2 I refer to India and Indonesia specifically because accounts of the changing

2 i refer to india and indonesia specifically because

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2. I refer to India and Indonesia specifically, because accounts of the changing media scene during the 1990s seem so remarkably similar to the Turkish case (Pendakur and Kapur 1997; Sen and Hill 2000; Rajagopal 2001). 3.Tsing (2000, 115) describes the 1990s decade in Indonesia as follows: "From the 4. There is a vast literature on Turkey's neoliberal turn. For an overview and exten- sive bibliography, see Cizre-Sakallıoglu and Yeldan 2000. On the rise of an "Islamic economy" during this period, see Bugra 1999, 1998; Öniş 1997. 5. For a discussion on the interaction of markets and politics in the transformation of the media scene during the 1990s decade in Turkey, see Öncü0; forthcoming. 6. The expressions within quotation marks are all direct translations from Turkish. That they sound so familiar reveals how rapidly catchphrases from the global language of neoliberalism were appropriated by Turkish journalists and entered into public dis- course as well as everyday language. 7. The paucity of research on the history of the Directory of Religious Affairs is remarkable. For a notable exception, see Tarhanli 1993. 8. What Langer (1998) describes as "the other news" or "tabloid news" has been main fare of prime time news programming since the mid-1990s in Turkey. 9. The concept of a "super-subject" was developed by Morse (1986). with specific reference to television news personalities. Although television producers use the word "magic" to describe Yaşr Nuri Öziirk's appeal to audiences, I prefer to avoid Weber s notion of charisma, used by Marshall (1999) to discuss the celebrity phenomenon in general. Morse's concept of a "super-subject" emphasizes the significance of direct ad- dress on television, in the subjective, conversational mode, which brings into play the powerful codes of equality and reciprocity in everyday talk. She suggests that when a super-subject speaks to me, the truth conditions or rules of verification of "secondary or mediated experience are suspended, and what he says assumes the paramount reality 248 Ayşe Öncü
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of direct experience. On how this is accomplished through visual signs, see Johansen 1999. 10. For a discussion of how Yaşar Nuri Öztürk's scholarly credentials set him apart, both from the notables of the state divinity establishment in Turkey (a closed community of scriptural scholarship) and also the publicly visible "Islamist intellectuals" whose antiestablishment "radical" rhetoric identifies them with political Islam, see Özcan 2000. 11. For three excellent books that offer grounded analyses of how Islam has pene- trated the public culture and everyday experience of the 1990s decade in Turkey, see Saktanber 2002; Navaro-Yashin 2002; and White 2002. For a broader comparative per- spective on politics of Islam in Turkey, see Zubaida (1996, 2000).
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