Susan philips examined the impact of such logic on

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those who do not are assigned differently. Susan Philips examined the impact of such logic on students at Warm Springs during the 1970s.17 Her research crucially showed that the interactional practices of teachers and Indian students differed considerably such that Indian students were frequently overlooked in the classroom and subsequently evaluated as underperforming and unsuccessful. More recently, Anthony Webster has detailed similar evaluative frames in relation to reviews and reflections of Navajo poets and their texts.18 In this issue, in particular, he details the ways that non-Navajo reviewers trivialize the creative and subtle tactics that Blackhorse Mitchell uses in Miracle Hill: The Story of a Navajo Boy (1967) to reflect on and complicate oppression (through boarding school experiences, for example) while realizing his own and his readers’ freedom through writing (aligning all of us in a “here” that is not “there”). As Webster shows, the non-Navajo critics miss such subtlety of expression because of their overwhelming (or overwhelmed) attention to the linguistic variety Mitchell chose for his composition.19 Again, we see Indian speakers being imagined as childlike, dysfluent, and subordinate. While in Watson Lake (Yukon Territory, Canada) working with First Nations children,one of the most salient changes I witnessed was the adjustment of these children’s speech styles to the style(s) used by Englishdominant, non-Indian teachers.20 Working as a volunteer, assisting the director and language teacher for one continuous year at the Aboriginal Head Start (AHS), I became intimately aware of some of the external challenges faced by First Nations administrators, teachers, and students. One of the challenges pertained to language. For AHS, this challenge appeared in the guise of English-language acquisition. Part of the AHS mission is to prepare young First Nations’ children for public school in terms of the temporal and linguistic regimentation of activities. The goal was to create“successful” students, ones who would complete high school. Another part of its mission is to promote Kaska language and culture. To do so, AHS hired a part-time language instructor and arranged visits by elders, albeit infrequently. Without an elaborated bilingual curriculum for instructional guidance or any substantial pedagogical approach, the program reflected the practices of other preschools, which were focused on learning colors, numbers, simple routines(for example, weather and greetings), arts and crafts, and English-language standards. Transitioning to the elementary school, the Kaska language focus became relegated to one class a day, which was optional by the first grade; the concern with speaking a standard variety of English became priceless. By the age of ten, the transformation to some standard variety was often complete. Coordinating these changes were the sentimental logics expressed by those, such as teachers, who were invested in the transformation. Working with the Kaska language teacher in the elementary school for more than one year

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