10 p a g e capitalism critique bdl link highways

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Unformatted text preview: fe, legitimizing—intellectually and physically—what has come to be known as Keynesian management of the economy. By sponsoring this infrastructure, New Dealers remade the built environment that managed the movement of people, goods, electricity, water, and waste. Among the New Deal's projects were some of the largest and most significant structures ever built in human history. 10 These programs not only anticipated the national highways and the military-industrial complex; in the postwar period government-sponsored economic development also looked abroad. For example, Harry Truman's Point IV program was conceived of as an international PWA, building roads and airports in countries like Afghanistan and Vietnam. Similarly, Lyndon Johnson's vision of exporting Keynesian style economic development to Southeast Asia by replicating the Tennessee Valley Authority on the Mekong Delta reflected the powerful example set by the New Deal. After World War II, construction firms like Bechtel and Brown & Root (today a subsidiary of Halliburton) took their expertise overseas as well. The New Deal's public works programs employed millions of unemployed workers, both urban and rural, while building the infrastructure that helped integrate the disparate regions of the country into a national market 8|Page Capitalism Critique BDL Link – Railroads [___] High speed rail infrastructure will only reinforce urban capitalism and the mobility of business to exploit workers Deike Peters, Associated Faculty at Center for Metropolitan Studies, 2009 (Summer 2009. "The Renaissance of Inner-City Rail Station Areas: A Key Element in Contemporary Urban Restructuring, Dynamics") The ongoing remaking of urban cores through urban redevelopment mega-projects is part and parcel of the “urbanization of neoliberalism” (Brenner and Theodore 2002) and postFordist restructuring. Large-scale manufacturing employment and production have given way to an urban economy dominated by service-, knowledge-, and consumption-based industries (Harvey 1989). The heightened competition for investments forces cities’ governing elites to search proactively for new opportunities of economic growth, leading to processes of disembedding (Castells 1996), the emergence of new “geographies of centrality” (Sassen 1991), and a shift from a “managerial” to an “entrepreneurial” governance approach (Harvey 1989; Dangschat 1992). Meanwhile, new logistics and distribution gateways and terminals are emerging at the edges of large metropolitan areas (Hesse 2008). Central cities are gaining ground as key locales for capitalist consumption and culture. Urban cores are (re-)gentrified as attractive tourist spaces (Judd and Fainstein 1999; Hoffman et al. 2003; Hannigan 1999) and as prime living and working spaces for the “creative class” (Florida 2002). An updated version of urban “growth machine politics” emerges (Molotch 1976; Logan and Molotch 1987; Savitch and Kantor 2002) which, in Europe, is strongly related to the EU Lisbon Agenda and corresponding national politics. The specifics of these processes need to be understood through solid macro- and micro-level analyses that feature in-depth...
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