hudson 2008 (Hudson, Valerie M., Mary Caprioli, Bonnie Ballif-Spanvill, Rose McDermott, and Chad F. Emmett.: "The Heart of the Matter: The Security of Women and the Security of States", Quarterly Journal: International Security, Vol 33, Issue 3, 7-45 6/21/10) SK Theoretically, there are strong reasons for believing that there is a relationship between the security of women and the security of states. Gender serves as a critical model for the societal treatment of difference between and among individuals and collectives. A long tradition in social psychology has found three basic differences that individuals notice immediately when they encounter a new person almost from infancy: age, gender, and race.5 Although there is some preliminary evidence that recognition of racial differences can be "erased" when such differences are crossed with coalitional status, no one has shown a similar disabling of gender recognition.6 Indeed, the psychologist Alice Eagley asserts, "Gender stereotypes trump race stereotypes in every social science test."7 In this way, gender, like age, becomes a basic category of identication and a profound marker of difference. Gender and age categorizations play variant roles in society. Everyone will someday move into another age group; in general, however, this cannot be of gender groupings. Gender difference is arguably the primary formative xed difference experienced in human society, 9 and sexual reproduction is the strongest evolutionary driver of human social arrangements.10 Concurring with these insights from psychological and evolutionary research, French philosopher Sylviane Agacinski reects, " It is always the difference of the sexes that serves as a model for all other differences, and the male/female hierarchy that is taken as a metaphor for all inter-ethnic hierarchies."11 Societal-based differences in gender status beliefs, reected in practices, customs, and law, have important political consequences, including consequences for nation-state security policy and conict and cooperation within and between nation-states. After outlining our theoretical framework, we survey the existing empirical literature linking the situation of women to the situation of states. We then present an initial empirical investigation of the framework's propositions. 63 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BUTLER The 1AC understands the complexity of sexuality and gender- but utilizes strategic usage of those identities in order to function in particular interactions. This type of cultural situatedness is part of the performantive aspect of gender. The permutation allows us to break down dichotomies, while challenging the masculinine system of power Davis 2009 Erin Calhoun Davis (Assist. Prof at Cornell in Sociology and Women's Studies) "Situation 'fluidity' (trans)gender identification and the regulation of gender diversity" Vol 15, Num 1. 2009 Individuals, whether transgendered or not, attempt to present themselves in a manner that facilitates social recognition and encourages suitable interactions. While not necessarily attempting to be dishonest in their self-presentation, individuals do not fully share all aspects of the self in every situation.8 As I argue in more detail below, gender presentations and identities are negotiated with particular people in particular settings and are contingent on the form and function of particular interactions.Gender identification is neither unconstrained nor homogeneously structured; the level and form of structural regulation is situational. C. Jacob Hale's discussion of the "multiple, context-specific, and purpose-specific sex/gender statuses" performed within the leatherdyke community illustrates the "cultural situatednesses" of gender performance and identification.9 As Hale indicates, a variety of subcultural gender rules and regulations exist alongside hegemonic gender norms. In contrast to settings in which diverse identification is hidden or punished, there are also environments in which a number of gender statuses beyond the man/woman dichotomy are recognized. Steven Schacht's examination of a drag community, for example, reveals six possible gender identities, from gay drag queen to straight man, into which participants may be classified.10 In settings such as queer play parties or drag courts, not only is gender diversity encouraged, but diverse identifications are part of the interactional framework. Further, Schacht's observations reveal that even in environments where a multiplicity of gender identities exists, gender is not unbounded. For example, he notes that "gender benders who challenge prevailing images of female beauty are summarily boycotted."11 While multiple gender options exist and individuals move in and out of these categories as they enter and leave this environment, gender identities continue to be structured such that movement across these categories, both within and across contexts, is regulated.12 For Schacht as for Hale, the transversing [End Page 100] and inhabiting of multiple gender categories remains context and purpose specific. Thus, in contrast to perceptions that gender diversity and movement across boundaries of identity are a result of freedom from bounded gender rules and classifications, fluidity is not simply outside but (like coherence and stability) is constituted in and across sociopolitical cultures. 64 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BUTLER Perm solves Best- Strategic Essentialism allows women to affirm emancipatory politics Baldwin, 1997 (Margaret A. Baldwin, Assoc. Prof Law @ FSU, Spring 1997, "Public Women and the Feminist State," 20 Harv. Women's L.J. 47, p ln) However salutary the postmodern goal of de-essentializing women, postmodern theory ultimately effaces the specific situation of public women, and forfeits altogether any account of gender along the way. This difficulty, and its implications for political strategy, is often spoken of but rarely addressed seriously within postmodern feminism. Denise Riley offers the diktat that at such junctures women can know amongst themselves "that 'women' don't exist -- while maintaining a politics of [*160] 'as if they existed' -- since the world behaves as if they unambiguously did." 434 Judith Butler makes the same tactical concession when she affirms the continued necessity of asserting "a generally shared conception of 'women'" 435 as a political strategy: Within feminism, it seems as if there is some political necessity to speak as and for women, and I would not contest that necessity. Surely, that is the way in which representational politics operates, and . . . lobbying efforts are virtually impossible without recourse to identity politics. So we agree that demonstrations and legislative efforts and radical movements need to make claims in the name of women. 436 Perm Solves Best- Allow for Strategic Essentialism Diamond, 2008 (Lisa, PhD in Human Development, "Sexual Fluidity: Understanding Women's Love and Desire", April 8, 2008, http://feministreview.blogspot.com/2008/04/sexual-fluidity-understandingwomens.html, 7/22/10, RL) Diamond argues that women's sexual responsiveness is situation-dependent, or fluid, making it possible for women to desire either men or women under certain circumstances. A model of fluidity helps us understand how women of all orientations may experience variations in their erotic and romantic feelings. She does not argue to eliminate the concept of sexual orientation, but rather to acknowledge that fluidity acts in tandem with orientation and that all women may experience different degrees of fluidity. Fluidity does not mean that women "choose" their orientation, but that women experience transformations in their lives based on a complex interplay of biological and environmental factors. 65 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BORDERS The affirmative's narrative of rape solves the terminal impact to geopolitical exclusion Hyndman 2007 (Jennifer, Professor in the Departments of Social Science and Geography, and is Associate Director, Research in the Centre for Refugee Studies at York, "Feminist Geopolitics Revisited: Body Counts in Iraq.", Professional Geographer, Volume 59, Issue 1, pg. 7-8, Ebsco, HC) O Tuathail describes O'Kane's work as suppressing a Western voice-of-god geopolitical script by rendering people, not states, its protagonists. Like stories of Margaret Hassan's kidnapping and eventual death, O'Kane's reports are politically engaging in relation to her audience with whom she ``establishes a moral proximity'' (O Tuathail 1996, 175). In so doing, she inserts her reader into the everyday realities of people affected by violent conflict. She attempted to invoke political change through these stories and through more obvious political tactics--such as an open letter to John Major, then Prime Minister of Britain--that built on these narratives of everyday people affect by war (O Tuathail 1996). Feminist geopolitics in the context of violent conflict narratives renders civilian people as embodied political subjects; it forges a space for the telling of their stories, not just those of states. In so doing, feminist geopolitic s destabilizes dominant and often disembodied geopolitical discourse. Combining Feminism and Geopolitics is best for praxis Hyndman 2004 (Jennifer, Professor in the Departments of Social Science and Geography, and is Associate Director, Research in the Centre for Refugee Studies at York, "Mind the gap: bridging feminist and political geography through geopolitics", Political Geography, Volume 23, Issue 3, Science Direct, HC) A decade ago, Dalby (1994) noted the lack of attention to gender at the intersection of IR theory and critical geopolitics, reiterating issues long raised by feminists in both geography ( Kofman and Peake, 1990 and Staeheli, 1994) and political science ( Peterson, 1992 and Whitworth, 1994). Following feminists in IR, he examined the ways in which geopolitical categories of security are gendered and of the gender-blind analysis of much IR theory. His overview of gender and feminism in IR underscores the dearth of feminist voices in this area of geography with notable exceptions. Dalby asks us to mind the gap, one that remains in place today despite important interventions by feminist political geographers who straddle the divide ( Kofman, 1996; Sharp, 1996a; Sharp, 1996b and Sharp, 2000b). Critical geopolitics is a useful departure point and antecedent to a feminist geopolitical imaginary; it is necessary but insufficient. Where critical geopolitics proves weakest, feminist geography galvanizes its radical political aims. Critical geopolitics exposes and interrogates the power relations embedded in dominant geopolitical narratives, but it largely fails to articulate other, more embodied ways of seeing. Without a feminist sensibility, critical geopoliticians are left with well-interrogated categories and a politicized approach to analysis, but no clear way forward in terms of political practice. 66 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BORDERS Action against patriarchy resolves geopolitical violence Hyndman 2007 (Jennifer, Professor in the Departments of Social Science and Geography, and is Associate Director, Research in the Centre for Refugee Studies at York, "Feminist Geopolitics Revisited: Body Counts in Iraq.", Professional Geographer, Volume 59, Issue 1, pg. 9-10, Ebsco, HC) In both Iraq and Afghanistan our deaths appear to matter much more than their deaths.8 The stakes are representational and political. ``The world's most powerful military today is led by a cabal of restless nationalists immersed in an antiintellectual culture of affect and aggressive militarism'' (O Tuathail 2003, 857).O Tuathail outlines William Connelly's argument that human thought is not merely representational but also ``enactive,'' that it is made possible by a level constituted through encounters and negotiations with the world: ``The affective tsunami unleashed by the terrorist attacks of 2001 is a broad and deep one that has set down a powerful somatic marker for most Americans'' (O Tuathail 2003, 859). Another tsunami of dead U.S. soldiers appears to be enacting greater wariness of the war in Iraq, a war Americans now believe has little to do with the attacks of 9/11. When our losses are mourned and broadcast, the deaths are more fully registered and the violence of the war questioned. These named bodies in the context of Iraq are generally not civilians but soldiers. Californian Maria Ruzicka (2005), in her last dispatch from Iraq, wrote that Recently, I obtained statistics on civilian casualties from a high-ranking U.S. military officer. . . . A good place to search for Iraqi civilian death counts is the Iraqi Assistance Center in Baghdad and the General Information Centers set up by the U.S. military across Iraq. Iraqis who have been harmed by Americans have the right to file claims for compensation at these locations. . . . These statistics demonstrate that the U.S. military does track civilian casualties. Ruzicka was a tireless activist who helped push the bill for the US$17.5 million compensation package through the U.S. Congress for Afghan and Iraqi victims of the war (MacKinnon 2005). She and her driver were killed in April 2005, driving to Baghdad airport. Did her body counts have an impact on the war itself? Certainly she paid a high price for her convictions, though she lived long enough to see some compensation for the families of civilians killed in Afghanistan and Iraq. Her efforts to narrate the stories of families as embodied political subjects, even victims, established the ``moral proximity'' O'Kane produced, and moved the United States to ``do something.'' Ruzicka's efforts were an expression of feminist geopolitics to the extent that they destabilized dominant geopolitical discourse by peopling it and by mobilizing the United States that invaded Iraq in the name of national security to provide some material security for the injured civilians and the families of those killed in that very invasion. Like Margaret Hassan, who was both like us and like them, and Maggie O'Kane who rendered ``their'' pain and suffering our own during anotherwar,Maria Ruzicka attempted to invoke proximity and familiarity. She did so by documenting the stories and losses of those affected by thewar in Iraq to lobby the U.S. government and inform the North American public. Critical race commentators such as Stuart Hall remind us that ``concrete political engagement does not translate into an anti-theoretical stance,'' but rather widens the notion of what constitutes theory. If you ask me what is the object of my work, the object of the work is to always reproduce the concrete in thought--not to generate another good theory, but to give a better-theorized account of concrete historical reality. This is not an anti-theoretical stance. I need theory in order to do this. But the goal is to understand the situation you started out with better than before. --(Stuart Hall, quoted in Nagar 2002, 184) Part of this project to bridge feminist and political geography, then, is to challenge the concepts, tools, and theories of political geography in ways that ``democratize knowledge production through recognition of the importance of situated knowledge and through critical engagement between scholarship and the world in which we live and work'' (Staeheli and Kofman 2004, 5). Feminist geopolitics challenges statecentric dominant geopolitical narratives that reduce dead bodies to fatality metrics by establishing moral proximity between those killed and those watching, and grounding disembod- ied epistemologies in the suffering and survival of players in the war, making them political subjects alongside states and armies. This article has revisited the strategic feminist geopolitics and normative liberal political position invoked in my earlier work on the war in Afghanistan in light of the war in Iraq. In the earlier piece, I discuss Michael Shapiro's (1997) distinction between strategic and ethnographic perspectives of mapping cultures of war. Strategic perspectives deepen identity attachments and formal boundaries by treating them as real, whereas ethnographic approaches aim to unsettle such taken-for-granted attachments by questioning the boundary-making narratives through which they are shaped. In trying to invoke political change according to the logic of its makers rather than critically engaging the terms of its struggle, I took a calculated risk that the former would be politically more effective than the latter. From strategic to ethnographic, my position has shifted. This article illustrates that embodied epistemologies provide alternative ways to frame war. The question of who is counted and who counts as subjects in this landscape of political violence points to a feminist geopolitics that may be more successful at disrupting the dominant geopolitical script of the war on terror in Iraq and elsewhere. Feminist geopolitics builds on the strengths of critical geopolitics, and in so doing recasts political possibilities by identifying fissures in dominant geopolitical scripts. But it goes further: it resuscitates the narratives of those affected by violent conflict, and recasts the subject of geopolitics as the fate of people, not simply as a struggle between states over oil and weapons of mass destruction. In very different ways Margaret Hassan and Maria Ruzicka embodied hope and prospects for change in Iraq. They defied simplistic binaries of us and them, here and there, but they also paid for such struggles with their lives . Their work destabilizes dominant geopolitical scripts and generates more epistemologically embodied ways of seeing.' 67 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BORDERS We must address concrete social inequalities prior to breaking down borders: the ORDER of our strategy is the central question, and the aff must come first Badiou 2002 (Alain, Professor of Philosophy at the European Graduate School, Ethics: An Essay on the Understanding of Evil, p 104105) I would say of the abolition of frontiers what I said a moment ago about the withering away of the state. I'm for it, I'm absolutely for it! But to be for something yields no active political principle in the situation. In reality, politics must always find its point of departure in the concrete situation. The question of knowing what happens to people who are in France is already a huge question. To refer this question back to a debate about the opening or the closing of borders, to the question of whether labour belongs to a global market or not, and so on, seems to forbid thinking about the situation itself and intervening in it so as to transform it. The guiding principle concerning these questions should be as follows. We still belong to a historical era dominated by states and borders. There is nothing to suggest that this situation is going to change completely in the near future. The real question is whether the regulations [reglementation] at issue are more or less consistent with egalitarian aspirations. We should first tackle the question of how, concretely, we treat the people who are here; and finally, what it is about the situation of their original countries that makes them want to leave. All three questions must be addressed, but in that order. To proclaim the slogan 'An end to frontiers' defines no real policy, because no one knows exactly what it means. Whereas by addressing the questions of how we treat the people who are here, who want to be here, or who find themselves obliged to leave their homes, we can initiate a genuine political process. 68 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BORDERS Feminist critique can be combined with critical geopolitics feminism solves by itself Hyndman 2004 (Jennifer, Professor in the Departments of Social Science and Geography, and is Associate Director, Research in the Centre for Refugee Studies at York, "Mind the gap: bridging feminist and political geography through geopolitics", Political Geography, Volume 23, Issue 3, Science Direct, HC) Tickner adds that many feminists in IR, like those in critical security-studies, define security more broadly, "as the diminution of all forms of violence, including physical, structural and ecological" (Tickner, 2001: p. 62). The more policy-based concept of "human security" builds on this idea and has circulated over the last decade in UN organizations and governments that attempt to underscore human rights violations within sovereign states and build legitimacy for international interventions to address insecurity when a government is unwilling or unable to provide protection. Human security, in theory, disaggregates the broader notion of security to a finer scale at which smaller political constituencies and vulnerable groups become visible and their security a public matter of concern ( Hyndman, 2001). Definitions vary from a narrow concept of freedom from fear for one's life to a broad rights-based understanding of security as freedom from the consequences of conflict that include poverty, lack of basic services, environmental degradation and the like. While the narrow concept of human security is most relevant to this discussion, Sylvester (1994) argues that security is a process of contentious struggle by people, not states. It is the focus of feminist geopolitics at multiple scales that include, I contend, the state. Geographer Eleonore Kofman imagines a feminist geopolitics that would incorporate feminist analyses and gender into an extant set of geopolitical practices. The most successful incorporation of feminist insights and gender issues into geopolitics would dismantle and democratize geopolitics such that it no longer involved the personnel of statecraft located with the most repressive echelons of the state. Real groups would then begin to figure in the landscapes and maps of the global economy and power relations. Geopolitics would open out into a broader context which we could call global political geography, in which comparative analyses and the local, however, that is defined, would also be included (Kofman, 1996: p. 218). Her description of feminist geopolitics aspires to a more democratic and less punitive version of state-centric realist geopolitics. She also tacitly identifies a gap in the geographical literature: that the scale at which security is generally conceptualized precludes collective concerns, civil groups, and individual protection . I aim to extend and animate the feminist imagination Kofman articulates by suggesting that a feminist geopolitical analytic need not only dismantle the dominant discourse of geopolitics but subvert, shift, and animate the geographically specific narratives of particular groups. Just as critical geopolitics should not be understood as a general theory of geopolitics or an authoritative intellectual negation of it, neither is feminist geopolitics about ushering in a new order of space. Whereas feminist critiques of IR query the primary categories of analyzing difference, critical geopolitics disputes the taken for granted containers into which geopolitics are poured (Weber, 1994). Both approaches implicitly or explicitly question the scale at which power is negotiated and inscribed. Developing a feminist geopolitical analytic is an important step towards reordering the conventions of security. Michael Shapiro (1996) addresses this issue, albeit only partially, in the critical geopolitics literature by distinguishing between strategic and ethnographic perspectives of mapping cultures of war. Neo-realist strategic perspectives deepen identity attachments and formal boundaries by treating them as "real" whereas ethnographic approaches aim to dethrone such taken-for-granted attachments by questioning the boundary-making narratives through which they are shaped . Through ethnographic perspectives embedded identities and strategic ways of seeing conflict and its consequences can be undone. Whereas critical geopolitics relies on ethnographic approaches, feminist geopolitics relies on both ethnographic and strategic approaches to enact other identity attachments and boundarymaking narratives. 69 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BORDERS The best way to break down the state centric model is through embracing the feminist kritik of international relations as the Aff does. Only by heeding the voices of those marginalized by the state can we give them political empowerment and break down the repressive state ideologies. Bleiker 2005 (Roland Bleiker, reader in peace studies and political theory at the University of Queensland, Australia and former chief of the office of the Swiss delegation to the Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission in Panmunjom. served as visiting fellow at Yonsei University and as visiting professor at Pusan National University. Divided Korea. Page 69-70) DF States do, of course, play a central role in East Asian security affairs. In that sense the strong statist language is not surprising. It is, perhaps, inevitable. We all slip into it, whether we want it or not. It is often the only way to address the key security dilemmas. But states are not monolithic entities. The policy formations within them are often hotly disputed and under constant transformation. Neither are states the only actors driving events. But statecentric metaphors of security relations make it very difficult to appreciate, or even recognize, the multitude of additional factors that shape security environments. Seen through a strategic studies lens, actors other than states--from international organizations to nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), business representatives, or average citizens--simply have no bearing on the political realm or at least not on its security dimensions. And yet these nonstate interactions offer perhaps one of the best opportunities to overcome the antagonistic identity practices that sustain the Korean conflict. An excellent model for bringing people into the realm of the political can be found in feminist critiques of international relations scholarship, which, much like its subdiscipline of security studies, remains wedded to a strong statecentric paradigm. In its prevailing neorealist and neoliberal form, international relations scholarship revolves around understanding the influence of structures and norms of state behavior. The only individuals who matter are those imbued with the power of a "decision maker": presidents, diplomats, generals, and the occasional CEO of a multinational company. Cynthia Enloe is among a group of innovative scholars who have challenged this narrow vision of the international. She interprets the dynamics of world politics from the vantage point of the margins, by heeding, for instance, the voices of women migrant workers in Mexico or sex workers in brothels outside U.S. military bases in Asia. By theorizing the international from the margins, Enloe reveals what otherwise would remain unnoticed: that "relations between governments depend not only on capital and weaponry, but also on the control of women as symbols, consumers, workers and emotional comforters."21 A similar visualization of nonstate transformations of security 70 toward an ethics of dialogue environments is needed in Korea. In this sense I now want to examine how a variety of factors, from the gradual opening of North Korea to the introduction of an engagement policy in the South, have engendered cross-border contacts that contain far more transformative potential than security experts acknowledge. Criticism asks questions with no answers- without a map of how to get over initial barriers, it is useless Murray 1997 (Alistair Murray , Professor of Political Science at the University of Wales, Reconstructing Realism, p. 185-186) It is this inability to articulate practical strategies which suggests the central difficult with such critical theoretical approaches. The progressive urge moves a stage further here, leading them to abandon almost entirely the problem of establishing some form of stable international order at this level in favour of a continuing revolution in search of a genuine cosmopolis. It generates such an emphasis on the pursuit of distant, ultimate objectives that they prove incapable of furnishing us with anything but the most vague and elusive of strategies, such an emphasis on moving towards a postWestphalian, boundary-less world that they are incapable of telling us anything about the problems facing us today. If, for theorists such as such a difficulty does not constitute a failure for critical theory within its own terms of reference, this position cannot he accepted uncritically. Without an ability to address contemporary problems, it is unable to provide strategies to overcome even the immediate obstacles in the way of its objective of a genuinely cosmopolitan society. And, without a guarantee that such a cosmopolitan society is even feasible, such a critical theoretical perspective simply offers us the perpetual redefinition of old problems in a new context and the persistent creation of new problems to replace old ones, without even the luxury of attempting to address them. 70 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BORDERS Realism is inevitable-and it's necessary to understand it to negotiate foreign policy Guzzini 1998 (Stefano Guzzini, assistant professor at the Central European University, Budapest College, Realism in International Relations and International Political Economy, pg. 212) As Chris Brown (1992: 90) very rightly pointed out, this pressure for a more scientific approach is, to some extent, pre ordained by the realist world-view itself. Realism claims to refer to an unproblematic reality, a claim that must invite for more objectivist methods. Indeed, as Carr (1946) depicted realism, it is precisely the assumption of an empirical, and not normative, access to the lessons of history (that is, historical wisdom expressed in causal terms) which set realism apart from more idealist approaches. Both tracks, the return to a common-sense realism and an invigorated empirical theory of realism, seem to get trapped in exactly the same way as did previous unsuccessful attempts. Their story will continue as long as the shared knowledge of the traditional diplomatic practice and the requirements and legitimacy of a social science, in particu lar in the US, are institutionally reproduced.Therefore, in a third step, this chapter also claims that it is impossible just to heap realism onto the dustbin of history and start anew. This is a non-option . Although realism as a strictly causal theory has been a disappointment, various realist assumptions are well alive in the minds of many practitioners and observers of international affairs . Although it does not correspond to a theory which helps us to understand a real world with objective laws, it is a world-view , which suggests thoughts about it, and which permeates our daily language for making sense of it. Realism has been a rich, albeit very contestable, reservoir of lessons of the past, of metaphors and historical analogies, which, in the hands of its most gifted representatives, have been proposed, at times imposed, and reproduced as guides to a common understanding of international affairs. Realism is alive in the collective memory and self-understanding of our (i.e. Western) foreign policy elite and public, whether educated or not. Hence, we cannot but deal with it. For this reason, forgetting realism is also questionable. Of course, academic observers should not bow to the whims of daily politics. But staying at distance, or being critical, does not mean that they should lose the capa city to understand the languages of those who make significant decisions, not only in government, but also in firms, NGOs, and other institutions. To the contrary, this understanding, as increasingly varied as it may be, is a prerequisite for their very profession. More particularly, it is a prerequisite for opposing the more irresponsible claims made in the name, although not always necessarily in the spirit, of realism. 71 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BORDERS IR's characteristic call for rejection means it will never be mainstreamed- alt's rejection results in MORE borders Ninkovich 1998 (Frank Ninkovich, Lecturer in Diplomacy @ St. Johns "No Post-Mortems for Postmodernism" Diplomatic History Vol. 22 #3 p. 461) Accepting the objective character of society also makes it possible to continue talking sensibly about culture, another term often avoided by postmodernists for fear that it can, once essentialized, turn into yet another "discourse of authenticity." Not least, this outlook leaves room for the role of uncertainty and the element of creative imagination. It is odd, in a way, that postmodernism should focus so much on knowledge practices to the neglect of its roots in Nietzsche's essentially esthetic view of theworld, all the more so as policymaking tends to be shot through with ignorance and uncertainty. Undoubtedly, the impersonal nature of discourse has much to do with this elbowing aside of individual creativity. But, as Anders Stephanson has argued in his pathbreaking interpretation of George Kennan, art may be closer to the nub of the matter.28 This unwillingness to admit that realists have a point in arguing that the world of international relations functions independently of our necessarily limited perceptions of it makes dialogue between the two professional camps virtually impossible. Some time ago Richard Rorty commented on the tendency of "edifying philosophers" like Wittgenstein and Heidegger to create their own hermetic languages rather than operate "constructively" within the existing linguistic framework of their disciplines.29 To accept them is a take-it or- leave it proposition. Constantinou, for one, sees no need to make concessions, "as if a scholarly genre owes a duty of intelligibility to those who often make little or no effort to learn the language it speaks" (p. 148). Admittedly, mainstream practitioners have not been eager to learn the lingo. But, as most travelers with some linguistic facility sooner or later find out, learning the language is not the problem; rather, it is getting agreement on which language the two parties shall speak. Thus, postmodern views, at least the kinds displayed in these volumes (which hardly exhaust the possibilities of the genre) will not connect with mainstream thinking about international relations save for the unlikely event of a paradigmatic revolution unless they speak to the concerns of orthodox scholars. And that would require a willingness to confront their own weaknesses, coupled with an ability to show how their strengths resolve difficulties that the realist approach creates for itself. Unfortunately,much of the postmodern idiom is a rejectionist, take-no-prisoners, exclusivizing practice that creates boundaries instead of overcoming them. If turnabout is fair play, it appears that the postmodernists are quite dependent for their identity upon the "other" of traditional IR theory. It is no small irony that practitioners of a language centered approach should find so little common ground for dialogue.30 72 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BORDERS Alternative doesn't solve--- the opening of borders does not result in a redefinition of identities they are irrelevant because populations will always identify with their ethnic category Newman, 06 (David, Department of Politics and Government, Ben Gurion University, Beer Sheba, Israel, Progress in Human Geography, April, "The lines that continue to separate us: borders in our 'borderless' world," vol. 30, no. 2, p. 147) The opening of borders does not, automatically, result in the hybridization of ethnic and national identity. Separate identities are dependent on the existence of group categorization, be they religious, cultural, economic, social or ethnic. Ethnicity remains a key determinant of group affiliation, inclusion and exclusion, while the removal, or opening, ofthe borders does not necessarily or automatically transform a member of a national State into a European, or global, citizen. Even if we have become more mobile and find it easier to cross the boundaries that previously hindered our movement, most of us retain strong ethnic or national affiliations and loyalties, be they territorial-focused or group affiliations (Sigurdson, 2000). The global access to cyberspace and the unhindered spatial dissemination of information and knowledge has, paradoxically, engendered a national identity among diaspora populations which have previously been remote and dislocated from their places (or parents' places) of origin, but who are now possessed with more information, and greater ease of access, to the ancestral (sic) homelands, and identify with the causes and struggles of the ethnic or national groups in faraway places. The Kritik re-entrenches the logic that it seeks to subvert. By creating a binary between the modern and postmodern approach it recreates the boundaries that it seeks to destroy. Jarvis 98 (Darryl S. L. Jarvis, Director of the Research Institute for International Risk and Lecturer in International Relations, The University of Sydney, Postmodernism: A Critical Typology, sagepub, http://pas.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/26/1/95.pdf) DF One of the central theoretical matrices of the postmodernist project, then, is a repudiation of organonist thought systems: an attempt to deconstruct inscribed means of reasoning and logic indicative of Western philosophy. This, undoubtedly, is what makes postmodernists so conspicuous and their project both tenacious and tenuous. For while postmodernists are patently anti-modernist, their very rationality and purpose is prescribed by the logic of modernity, whether as an alternative to it or a reaction against it. Thus, the anti-logic on which postmodern theory is founded can itself be seen as the binary opposite logic of modernity, entrapping postmodernists within modernist logic if only because of their own anti-logocentrism. This makes postmodern theory vulnerable not only to criticism that it is unable to escape the very logic it chastises, but also because those criticisms it levels against modernist discourse invariably repudiate postmodern theory too. As Kate Manzo observes, Even the most radically critical discourse easily slips into the form, the logic, and the implicit postulations of precisely what it seeks to contest, for it can never step completely outside of a heritage from which it must borrow its tools--its history, its language--in an attempt to destroy that heritage itself.19 73 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BORDERS The perm solves best. You have to combine the real-world approach of realism with post-modern critique so that a constructive debate can occur and both ideologies can give their best elements. Leslie 2000 (Alison Leslie, Department of International Relations at Leeds , International Relations and the Challenge of Postmodernism: Defending the Discipline. - Review - book review, BNet, Winter 2000, http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1309/is_4_37/ai_74583366/?tag=content;col1) DF As befits a book devoted to the subject of international relations, this volume is filled with images of deadly warfare and the necessary balance of powers, the running feud between the proponents of the traditional modem or "realist" school of thought which has dominated the field for much of the last 50 years, and a particularly subversive strain of postmodern deconstructionist theory which Jarvis believes now threatens to overturn, if not destroy, their work. Offering his book as a self-styled "Baedeker" to the so-called Third Debate, he repeatedly warns against the dangers of allowing international relations--an inherently outward-looking discipline concerned, by definition, with world affairs--to be held captive by an approach which he argues offers little more than a frustratingly tautological exploration of ontological and epistemological meaning. Hardly a mindless defender of the status quo, he dearly welcomes postmodernist theory's particular role within his own field in stimulating much-needed debate in a discipline currently somewhat at sea, thanks to the effective discrediting of both Marxist theory and nation-state ideology in the post-cold-war world. Attempting to save the baby by concentrating on the contents of the bathwater, he strives to rescue postmodernism's more positive contributions by focusing his wrath almost exclusively on what he sees as a particularly "destructive" brand of deconstruction practised by Richard Ashley and his followers. The permutation solves- borders theory should not be considered in a vacuum without regard for specific policies Johanson 2004 (Marta C., "SELF DETERMINATION AND BORDERS: The Obligation to Show Consideration for the Interests of Others," pg. 172-173) Choices between principles have been argued above to constitute a problematic response to colliding principles, and the remaining legal options therefore available are harmonisation, reconciliation or 'weighing' of principles against one another in specific contexts. How then is reconciliation, balancing or weighing to be effected? The primary way in which harmonisation or reconciliation possibly could be achieved is by interpretation. It is debatable, however, whether balancing, weighing or harmonising really falls within the scope of interpretation. If interpretation is limited to a dogmatic activity seeking only to clarify the meaning of norms, then application of the rules or principles in a situation where they come into conflict cannot fall within the definition. Balancing goes beyond this, as additional decisions and valuations are required when the issue is not of the priority of a rule over another rule. For interpretation to be useful as a tool in norm conflicts where, for example, the necessity of limiting the extent of principles seems a distinct possibility, it would have to determine the meaning of the norms in the context in which they are to be applied. It is clearly impossible to conduct such an interpretation without regard to the situation at hand. The logical conclusion is that interpretation of the UN Charter Purposes, at least in relation to issues of territory and boundaries, cannot be conducted in a vacuum. 74 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BORDERS The regional approach taken by the plan makes the permutation possible we don't reify borders Laitenen 2001 Professor of Political Science at Oulu University in Finland (Kari, International Journal of Peace Studies 6.2, "Reflecting the Security Border in the Post Cold War Context," www.gmu.edu/academic/ijps/vol6_2/Laitinen.htm) In the context of post-positivist (constructivist) security thought the notion of socio-spatial consciousness is essential and meaningful. Then, the specific security border reveals how it is not the question of certain physical borderlines as such, but the practical and mental traditions, practices and continuums which, quite often, prevent us from seeing and imagining a certain space or border in a different way. For instance, the eastern border of Finland and the Cold War demarcations of the western borders of Russia are such border continuums which still very much dominate the present security thinking. However, we should see how political spaces are being rearticulated to constitute new forms of community. We should understand the security border zones as a multifaceted dimension where each aspect reflects a different function or idea. Hence, we could detach ourselves form those traditional security border practices which so often dominate. During the Cold War the stability of borders seemed eternal. But, as we have witnessed, they are in a state of flux. Now, in an integrating Europe the main task is to find such political solutions which can be transformed into such socio-spatial consciousness which does not include the element of violence. Consequently, it would be possible to construct borders of co-operation (based on critical and comprehensive security thinking) instead of the borders of traditional exclusive security. 75 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BORDERS In the SPECIFIC context of Korea, the US military base hinders the breaking apart of borders and ensures absolute chaos between and among the currently divided Koreas Lee, 2004 (Sook-Jong, Professor of Public Administration at Sungkyunkwan University, http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/content/growinganti-us-sentiments-roil-old-alliance-south-korea, Last Modified: June 23, 2010, LV) The current anti-American sentiment in South Korea has several sources. Most Koreans support the world-wide criticism of US unilateralism in foreign policy. They also resent the role the US plays in South Korea. The popular perception that South Korea has played only a minor role in the countries' bilateral relations has begun to collide with South Koreans' growing nationalism. The American Army headquarters in downtown Seoul reminds proud younger Koreans of a foreign occupation. Pollution and noise from army bases are viewed as an infringement of national sovereignty. Victimization of young girls and prostitutes inspires more resentment. Many Koreans also see North Korea as less of a threat than in the past, causing them to question the need for deterrence help from US troops. Although older Koreans remember how much America sacrificed to defend South Korea from the communist invasion, younger Koreans have a different perception of security. The inter-Korean rapprochement and subsequent "sunshine" policy since the July 2000 meeting between President Kim and Kim Jong-Il planted the perception of North Korea as a poor brother to be helped by the rich South. A new inter-Korean nationalism advocating rapprochement and reunification is on the rise. Even the current standoff over North Korea's nuclear program has only strengthened South Koreans' anti-American sentiments. South Koreans blame the Bush Administration for defining North Korea as one of an "axis of evil" and creating military tension in the Korean peninsula. Although American officials repeatedly deny any planned preemptive strike against the nuclear sites in North Korea, some Koreans view relocation of American troops away from the demilitarized zone as preparation to minimize US casualties in the case of war. A significant number of South Koreans criticize the US for being preoccupied with its anti-terrorism and non-proliferation agendas without heeding its ally's desire for peace. Having experienced the terrible Korean War, pacifism is strongly ingrained among South Koreans. For them, the assured ultimate victory of the combined forces of South Korea and the US in a war with North Korea is not preferable to the current status-quo if one considers civilian casualties in the hundreds of thousands. As the seeds of the Korea War were planted by the post-World War II division of the Korean peninsula by the US and the Soviet Union, many South Koreans also believe that inter-Korean rapprochement and reunification should be controlled by Koreans themselves including those from the North. South Korea's progressive political leaders who currently hold power have taken up these anti-American sentiments and hopes for peaceful coexistence with North Korea. They advocate an independent foreign policy that diverges from Washington's confrontational approach to North Korea. But they must be alarmed by a recent US decision to move its troops in South Korea to Iraq and the subsequent US announcement to withdraw 12,500 US troops from South Korea. AntiAmerican sentiments are likely to dampen as most South Koreans are anxious to keep the remaining US troops. Korean progressives, meanwhile, face the dilemma that pursuing an equal partnership with the US would ultimately force South Korea to spend more money and personnel increasing its own defense capabilities. South Korean public support for the US-Korea alliance itself is still strong despite growing anti-American sentiments. Nevertheless, American policy makers should act to abate the anti-Americanism in Korean society for two reasons. First of all, negative feelings towards the US among Korean civilians could harm the traditionally robust US-Korea alliance. Close cooperation and trust between Washington and Seoul is more necessary than ever if the current nuclear crisis is to be resolved. And as the US moves soldiers from South Korea to Iraq, it must prove its continued commitment to South Korea's defense so that South Koreans feel confident about the alliance's future. Secondly, left unchecked, anti-US sentiment could transform domestic politics in South Korea. Inflated by South Korea's currently unstable political scene, anti-American sentiment mixed with strong nationalism could empower political leaders who would create tension and create a chasm in the alliance. If an empowered progressive force in South Korea radicalizes its position towards the US, the divided Korean society is likely to be engulfed by chaos. 76 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BORDERS Boundaries are not tied to colonization or state control- they are merely a means for reidentification Radcliffe and Westwood 1996 Radcliffe is a lecturer in Geography at the University of Cambridge, Westwood is a professor in sociology at the University of Leicester- 1996 (Sarah an Sallie, "Remaking the Nation" p. 129) The topographic work carried out by indigenous confederations the malleability of cartography's use, and some of the politics in its usage. Cartographies are not tied immutably into colonizing and projects of control, but can offer ambiguous spaces for re-identification. Since the late 1980s, the mobilization of indigenous groups for landclaims reveals the shifting political agendas around cartography and the possibility for its subversive appropriation. Yet such appropriation (occurring within the context of the state legal system, the state's sovereignty over subsoil, and the increasing globalized economy of the region) is restricted by the meanings powers and increasingly de-centred nature of control over land. Amazonian land surfaces have been nominally allocated to indigenous villages and nationalities. Your alternative to borders doesn't solve your impacts or the case --- the opening of borders does not result in a redefinition of identities they are irrelevant because populations will always identify with their ethnic category Newman, 06 Department of Politics and Government, Ben Gurion University, Beer Sheba, Israel (David, Progress in Human Geography, April, "The lines that continue to separate us: borders in our 'borderless' world," vol. 30, no. 2, p. 147) The opening of borders does not, automatically, result in the hybridization of ethnic and national identity. Separate identities are dependent on the existence of group categorization, be they religious, cultural, economic, social or ethnic. Ethnicity remains a key determinant of group affiliation, inclusion and exclusion, while the removal, or opening, ofthe borders does not necessarily or automatically transform a member of a national State into a European, or global, citizen. Even if we have become more mobile and find it easier to cross the boundaries that previously hindered our movement, most of us retain strong ethnic or national affiliations and loyalties, be they territorial-focused or group affiliations (Sigurdson, 2000). The global access to cyberspace and the unhindered spatial dissemination of information and knowledge has, paradoxically, engendered a national identity among diaspora populations which have previously been remote and dislocated from their places (or parents' places) of origin, but who are now possessed with more information, and greater ease of access, to the ancestral (sic) homelands, and identify with the causes and struggles of the ethnic or national groups in faraway places. 77 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BORDERS The permutation solves- borders theory should not be considered in a vacuum without regard for specific policies Johanson 2004 (Marta C., "SELF DETERMINATION AND BORDERS: The Obligation to Show Consideration for the Interests of Others," pg. 172-173) Choices between principles have been argued above to constitute a problematic response to colliding principles, and the remaining legal options therefore available are harmonisation, reconciliation or 'weighing' of principles against one another in specific contexts. How then is reconciliation, balancing or weighing to be effected? The primary way in which harmonisation or reconciliation possibly could be achieved is by interpretation. It is debatable, however, whether balancing, weighing or harmonising really falls within the scope of interpretation. If interpretation is limited to a dogmatic activity seeking only to clarify the meaning of norms, then application of the rules or principles in a situation where they come into conflict cannot fall within the definition. Balancing goes beyond this, as additional decisions and valuations are required when the issue is not of the priority of a rule over another rule. For interpretation to be useful as a tool in norm conflicts where, for example, the necessity of limiting the extent of principles seems a distinct possibility, it would have to determine the meaning of the norms in the context in which they are to be applied. It is clearly impossible to conduct such an interpretation without regard to the situation at hand. The logical conclusion is that interpretation of the UN Charter Purposes, at least in relation to issues of territory and boundaries, cannot be conducted in a vacuum. The regional approach taken by the plan makes the permutation possible we don't reify borders Laitenen 2001 (Kari, Professor of Political Science at Oulu University in Finland, International Journal of Peace Studies 6.2, "Reflecting the Security Border in the Post Cold War Context," www.gmu.edu/academic/ijps/vol6_2/Laitinen.htm) In the context of post-positivist (constructivist) security thought the notion of socio-spatial consciousness is essential and meaningful. Then, the specific security border reveals how it is not the question of certain physical borderlines as such, but the practical and mental traditions, practices and continuums which, quite often, prevent us from seeing and imagining a certain space or border in a different way. For instance, the eastern border of Finland and the Cold War demarcations of the western borders of Russia are such border continuums which still very much dominate the present security thinking. However, we should see how political spaces are being rearticulated to constitute new forms of community. We should understand the security border zones as a multifaceted dimension where each aspect reflects a different function or idea. Hence, we could detach ourselves form those traditional security border practices which so often dominate. During the Cold War the stability of borders seemed eternal. But, as we have witnessed, they are in a state of flux. Now, in an integrating Europe the main task is to find such political solutions which can be transformed into such socio-spatial consciousness which does not include the element of violence. Consequently, it would be possible to construct borders of co-operation (based on critical and comprehensive security thinking) instead of the borders of traditional exclusive security. 78 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BORDERS Borders are inevitable because states use them for security. Starr, 06 (Harvey, Dag Hammarskjold Professor in International Affairs and Chair of the Department of Political Science at the University of South Carolina. "International Borders: What They Are, What They Mean, and Why We Should Care" SAIS review vol. XXVI no.1, Winter-Spring, Project Muse). In a recent article on the nature of borders and their relationship to international conflict, this author noted: The location of states, their proximity to one another, and especially whether or not they share "borders," emerge time and again as key variables in studies of international conflict phenomena: from major power general war, to the diffusion of international conflict, to the analysis of peace between pairs of democracies... From Boulding's (1962) ideas of "behavior space," "loss-of-strength gradient" and "critical boundary" to the simple but profound concern of geographers that humans interact most with those to whom they are closest (Zipf 1949), there are powerful theoretical reasons to be interested in borders and how they affect international relations.1 Broadly, the concept of "border" has been an important one throughout world history. The concept of a border as the demarcation of two sovereign states was essential to the Westphalian state system that developed following the Thirty Years War. This example illustrates two related aspects of borders derived from realism's approach to international relations: borders as legal phenomena and borders as related to security. [End Page 3] International law and legal matters have never been key concerns of realism. However, territoriality is a central component of state security and is fundamental to the (more or less deterministic) geopolitical setting that also affects the security of states. Borders are inevitable Newman, 06 Department of Politics and Government, Ben Gurion University, Beer Sheba, Israel (David, Progress in Human Geography, April, "The lines that continue to separate us: borders in our 'borderless' world," vol. 30, no. 2, p. 143) We live in a world of lines and compartments. We may not necessarily see the lines, but they order our daily life practices, strength-ening our belonging to, and identity with, places and groups, while- at one and the same time - perpetuating and reperpet-uating notions of difference and othering. For some, the notion of a 'borderless' and 'deterritorialized' world has become a buzz word for globalization (Kuper, 2004; Caney, 2005), but it is not possible to imagine a world which is borderless or deterritorialized. Even the globalization purists would accept that the basic ordering of society requires categories and compartments, and that borders create order (Albert et at, 2001; van Houtum and van Naerssen, 2002). 79 MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex Trafficking Aff AT: BORDERS A lack of borders is disempowering, we must conceive of the appeal to locality as enabling for social resistance Angus 2004 (Ian, Prof Humanities @ Simon Fraser U-Vancouver "Empire, Borders, Place, A Critique of Hardt and Negri's Concept of Empire", Theory and Event, 7:3) The Canadian analysis of empire suggests that the expansive tendency of empire must be halted at a border in order for a different, non-imperial politics to begin. This other politics is of course not unaffected by the imperial politics that always attempts to reach over the border to annihilate the different. Nor is it always benign. The point is that it is not entirely explained, nor organized, by empire. Thus the border separating Canada from the United States has allowed elements of a non-imperial politics to be articulated and survive. Examples: a universal medicare system, multiculturalism, gay marriage, a peace-keeping military, the separation of Nunavut, etc. Of course all of these are endangered by forces within Canada as well as from the empire. Still, none of them would be possible without the border. The border must be understood as enabling, not as simply a temporary limit which empire will overcome, but as itself the source of the alternative. With this understanding of border as enabling difference one can analyze contemporary social movements in a manner entirely different from Hardt and Negri. First of all, the resources of the nation-state in protecting a space for an experimentation with alternatives should not be written off entirely (even given its reduced resources in the era of globalization). Nor regional and city movements. If one poses the question, not from the perspective of empire, but from that of the alternative, attempts by a coalition of critical social movements to capture spaces of opportunity necessarily lead them to address the continuing functions of such governments (which operate only because they contain a border which hampers direct imperial rule). But even more important, I think that the critical role of contemporary movements themselves in defending and redesigning self-reliant and diverse communities can be articulated through this concept of a border.25 In short, it's all about geography -- but as a politico-cultural space neither as a supposed bare determinism of 'the land just ran out' nor as a mathematical space. It's about how we will live here. That is the critical moment when all the global exchanges of empire hover to see whether they will win here, whether we will be just another anywhere, or whether this will be our place. This project has been underway for some time. We have already begun to engage in the next step of a dialogue between places, the intersection between non-imperial locations, from which the anti-imperial coalition is being formed. Theory must catch up with these events and, in order to do this, must criticize the terms in which such events are rendered. I don't claim to have sustained a full alternative in this essay, but I do hope to have shown that the Hardt and Negri version, though much discussed, not only does not do the job, but muddies the key issues 80 ...
View Full Document

Page1 / 80

MGW10-GT-Korea-AFF-K - MGW 2010 KRITIK LAB Koreaa Sex...

This preview shows document pages 1 - 2. Sign up to view the full document.

View Full Document Right Arrow Icon
Ask a homework question - tutors are online