Liberalism as a mission of global justice further alienates states by

Liberalism as a mission of global justice further

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Western global powers. Liberalism as a mission of global justice further alienates states by ‘otherizing’ them and thereby emulating colonial epistemologies and practices. While opponents of liberalism thoroughly unearth liberalism’s Western origins and name the violence it launches on other states, they do not adequately locate the factors that continue to sustain liberal longevity . The two aforementioned positions on liberalism provide a helpful overview on the strengths as well as pitfalls of liberal ideology. I however believe that scholars who take a more critical standpoint on liberalism effectively consider its negative reverberations, which contradict aims of world peace and international cooperation. While it is arguable that liberalism, like any ideology, may contain fallacies, there is a marked distinction between “international cooperation” and “international cooperation with Western nation-states.” Thus, I concur with opponents who suggest that liberalism promotes colonial epistemologies and practices that distort the functions of perceived “weaker” entities rather than honoring their self-governance and interests. To expand this body of thought further, I identify the particular elements on which liberalism thrives: primitivism, patronization, and the manipulation of power. Identifying these elements will help contextualize the way liberalism, like White citizenry, has served to dislodge Black unification efforts and will further sustain my claim that liberalism is rooted in a colonial enterprise that maintains global White supremacy. In the sections below, I provide a timeline for the demise of the Pan-African Movement by first discussing the detriments of British colonization on Ghanaian infrastructure. The 1ac’s attempt to produce stable security environments relies on obsolete, ethnocentric theories of norm diffusion that foment and accelerate neo-imperial experimentation at home and abroad Barder 15 [Alexander D. Barder is a political scientist at Florida International University in the Department of Politics and International Relations, Empire Within , Routledge: London and New York, 2015, p. 128-131] The low-intensity warfare tactics of the cold war have found their way to the criminalized inner city .1 The latent guerilla warfare in disadvantaged banlieues could spread outside of them and become a civil war.2 Introduction As I argued in Chapter 1, much of international theory is predicated upon an understanding of certain boundaries, both conceptual and practical. International theorists typically attempt to differentiate the international from the set of intra-state interactions. Here we have the reification of a particular image of the bounded nineteenth-century European sovereign, each master of its own territory, projected back and forward in time – an aspect of what R. B. J. Walker calls the discourse of eternity. The domestic condition of hierarchy is contrasted with an international ahistorical condition of anarchy between states.
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  • Jeff Hannan
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