To make the ranking argument we need a loser that

•
To make the ranking argument, we need a loser that does better than the
winner on Ident(long) and worse than the winner on *Complex-Syllable.

2.3 Working through an Analysis in Phonology:
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STEP 2
•
This candidate is structurally distinct from *[la:n.hin], so it violates *C
unsyll
but
not *Complex-Syllable.
•
Since *[la:.n.hin] obeys Ident(long), it can serve as the basis for another
ranking argument..

2.3 Working through an Analysis in Phonology:
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STEP 2
Why include in this tableau?
Three factors are essential for valid ranking arguments: constraint conflict, a
winner~loser comparison, and no other constraint that could do the same job.
In general, whenever a constraint is introduced into an analysis, its potential
effects on all existing claims about ranking need to be considered.

2.3 Working through an Analysis in Phonology:
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STEP 2
*C
unsyll
over Ident(long) rests on knowing that *Complex-Syllable cannot do the
job of favoring the winner over *[la:.n.hin].

2.3 Working through an Analysis in Phonology:
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To check whether that hypothesis also accounts for these new cases of
shortening.

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To analyze final vowel
deletion.
Generalization

2.3 Working through an Analysis in Phonology:
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To analyze final vowel
deletion.
•
The ranking argument can contain two loser-favoring constraints and
still be valid.
•
Because of how Eval works, every loser-favoring constraint must be
dominated by some winner-favoring constraint.

2.3 Working through an Analysis in Phonology:
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To make sure that they do not affect either of the previous ranking of
arguments
Since neither *V# nor Max favors
a winner or a loser in those
arguments.

2.3 Working through an Analysis in Phonology:
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To make sure that they do not affect either of the previous ranking of
arguments
Since neither *V# nor Max favors
a winner or a loser in those
arguments.

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To make sure that they do not affect either of the previous ranking of
arguments

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To make sure that they do not affect either of the previous ranking of
arguments
•
The markedness constraints *Complex-Syllable
and *C
unsyll
define the conditions where final
vowel deletion is blocked.
•
*V# must be dominated by both of these
constraints.
•
The reason for including Max is that it also favors
the winner.
•
By including Max in the tableau, we verify that it’s
ranked too low to undermine the argument.

2.3 Working through an Analysis in Phonology:
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Ranking Summary

Two constraints on syllable well-formedness, *Complex-Syllable and *C
unsyll
, dominating
the markedness constraint *V# and, through it, the faithfulness constraint Ident(long).

The result is a triggering effect (shortening) and a blocking effect (final vowel deletion).