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– that there are also major disparities in the quality of schooling, which tendto magnify inequalities in the ‘quantity’ of schooling – much more so than in many othercountries.4. Quoted in Lion Agrawal (2008), p. 214. On Lohia’s life and thought, see YogendraYadav (2010a, 2010b).5. Another resilient social division is that between Adivasis (‘scheduled tribes’) and the rest.Adivasis account for about 8 per cent of India’s population, and many of them face thesame sort of disadvantages and discrimination as the Dalits or ‘scheduled castes’, as wellas other vulnerabilities such as frequent exposure to forced displacement. Further, whileDalits are a significant political force, there has been little organized political pressurefor Adivasi interests, perpetuating their disadvantaged position in Indian society.6. See Drèze and Gazdar (1996), with reference to Uttar Pradesh.7. World Bank (2011a), p. 23. On income inequality in India, see also Vanneman andDubey (forthcoming).8. See Deaton and Drèze (2002), Banerjee and Piketty (2005), Jayadev et al. (2007), Sarkarand Mehta (2010), World Bank (2011a), Weisskopf (2011), Asian Development Bank(2012), among others.9. See Deaton and Drèze (2002), Himanshu (2007), World Bank (2011a), Datt andRavallion (2010), Kapoor (2013), Kotwal and Roy Chaudhuri (2013).10. See e.g. Wilkinson and Marmot (2003) and Wilkinson and Pickett (2009).11. For further discussion of these and other social consequences of economic inequality, seeThomas Weisskopf (2011) and the literature cited there.12. There is a large sociological and anthropological literature on this; for a review, seeAndré Béteille (2012). On the caste system (and how it is changing) in contemporaryIndia,seealsoM.N.Srinivas(1995),KanchaIlaiah (1996),C.J.Fuller(1997),Ghanshyam Shah et al. (2006), Gail Omvedt (2008, 2010), Thorat and Newman (2010),K. Balagopal (2011), among many others.13. Powerful first-hand accounts of this oppression have been written by Laxman Gaikwad(1998), Omprakash Valmiki (2003), B. R. Ambedkar (2011), among many others. Seealso Sharmila Rege (2006) and Shah et al. (2006).14. The position of Kayashtas in the traditional fourfoldvarnasystem (Brahmin, Kshatriya,Vaishya, Shudra) is not entirely clear and varies between different regions of India. Theyare often regarded as Kshatriyas. What is not in doubt is that they are in that sort ofleague – near the top.15. As it happens, at least 7 of India’s 14 prime ministers (Jawaharlal Nehru, Lal BahadurShastri,IndiraGandhi,RajivGandhi,GulzarilalNanda,V.P.Singh and ChandraShekhar) were also born, brought up, educated or elected in Allahabad.16. See e.g. B. N. Uniyal (1996), J. Balasubramaniam (2011) and Robin Jeffrey (2012) onmedia houses; Harish Damodaran (2008) and Ajit et al. (2012) on corporate boards andindustry leadership; Karan Tejpal (2012) on polo teams; Richard Cashman (1980), S.
Anand (2003), Andrew Stevenson (2008) on cricket teams. At the time of Stevenson’scount, in 2008, 7 out of 11 players in the Indian cricket team were Brahmins (about 4per cent of Indians belong to the Brahmin caste); the chairman of the national cricketacademy – also a Brahmin – apparently dismissed this as a ‘coincidence’.