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Unformatted text preview: e of a response by an individual to all the members of the
maid (1.0) afionga i ali'i— ma failaunga!
'ua le faia lou lima inga 'ua 'e ka'oko!
You haven't done your hand [\£., played cards] since you've been
operated on [%£., you've gotten a tattoo]!
23. This third hypothesis makes this exchange similar to another one that took
place a decade earlier, when another matai spoke on my behalf to explain to the
Moe'ono of those days—the father of the person holding the Moe'ono title in this
interaction—what I w as writing on my notebook (see Duranti 1992b:91-92).
24. Given its context of use, this type of exchange is the most difficult to catch on
tape unless the researcher carefully plans the use of the audiorecorder or videocamera having in mind this type of greeting. Given that the decision to systematically
study greetings was made after returning from the field, although I witnessed and
participated in hundreds if not thousands of these exchanges, I have very few clear
and reliable "where are you going" greetings in my corpus. Despite this limitation,
however, I think that some hypotheses may be made about their organization and
in particular about the importance of their prepositional content.
25. The term ali'i, which historically comes from the Polynesian term for "chief'
(Proto-Polynesian aWd), maintains in Samoan this meaning for the higher-ranking 92 Journal of Linguistic Anthropology maiai. In (15), instead, it is u sed as a separate address form. It may also be used like
a title in English and other Indo-European languages: for example, before a first
name (ali'i Alesana 'Mr. Alesana') and as a descriptor (le ali'i lea 'this gentleman/fellow7). In contemporary Samoa, the term does not have restrictions in terms of age,
gender, or animacy. Thus ali'i may be used with a young child, a woman (e.g. ali'i
Elenoa 'Ms. Elinor"), or even an object (le ali'i lea can mean 'that person" or 'that
thing"). Such a variety of uses makes it difficult to provide a translation of its use
in the first line of (15), b ut it is clear that it should be understood as showing some
form of respect, however minimum, of the addressee's social persona. It contrasts,
for instance, with the informal address terms sole (for male recipients) and sunga
(for female recipients), which may be translated with English terms such as lad,
brother, or man and lassie, sister, or girl, respectively.
26. The alternative spelling and pronunciation is probably due to hypercorrection resulted from the soriolinguistic variation between n ([n]) and ng ([n]) (see
Duranti 1990; Duranti and Ochs 1986; Hovdhaugen 1986; Shore 1982).
27. To make it consistent with my transcription conventions (see the appendix),
I have changed Kramer's spelling of tuloga to tulounga.
28. The English acknowledgment parallels the way in which tulounga is sometimes
used by Samoan speakers, who seem to treat it as a nominalization as well....
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This note was uploaded on 01/16/2014 for the course ANTHRO 33 taught by Professor Wertheim during the Spring '08 term at UCLA.
- Spring '08
- The Bible