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Unformatted text preview: Soc 183 Session 4 Residen/al Segrega/on and the Urban Underclass Debate Agenda Follow up on models of intergroup rela/ons from last week: The Post-Black Condi/on. The Crea/on of the GheIo and Racial Residen/al Segrega/on. The Underclass Debates Won't You Be My Neighbor? Demographic Change in Boston The Post-Black Condi/on Table 2.1: Segrega/on in Northern Ci/es 1860-1940 Black segrega/on was moderate in earlier periods, only slightly more severe than that experienced by European immigrants. The typical black resident of a nineteenth-century northern city lived in a neighborhood that was close to 90% white. LiIle evidence of "gheIoiza/on" among southern blacks prior to 1900. However, by 1940, paIern of segrega/on was in place Crea/on of the GheIo 1900-1940 Industrializa/on and Urbaniza/on of black popula/on were two main factors driving changing residen/al paIerns and the growth of segrega/on. Dense housing constructed near factories. Class segrega/on increased as transporta/on systems enabled expansion of ci/es and suburbs created for managerial class Demand for labor drew huge numbers of European immigrants to Industrial ci/es and drew blacks north in "Great Migra/on." From 80,000 black northern migrants per year in 1880's to 877,000 per year in the 1920's. Crea/on of the GheIo 1900-1940 Move was accompanied by rise in scien/fic racism and a more virulent strain of interpersonal racism and racial violence. Race riots spread across Northern ci/es at turn of the century. Race rela/ons among black elite and whites of earlier era were upended as all blacks lumped together into one group. Black elite unable to find housing commensurate with their social status. "In white eyes, black people belonged in black neighborhoods no maIer what their social or economic standing; the color line grew increasingly impermeable." Massey and Denton, p. 30. Crea/on of the GheIo 1900-1940 Spa/al isola/on grew steadily through 1940, establishing a paIern that would last more than 60 years. Immigrant Enclaves not the same as the black gheIo each may have had an ethnic character, but was in fact composed by an average of 22 ethnici/es. Black gheIo composed exclusively of blacks. As condi/ons in the gheIo deteriorated, blacks with means began moving into white areas crea/ng a cascading system of violence and exclusion as whites sought to "defend" their neighborhoods from mobile blacks. Fire-bombings were common. Neighborhood "improvement associa/ons" created to restrict black entry. Used zoning laws, formed "restric/ve covenants" that forbid owners from selling or ren/ng to blacks. Used technique of blockbus/ng to turn neighborhoods black one at a /me in order to keep desirable white neighborhoods intact. Soon these local efforts were enshrined in city ordinances strictly enforcing residen/al segrega/on. Maintenance of the GheIo 1940-1970 Postwar boom and government programs led to boost in housing construc/on and suburbaniza/on. FHA and VA loans,
combined with the interstate highway system to promote seIlement outside of the city center. Combina/on of white out-migra/on and con/nued black in-migra/on to ci/es let to massive expansion of the gheIo in the 1950's and 1960's. In a few short years, the popula/on of vast areas of Chicago's south and west sides became virtually all black , as did Cleveland's east side, Philadelphia's north and west sides, and in most of central city Newark, Detroit, Bal/more, and Washington D.C. Maintenance of the GheIo 1940-1970 FHA and VA loans built on founda/on of restric/ve covenants and favored white suburban areas over black inner city areas. Blatant, illegal redlining of black areas such as Paterson and Camden, New Jersey. Urban areas in decline by late 1950's leading to wave of "urban renewal" to allow local authori/es to acquire slum proper/es, assemble them into large parcels, clear them of exis/ng structures, and prepare them for "redevelopment." Replacement housing was required leading to massive public housing projects. Cri/cs charged that "urban renewal" meant "negro removal." Maintenance of the GheIo 1940-1970 "by 1970, ajer two decades of urban renewal, public housing in most large ci/es had become black reserva/ons, highly segregated from the rest of society and characterized by extreme social isola/on." Massey and Denton, p. 57 The replacement of low-density slums with high- density towers of poor families also reduced the class diversity of the gheIo and brought about a geographic concentra/on of poverty that was previously unimaginable. Hypersegrega/on Five dis/nct dimensions of geographic varia/on for black neighborhoods Unevenness: Overrepresenta/on or underrepresenta/on of blacks in residen/al space Isola*on: Rarely sharing a neighborhood with whites Clustered: Forms one large con/guous enclave or scaIered about in checkboard fashion. Concentrated: Focused in one small area or spread sparsely throughout the urban environment. Centralized: Located close to the city center or spread out along the periphery. Hypersegrega/on These five dimensions together define geographic traits that social scien/sts think of when they consider segrega/on. Can form an index with a high score on each dimension considered "worse" for blacks as it signals the removal of blacks from full par/cipa/on in urban society and limits their access to benefits. As segrega/on accumulates across mul/ple dimensions, its effects intensify. An area with scores greater than 60 on four out of five dimensions is considered "hypersegregated." Sixteen U.S. metropolitan areas met this standard in 1980. BoIom Line According to Massey and Denton, this new segrega/on of blacks socially and economically was the direct result of an unprecedented collabora/on between local and na/onal government, combined with virulent racism on the part of whites who refused to share residen/al space with blacks. This spa/al isola/on let to what we now think of as "the social problem" of the inner city. Economic depriva/on, social isola/on, and psychological aliena/on produced by decades of segrega/on led to a series of violent urban riots during the 1960's which led, not to reform and the dismantling of the gheIo, but to a further social distancing of Americans from the experience of the urban poor and the rollback of many of the social programs designed to aid them. Menace II Society Shows the mul/genera/onal connec/on between residen/al segrega/on, racism, economic disloca/on, inter-ethnic tensions, and cultural paIerns of behavior. Sort of sums everything up in one short clip. Urban Poverty Debates Much of our discourse over the past 20 years about inequality in general and about racial inequality in par/cular has centered on the "social problems" generated as a result of the rise of the gheIo that I just described. A variety of theore/cal perspec/ves have been offered to explain these problems. Why are things so bad in the gheIo? What are the factors determining who achieves upward mobility and moves away from the inner city? What are the rela/ve roles of race and class in these processes? William Julius Wilson: Declining Significance of Race Professor Wilson argues that the fate of blacks in America is now mostly dependent on the structure and fluctua/ons of the larger U.S. and global economy. The scale of ac/ve, current racism and discrimina/on in the labor market is small and does not have as much impact as larger trends in the economy. Massey and Denton: American Apartheid Current racial inequali/es are a direct func/on of the history of residen/al segrega/on, which was caused by decades of interpersonal racism and violence and supported by a variety of government policies. Made worse by economic transforma/ons. Ac/ve current racism not necessary for one to point directly to racism as a cause of contemporary racial inequality. The legacy of past racism is sufficient. Who's Right? Speaking past each other Declining significance of race does not mean vanished significance of race. Effect of larger economy is very strong as evidenced by black "progress" in the 1990's boom. Yet, blacks are not able to "convert" their gains into improved neighborhood outcomes at the same rate as other groups. Who's Right? Yet evidence of con/nuing labor market discrimina/on and interpersonal racism is strong. Residen/al segrega/on s/ll powerful, but loosening a bit. "Neighbor" book shows that racial antudes at root of neighborhood choices. Blacks s/ll at boIom of social hierarchy. Intersec/on of Race and Class History of Racial Discrimina/on, as manifest in residen/al segrega/on, interacts with trends in the economy and labor market. Favors certain geographic regions over others, favors the more highly educated over the lower educated. The exis/ng social isola/on and educa/onal and economic disadvantage of black Americans a direct result of racism and the residen/al segrega/on is concentrated and exacerbated by economic transforma/on. Contemporary Racial Inequality Trends in racial inequality in socioeconomic aIainment outlined by the Stoll can be seen in part as the legacy of racial discrimina/on as embodied by residen/al segrega/on and labor market exclusion but also as a func/on of secular fluctua/ons in the economy an labor market. No doubt that those who aIain high levels of educa/on can obtain higher incomes and beIer housing. Yet the opportunity do so is deeply condi/oned on race and place. And a racial gap exists at all levels of Socioeconomic aIainment. A New Apartheid? The gradual loosening of residen/al segrega/on and the growth in the black middle class may engender a new apartheid a divide in the prospects for those blacks raised in "underclass" environments and those raised outside of them. Modern liberal poli/cs (Democra/c) have largely lej the problem of the urban poor off the table, focusing instead on educa/onal aIainment and health care for all (race and place neutral). Structural Lynchpin Residen/al segrega/on can be seen as the "structural lynchpin" of modern racial inequality. It creates drama/c differences at the star/ng line powerfully condi/oning opportunity. Unlike simple class differences, segrega/on is in/mately /ed to historical and current racism. For this reason, it is increasingly important to understand the dynamics of neighborhood choice and loca/on if we are going to see addi/onal progress in narrowing the racial gap in SES. Won't You Be My Neighbor? 1. A detailed analysis of the rela/onship between individual-level social background characteris/cs and actual neighborhood outcomes Whites live in whiter, more affluent neighborhoods irrespec/ve of their individual characteris/cs, while almost the exact opposite is true for blacks. 2. Whites s/ll hold a variety of nega/ve stereotypes of blacks and perceive them as threats to their economic and poli/cal opportuni/es. These views have a direct effect on their preferences for neighborhood integra/on. Whites show indifference to moving to a neighborhood with up to 15% blacks but will not move into a home with more than 15% blacks in neighborhood Won't You Be My Neighbor? Blacks, La*nos, and Asians all appear to want both meaningful integra*on and a substan*al coethnic presence. Overwhelming majority of black respondents preferred integra/on, with slightly more preferring a small black majority to a fijy-fijy scenario. When considering integra*on with whites, La*nos and Asians appear similar to blacks. When considering integra*on with blacks, La*nos and Asians appeared similar to whites -- they resisted living near blacks. Won't You Be My Neighbor? BoEom Line: "All groups exhibit preferences for both meaningful integra*on and a substan*al presence of same-race neighbors, though preferences for same-race neighbors are not uniform across groups: whites exhibit the strongest preference for same-race neighbors, and blacks the weakest." p. 51 "Results vary by target group and demonstrate a racial rank-ordering of out-groups in which whites are always the most desirable out-group and blacks are always the least desirable." p. 52 "Preferences for integra*on decline and the number of out-group members increases." p. 52 Won't You Be My Neighbor? The Double Whammy To the extent that blacks prefer integrated neighborhoods, this is driven by their fear of white hos/lity. This is why they do not prefer majority white neighborhoods. There is no evidence of simple in- group affinity driving preferences. BoEom Line "White racial prejudice is a "double whammy" -- influen/al not only for its effect on whites' own integra/on antudes but also for its implica/ons for minority group preferences and residen/al search behavior." p. 54-55 The Structural Lynchpin Today: If residen/al segrega/on is the structural lynchpin of racial inequality, then we should see an improvement in a variety of outcomes if residen/al segrega/on begins to loosen. The first task is to examine residen/al segrega/on is decreasing, then to measure a variety of outcomes to measure the effect. This is one way to empirically adjudicate both the debates around race and class effects and debates about the future of the color line. Recent Demographic Trends in Boston Figure 1: Race/Ethnicity in Suffolk County 1970-2009 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% Hispanic/La/no 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 1970 1980 1990 2000 2009 Asian Black White 3 0 14 6 3 11 5 19 21 23 18.8 7 7.2 16 18.4 Figure 2: Foreign Born in Suffolk County 1970-2009 30 26 25 25.8 20 19 15 13 15 10 5 0 1970 1980 1990 Percent Foreign Born in Suffolk County 2000 2009 Percent White Suffolk County 1970-2000 1970 1980 1990 2000 Percent Black Suffolk County 1970-2000 1970 1980 1990 2000 Percent Asian Suffolk County 1970-2000 1970 1980 1990 2000 Percent Hispanic/La/no in Suffolk County 1970-2000 1970 1980 1990 2000 Percent Foreign Born in Suffolk County 1970-2000 1970 1980 1990 2000 Diversity Within Categories Country/Region of Origin for Hispanic/Latino Population: Suffolk County 2007 Other Hispanic or Latino 9% Mexican 8% South American 14% Puerto Rican 27% Mexican Puerto Rican Cuban Dominican (Dominican Republic) Central American South American Other Hispanic or Latino Central American 23% Cuban 2% Dominican (Dominican Republic) 17% Diversity Within the Black Popula/on in Boston Nativity of the Black Alone Population: Suffolk County 2007 31% Native Born Native Foreign Born Non-Native Foreign Born 2% 67% Diversity Within the Black Popula/on in Boston Ancestry of Non-Hispanic Black Population in Suffolk County: 2000 25% Other Ancestry (Includes American) Subsaharan African West Indian 14% 61% Recent Economic Trends (Mazen) The Post-Black Condi/on Toure arguing for the separa/on of race and culture. Can black solidarity be maintained on a purely poli/cal dimension without cultural similarity? Toure says yes, Kennedy confuses the maIer. Kennedy gives a variety of examples where we might want to police racial boundaries, but all of his examples are poli/cal, not cultural. On the other hand, all of Toure's complaints about iden/ty policing have to do with culture, not poli/cs. They are talking past each other The Post-Black Condi/on The ascrip/ve nature of race as opposed to ethnicity makes it much harder to "de-black" somebody. You can change your cultural behaviors, but if others s/ll consider you black based on your appearance you may s/ll have basis for solidarity with other blacks especially on a poli/cal dimension. The Post-Black Condi/on Who are these Post-Black people? What is the role of class? Of residen/al segrega/on? A strategy to buffer oneself from racism? Or a natural expression of individual interests and experience? TV on the Radio Jonelle Monae The New Boyz ...
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This note was uploaded on 03/27/2012 for the course SOC 183 taught by Professor Sethhannah during the Fall '11 term at Harvard.
- Fall '11