McNamara,Rewriting Zapata Generational Conflict.pdf

56 i am qualifying brunks view of zapata as a born

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56. I am qualifying Brunk’s view of Zapata as a born leader: ‘‘In 1909 Zapata was ready. Strong, angry, and charismatic, he was the kind of man who might lead a rev- olution.’’ Brunk, Emiliano Zapata, 23. 57. Samuel Brunk, The Posthumous Career of Emiliano Zapata: Myth, Memory, and Mexico’s Twentieth Century (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2008). See also William Schell, Jr., ‘‘Emiliano Zapata and the Old Regime: Myth, Memory, and Method,’’ Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 125:1 (2009), 327–365; Dennis L. Gilbert, ‘‘Emiliano Zapata: Textbook Hero,’’ Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 19:1 (2003), 127–159; JoAnn Martin, ‘‘Contesting Authenticity: Battles over the 144 Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos This content downloaded from 73.244.149.220 on Mon, 08 Oct 2018 22:59:15 UTC All use subject to
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proposed moving in 1907 remained in the village, they did not get into a revolution in 1910 because they refused to move. The 1907 proposal mentioned specific tracts of land where those who agreed to move would relocate: Chautla, La Zavila, and La Ca- noa. We know from a 1909 land census that families had divided some of this property for farming and used it according to custom rights. This census, reprinted in Hern´ andez Ch´ avez’s, Anenecuilco, listed tracts controlled by individuals and families for areas desig- nated as Hu´ ajar, La Canoa, and Chautla. 58 Comparing this census with the signers of the 1907 letter, we can identify significant inequal- ity in terms of access to land within the community. The impact of this inequality led individuals to think differently about the impor- tance of legal land titles. The 83 signers of the 1907 letter represented 22 percent of the farmers in the 1909 census who farmed on 20 percent of the total land listed in the census, a small fraction of the community. Younger men in Anenecuilco simply did not have equal access to land; and the older men who did have access to land did not want to alter the current arrangement. 59 Family access to land reveals even greater inequality than indi- vidual access. Several generations of forty-nine families farmed on the land mentioned in the 1909 census. But the land was not evenly distributed among these families. Just 10 families (or 20 percent) listed in the 1909 census controlled more than half (52 percent) of all the land mentioned. Another 20 percent controlled 22 percent of the land. The bottom 20 percent of families had access to just 4 percent of the land mentioned in the census. (See Table 2.) 60 - Representation of History in Morelos, Mexico,’’ Ethnohistory 40:3 (1993), 438–465; and Salvador Rueda Smithers, ‘‘Emiliano Zapata: Los siglos de un caudillo, biograf´ ıa de un s´ ımbolo,’’ in Estad´ ısticas, caciques y caudillos , Carlos Mart´ ınez Assad, ed. (Mexico: UNAM, 1988), 133–151.
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