The second level although having the river settlements as referent sought to

The second level although having the river

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The second level, although having the river settlements as referent, sought to raise the question of black people as an ethnic group, beyond what could be granted by the law. This level saw the development of a conceptualization of the notions of territory, development, and the social relations of black communities with the rest of Colombian society. This conceptualization took place in a dialogical process with a host of actors, including traditional black politicians linked to the liberal party, who attempted to manipulate the process to their own electoral advantage, and of course with the State. The negotiation with the government entailed a double effort of construction of agreements, between organizations and communities, on the one hand, and between these and the government, on the other. Given the forceful implementation of the neo-liberal opening of the economy and the growing currency of discussions on biodiversity and
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genetic resources at the time, these negotiations became ever more tense; while the government became more intransigent as its awareness of the capacity of their black interlocutors grew, the black organizing process gained in structure, experience, coordination and clarity of its rights. Government officials realized that the demands of the organizations went well beyond the desire for integration and racial equality as it had been maintained until then by other sectors of the black community. Besides, black organizations mounted a strategy of persuasion and consciousness raising among the delegates to the High Commission appointed by the government for the regulation of the AT 55. The entire process constituted a veritable social construction of protest (Klandermans 1992) that culminated with the approval by the Senate of the version of the law (Ley 70) negotiated with the communities. However, it is important to highlight that at this moment there were a variety of ideological and political tendencies among black organizations. The Third National Conference was convened in September of 1993 in the also predominantly black town of Puerto Tejada, south of Cali, in the Norte del Cauca region. With the attendance of more than 300 delegates, the Conference debated the politico-organizational situation of the black communities. At the time of the conference, black sectors linked to the traditional liberal and conservative parties, eager to capitalize on the unprecedented legal mechanisms on behalf of the black communities, began to adopt a discourse of blackness that usually did not go beyond the question of skin color. Recognizing the existence of these sectors and the diversity of the social movement of black communities, the Conference proposed a self- definition and characterization as
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a sector of the social movement of black communities composed of people and organizations with diverse experiences and goals, but united around a set of principles, criteria and objectives that set us apart from other sectors of the movement. In the same
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  • Fall '13
  • UNKNOWN
  • English

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