The source note for the data is not perfect but

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scaled. The source note for the data is not perfect, but adequate: it mis-titles the original source, and neglects to report the 2002 edition of the report (even though 2002 data is included in the graph).10One odd feature of the graph is that it pictures 8 years of annual data, yet seems to represent 21 distinct data points. Moreover, the pictured data points do not correspond to the actual points of inflection on the series (that is, the points along the line where the line “bends”). The relevance of the 21 data points is not clear: it is possible that the graph’s designer simply used a series of “dots” to picture the evolution of the series, but this is misleading (since a discrete dot usually represents a discrete data point).In measuring the average time for criminal proceedings, the original Court of Justice documents make an important distinction between days including bench warrants and days excluding bench warrants. Bench warrant days represent time expired while the accused has failed to appear in court (and hence presumably is being located by court and police officials). The changebookgraph shows average court time including bench warrant days, but fails to specify this. If bench warrant days are excluded (which may be more appropriate if the concern, as stated in the changebook, is the administration and “bureaucracy” of the court process, rather than the location and apprehension of accused), then average disposition time has decreased in recent years (to 169 days in 2010), not increased. In any event, given the two commonly-used data series, the graph should have specified which series was being pictured.As with Figure 12, the bigger question surrounding this graph is its relevance, rather than its visual presentation. No attempt is undertaken to provide spending over the 4 years. Using the area of the bars (i.e. the number of ambulances), the graph implies a 150% increase in health spending. In reality, the actual data suggests a cumulative 12.8% increase in health spending over 4 years. (That is not enough, of course, to keep up with health care inflation and population growth, thus implying a decline in real per capita health spending under the Hudak plan.) This graph thus overstates the promised increase in health care spending by about 12 times.Figure 12: Gas Tax (Page 23)This graph is a visual representation of the number of communities which are projected to receive provincial revenue-sharing under the Conservative party’s pledge to share gas tax revenue with all communities (not just those that operate transit or bus systems). At present, the graph claims, only 89 communities receive a share of that revenue. Under a Conservative government, 444 would receive revenue.The graph pictures the extension of revenue-sharing to those 355 extra communities through a stylized vertical highway. There is no y-axis scale, and no source for the underlying data. The graph is close to accurate in terms of visual proportions, but not precise: the number of communities grows by less than five-

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