likened to breasts but which I see as placental) that leads us innocents into a place of foul flesh and abasement.No link turn – widespread opposition – only a risk of the link Walton 4[Heather, “The Gender of the Cyborg” Theology Sexuality 2004 10: 33]However, it is also plain why this post/human figure is an anathema to other women activists. Feminist politics are marked by what Curti has described as a nostalgic ’preoccupation with the abandonment of the real, particularly the political real’(1998: 1). The reality check of this nostalgic feminism is the figure of the flesh and blood woman in living relation with others and suffering material oppression. It is against the representations of this figure(who is also a cultural fabulation) that all feminist interventions are judged. What is to be feared is that her needs will be neglected by those who are supposed to be dedicated to her emancipation as they are seduced by other, more trivial but superficially engaging, concerns. It is not going to be easy to persuade feminists(particularly religious feminists and feminist theologians) to relinquish this icon and embrace silicon skin. And perhaps the nostalgia Curti correctly identifies within contemporary feminism for the real struggles of real women should be viewed as a legitimate defensive reaction to the illusion that transformed political futures are easily achieved through processes of cultural change and resymbolization. Surely the mechanisms of power which have regulated sexual relations in the past so effectively are not so easily transformed?[khirn]pg. 11
[File Title][khirn]Michigan Debate 2015-2016Page 131nc case frontlineThey cede politics to the right and reinscribe gender rolesMcCluskey 8[Martha, Professor of Law and William J. Magavern Faculty Scholar @ SUNY Buffalo Law, “How Queer Theory Makes Neoliberalism Sexy”, Buffalo Legal Studies Research Paper No. 2008-15]Queer theory's anti-moralism workstogether withits anti-statism to advancenot simply "politics," but a specific vision of good "politics" seemingly defined in opposition to progressive law and morality. This anti-statist focus distinguishes queer theory from other critical legal theories that bring questions of power to bear on moral ideals of justice. Kendall Thomas (2002), for example, articulates a critical political model that sees justice as a problem of "power, antagonism, and interest,"(p. 86) involving questions of how to constitute and support individuals as citizens with interests and actions that count as alternative visions of the public. Thomas contrasts this political model of justice with a moral justice aimed at discovering principles of fairness or institutional processes based in rational consensus and on personal feelings of respect and dignity. Rather than evaluating the moral costs and benefits of a particular policy by analyzing its impact in terms of harm or pleasure, Thomas suggests that a political vision of justice would focus on analyzinghow policies produce and enhance the collective power of particular "publics" and "counterpublics" (pp. 91—5).