Mady- Popular Discontent Revolution and Democratization in Egypt in a Globalizing world.pdf

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5. For more detail, see A L K UWARI ( ϱέ΍ϮϜϟ΍ ϲϠϋ ), D ESPOTISM IN C ONTEMPORARY A RAB R EGIMES ( ΓήλΎόϤϟ΍ ΔϴΑήόϟ΍ ϢϜΤϟ΍ Ϣψϧ ϲϓ Ω΍ΪΒΘγϻ΍ ) (2005) (Leb.) (discussing authoritarian regimes manipulating citizens). 6. A BDEL -F ATTAH M ADY , I SLAM AND D EMOCRACY : E LITE P OLITICAL A TTITUDES AND THE D EMOCRATIZATION P ROCESS IN THE A RAB R EGION 51 (2005). 7. Larry Diamond, Can the Whole World Become Democratic? Democracy, Development, and International Policies 21 (Apr. 17, 2003) (on file with the Center for the Study of Democracy), available at . 8. M ADY , supra note 6 (examining political attitudes in the Arab region towards democratization). This content downloaded from 131.94.16.10 on Fri, 11 Jan 2019 02:33:54 UTC All use subject to
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P OPULAR D ISCONTENT , R EVOLUTION , AND D EMOCRATIZATION IN E GYPT 317 a democratic opposition, thus impeding a recurrence of the Polish, the Philippine, or the Mexican democratization experiences. Further, Mubarak had learned not to trust the outcome of truly democratic elections in order to avoid going through an experience similar to that of Hungary or Chile. Moreover, if Mexico—where the technocrats were in power and participated in their county’s democratic transition—is compared to Egypt, 9 it becomes evident that the ruling party in Egypt had succeeded at keeping a tight grip over both the old guard and those known as the new generation (the so-called Future trend within the ruling party, led by the President’s son and a group of businessmen). 10 The party had also attracted independent politicians who won parliamentary seats without being nominated by the ruling party. 11 Among the factors that helped the ruling elites maintain their control over society and hinder democratic transition was the sectarian issue between Muslims and Copts. The ruling party utilized fear of sectarian unrest to justify its attempts to maintain the status quo. 12 In addition, for decades public pressure remained mild in Egypt. The demonstrations that took place were usually motivated by economic or regional rather than political causes. 13 Although new forms of political activism, such as the Kifaya movement or blogging, had become part of the political scene, they had failed to attract more than a few hundred supporters in a country of eighty million people in 2007. 14 These activities had not led to the emergence of a moderate leadership, and the political discourse could not rally diverse political forces. In 2011, the youth and protest movements managed to mobilize huge numbers of people by using social networks. As discussed below, social networks have enabled mobilization of the people and execution of 9. See generally Diane Singerman, The Politics of Emergency Rule in Egypt , 101 C URRENT H IST . 29 (2002) (explaining Egypt’s government’s use of military law, political regulation, and military law as a basis to retain state control).
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