Again this cou create a link between diversity and states that operates through

Again this cou create a link between diversity and

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regional units is a ruler’s rational response to territorial expansion. Again, this could create a link between diversity and states that operates through the geographic scope of a society, and not through trade. I have three strategies for dismissing this alternative explanation of my results. The first is to adopt the “virtual countries” approach of Michalopoulos (2008). I divide the
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ECOLOGY, TRADE AND STATES IN PRE-COLONIAL AFRICA 19 T ABLE 11. Alternative stories: Artificial countries and area groups [Table 11 here] African continent into squares 1 by 1 (see Figure 7) and repeat the main analysis. Ex- cepting coastal societies, the units of observation now all have the same area. Because several ethnic groups might intersect a single square, I keep the levels of jurisdiction of the most centralized state as that square’s measure of state centralization; that so- ciety’s crop type, date of observation, and ethnographic region are also kept for the analysis. Results are presented in Table 11. These are even more statistically robust than the main results. Similarly, because the unit of observation for the main analysis is the ethnic group, this approach mitigates the concern that multi-ethnic states will be “double-counted” in the data. Second, I restrict the sample to societies of similar areas. I compute area quintiles for all ethnic groups. In Table 11, I report the results if the smallest quintile (Q1), largest quintile (Q5) or both are dropped. Results are robust to this sample restriction, and the coefficients on ecological diversity are greatest when both the largest and smallest ethnic groups are removed from the sample. Third, I control for area directly in Table 13 and show that the main effect does not disappear. I discuss this in greater detail below. 5.2. States conquer trading regions. The second alternative explanation of the results is that states emerge for reasons unrelated to the gains from trade, and then move to occupy prime trading regions through migration or conquest. My first argument against this alternative story is to appeal to the artificial country results above. That similar results can be achieved using units with regular boundaries suggests that diversity does not result from the irregularly-shaped boundaries of ethnic groups that have conquered their surroundings in ways that overlap with ecology. My second strategy for dismissing this alternative story is to give narrative evidence on the most influential (in terms of dfbeta) societies in the data. The top fourteen of these are listed in Table 12. The central argument of this paper is that trade causes states. If the centralized societies in this list are known to have developed states where they are, rather than migrating to capture them, this supports the Ricardian view. Further, if these states derived their wealth and power from their location relative to geographically-shaped trade routes, it is evidence that profitable trade routes were necessary for states to exist in these locations. I choose six of the most influential centralized states for case study evidence.
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  • Spring '17
  • JAMES FENSKE

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