scope indication is to be formulated in a precise way it is an issue that one

Scope indication is to be formulated in a precise way

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scope indication is to be formulated in a precise way (it is an issue that one must not always skip). (65)a.* what did you see the man that bought? b._ you see the man that bought what?
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36Gisbert Fanselow and Caroline Féry(CNPC) interacts with the constraints that relate to movement features. In Basque, themovement triggering principles win over the CNPC; in English, it is just the other wayaround. The winner of the competition is thus (65b) (as suggested by Gereon Müller,p.c.). If we ignore a possible echo-interpretation, (65b) is then grammatical butgibberish: unless bound by a further wh-operator, wh-phrases must take scope over aproposition, that is, they must c-command a CP-node, which whatdoes not in (65b).The approach must also be able to capture wh-phrases in situ in languages likeChinese. In this context, the following seems called for: Movement is triggered bycertain formal features, and it may either displace the full phonetic matrix of the phraseaffected, or the set of formal features of the phrase only. The choice between these twooptions can be expressed in various ways (see Chomsky 1995, Nunes 2001, Fanselow& Cavar 2001), but a decision is involved which is not really crucial to our presentdiscussion. When such an abstract movement chain is created, its highest element mustc-command a propositional entity P. In other words, the formation of a movementchain (of which any element may be spelt out) must at least reach a position in whichthe highest element of the chain c-commands an IP node. The highest element H of thechain may be visible (as in English single questions) or invisible (as in Chinese). But ifH does not c-command an IP or a higher projection, the resulting structure isuninterpretable, while (in principle) grammatical. In (65b) the wh-phrase in situ couldundergo neither audible nor inaudible movement. (65b) is thus grammatical, but notinterpretable.This line of reasoning easily extends to the superiority case (50), and the otherscope-related facts introduced in this context. In a multiple question, the two questionoperators must be “brought together” in one way or the other. One may describe this interms of the “absorption” of an index in purely syntactic terms, or one may assume asemantic representation of (some) wh-words which contains a variable that may bebound by a different operator (see Hornstein 1995). We need not decide between theseoptions in order to find an analysis for (50). Due to a minimal link effect, (50a) will bethe winner of the abstract syntactic competition (rather than why did who come). In thiswinning candidate, the wh-features/indices of the element in situ (why) would have tobe linked to the wh-word in Spec,CP to be interpretable at all, but if words such as whyand howcannot be absorbed or bound, the resulting structure is uninterpretable (thoughgrammatical). Similar analyses are possible for (50b) in an obvious way.
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