Notes on Chapter 4 of Olcott

The court agreed and then ruled that all of the 1994

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Unformatted text preview: launched investigations of acts of abuses of freedom of speech - Another law, Law of Natl Security give gov the right to close down news media- has also tried to restrict internet - This crackdown on media does not help the anti- corruption façade of the government - Bias in the Kazakh media towards Russia agendas, but still rely on Russian media as an alternative source of news Parliament Flexes and Pluralism Delayed 1994- 1995 atmosphere: 1. partially unfettered media, 2. vocal parliament: unproductive, but assertive still and developed some of the characteristics of an institution capable of providing checks and balances, even Nazar supporters understood this • Speaker Abish Kekilbayev represented this newly found responsibility- tried to increase competency, began holding people accountable for actually passing legislation, tried to salvage some parliamentary power from the executive 3. rapidly differentiated society, 4. privatization created huge class gaps, minority classes feeling disadvantaged, 5. but public support for Nazar stayed high (72.3% among Kazakhs and 55.1% among Russians) 6. undeveloped judiciary- shortage of trained jurists and judges without autonomy- unorganized with 3 separate supreme courts with the constitutional court the least active of all Kvatkovskaya case: - the constitutional court unexpectedly ruled in favor of a complaint by a journalist that the electoral districts were disproportionally drawn. The court agreed and then ruled that all of the 1994 parliamentary elections were unconstitutional - might have been organized by Nazarbayev (Kvatkovskaya went on to head a party and the judge was awarded a cabinet position) or/and if it was a power play by the court - nevertheless, Nazar was happy because he was able to dissolve the parliament, declared direct presidential rule, but tried to do...
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This document was uploaded on 03/17/2014 for the course GOVT 293 at Georgetown.

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