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The neurotic desire for security is a manifestation of fascism—the desire to be repressed Seem 72(Anti-Oedipus, xvi. – xvii)//ADIn confronting and finally overturning the Oedipal rock on which Man has chosen to take his stand, Anti-Oedipus comes as a kind of sequel to another similar venture, the attack on Christ, Christianity, and the herd in Nietzsche's The AntiChrist. For who would deny, AntiOedipus begins, that psychoanalysis was from the start, still is, and perhaps always will be a well-constituted church and a form of treatment based on a set of beliefs that only the very faithful could adhere to, ie., those who believe in a security that amounts to being lost in the herd and defined in terms of common and external goals? But where do such beliefs originate? What are they based on? Forit isabsolutely hopeless to think in terms of security, as Miller states in Sexus; "there is none. The [person]manwho looks for security, even in the mind, islike a [person]manwho would chop off[their]hislimbsin order to have artificial ones which will give him no pain or trouble" (page 428).No pain, no trouble-this is the neurotic's dream of a tranquilizedand conflict-free existence. Such a set of beliefs, Deleuze and Guattari demonstrate, such a herd instinct, is based on the desire to be led, the desire to have someone else legislate life. Thevery desirethat was broughtso glaringly into focusin Europe withHitler, Mussolini, and fascism; the desire that is still at work, making us all sick, today.Anti-Oedipus starts by reviving Reich's completely serious question with respect to the rise of fascism: 'How could the masses be made to desire their own repression?' This is a question which the English and Americans are reluctant to deal with directly, tending too often to respond: "Fascism is a phenomenon that took place elsewhere, something that could only happen to others, but not to us; it's their problem." Is it though? Is fascismreally a problem for others to deal with? Even revolutionary groups deal gingerly with the fascisizing elements we all carry deep within us, and yet they often possess a rarely analyzed but overriding group 'superego' that leads them to state, much like Nietzsche's man of ressentiment, that the other is evil(the Fascist! the Capitalist! the Communist!), andhence that theythemselves are good. Thisconclusion isreached as an afterthought and a justification, a supremely self-righteous rationalization for a politics thatcan only "squint" at life, through the thick clouds of foul-smelling air that permeates secret meeting places and "security" councils. The man of ressentiment, as Nietzsche explains, "loves hiding places, secret paths and back doors, everything covert entices him as his world, his security, his refreshment; he understands how to keep silent, how not to forget, how to wait, how to be provisionally self-deprecating and humble."? Such a man, Nietzsche concludes, needs very much to believe in some neutral, independent "subject"-the ego-for he is prompted by an instinct of self-affirmation and self-preservation that cares little about preserving or affirming life, an instinct "in which every lie is sanctified.?" This is the realm of the silent majority. And it is into these back rooms,