57 national anthem protests nationalism on social

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57 NATIONAL ANTHEM PROTESTS nationalism on social media, their examination was not tied to the intersection of athlete activism, social media, and the public response. Jackson (2014) examined the media responses to Tommie Smith, John Carlos, and Muhammad Ali’s activism during the 1960s, via framing. After Smith and Carlos raised their fist
58 NATIONAL ANTHEM PROTESTS to protest the treatment of black lives in America, over 40% of articles claimed that the athletes’ “behavior reflected a lack of respect and appreciation for their country and that any political philosophy that supported them was similarly un-American” (p. 75).” The media failed to report
59 NATIONAL ANTHEM PROTESTS on Peter Norman, the White ally on the podium next to Carlos and Smith. Similar to Smith and Carlos, Ali was vilified after his announcement that he was joining the Nation of Islam and boycotting the Vietnam War. Ali was considered ungrateful and un- American and especially condemned for using boxing as a tool to promote a political
60 NATIONAL ANTHEM PROTESTS ideology. Main stream media left out Ali’s post-fight press conferences where Ali would provide reporters with a great deal of information about Islam and its benefits to America and the world (Jackson, 2014). Athlete activism and social media The work of Muhammad Ali, John Carlos, Tommie
61 NATIONAL ANTHEM PROTESTS Smith, Billie Jean King, and many other athlete activists of the 1960s and 1970s are well documented (Agyemang, 2011; Agyemang, Singer, & DeLorme, 2010; Kaufman, 2008; Kaufman & Wolff, 2010; Schmittel & Sanderson, 2015). Athlete activists in the 1990s and 2000s fell
62 NATIONAL ANTHEM PROTESTS silent as pressures of winning, backlash from fans, financial consequences, and other barriers discouraged athletes from participating in activism (Agyemang et al., 2010; Cunningham & Regan, 2012; Kaufman, 2008). Agyemang et al. even noted Black male college athletes in the early
63 NATIONAL ANTHEM PROTESTS 2010s were cognizant of the 10 KAEP & RAP deeds of John Carlos and Tommie Smith, but are unwilling to engage in social justice or activism. However, today’s r esurgence in athlete activism may be in large part due to the presence of social media (Schmittel & Sanderson,
64 NATIONAL ANTHEM PROTESTS 2015). Schmittel and Sanderson noted the frequency of NFL players engaging in social commentary on Twitter after the George Zimmerman verdict. The authors suggested that social media might be a vehicle for Black and minority athletes to perform activism and social justice. Frederick, Sanderson, and Schlereth (2017) and
65 NATIONAL ANTHEM PROTESTS Sanderson et al. (2016) shifted the focus from athlete activists’ use of social media, to the conversation encompassing athlete activism on social media. In their examination of comments made to the University of Missouri’s official Facebook page following athlete protests in response to the
66 NATIONAL ANTHEM PROTESTS University’s handling of racial injustices on campus, Frederick et al. (2017) found that individuals discussed how college athletes were manufacturing racism and that they should not engage in activism due to its incompatibility with sport. The authors went on to say that comments were suggesting that

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